"ID";"Abstract";"Discipline";"Type";"Year";"Author";"Title";"Journal"
1;"Previous research has paid much attention to citizen dissatisfaction and the trends of growing political disaffection, cynicism, and scepticism – in short, the emergence of ‘critical citizens’. Also, more recently, critical citizens have sometimes been viewed as an asset for democracy. However, despite both pessimistic and optimistic interpretations of public criticism, the issue of conceptualizing negative attitudes has received less attention. The present study was conducted to enrich understanding of this particular dimension of citizens’ attitudes. To this end, the paper suggests an alternative theoretical framework for analysing various forms of negative political orientations. The framework has been tested empirically using three types of statistical procedures, which demonstrate its validity and usefulness.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Abdelzadeh Ali & Ekman, Joakim";"Citizenship and Other Forms of Public Dissatisfaction: An Alternative Framework";"Politics, Culture and Socialization, Vol 3, No. 1-2, pp. 179-196"
2;"This book combines a focus on understanding social settings as loci for empowering intervention with a focus on understanding and giving voice to citizens. The book illuminates advances in theory and method relevant to changing a broad spectrum of social settings (including programs, organizations, institutions, communities, and social policy) from a strengths-based perspective. Three cross-cutting concepts—a strengths-based approach to research and social action, empowerment, and narrative research methods—serve as integrating and foundational themes. Part I takes up issues of setting processes and outcomes of influence, research methods, and implications for setting and community change efforts and social policy. Part II examines how action scientists have sought to understand and amplify the voices of those individuals and communities who serve as the focus of their research and social change actions. Finally, the chapters in Part III seek to situate the rest of the volume's chapters in the context of decades of work on empowering settings, giving voice and social change.";"ComPsy";"Book";2011;"Aber, M.S., Maton, K.I., Seidman, E., & Kelly, J.G.";"Empowering Settings and Voices for Social Change";
3;"A REVIEW OF THE EXTANT SOCIALIZATION LITERATURE SHOWS THAT BLACK SCHOOLCHILDREN TEND TO HAVE LOWER FEELINGS OF POLITICAL EFFECTIVENESS THAN WHITE CHILDREN. BLACK SCHOOLCHILDREN DID NOT DIFFER FROM WHITES IN LEVELS OF POLITICAL TRUST IN SURVEYS CONDUCTED BEFORE THE SUMMER OF 1967, BUT TENDED TO HAVE LOWER FEELINGS OF POLITICAL TRUST DURING & AFTER THAT SUMMER. 2 BASIC EXPLANATIONS FOR THESE RACIAL DIFFERENCES ARE CONSIDERED: (1) THEY COULD RESULT FROM SOCIAL-STRUCTURAL CONDITIONS THAT CONTRIBUTE TO LOW FEELINGS OF SELF-COMPETENCE AMONG BLACKS (THE SOCIAL DEPRIVATION EXPLANATION) & (2) THEY COULD RESULT FROM DIFFERENCES IN THE POLITICAL ENVIRONMENT IN WHICH BLACKS & WHITES LIVE (THE POLITICAL REALITY EXPLANATION). AN EVALUATION OF THE ASSUMPTIONS THAT UNDERLIE EACH EXPLANATION PROVIDES SOME SUPPORT FOR BOTH, ALTHOUGH ONLY THE POLITICAL REALITY EXPLANATION CAN ACCOUNT FOR THE TIME SERIES SHIFT IN FEELINGS OF POLITICAL TRUST";"PolScience";"JArticle";1972;"Abramson, Paul R.";"Political Efficacy and Political Trust Among Black Schoolchildren: Two Explanations";"The Journal of Politics, Vol. 34, No. 4, pp. 1243-1275"
4;"This paper starts with a conceptual analysis of active citizenship, based on a functional approach distinguishing four dimensions of citizenship. Active Citizenship for Democracy is described as a set of competencies and behaviours which are apt to fulfil these functions. A comprehensive framework on possible indicators both for competencies and for behaviour is laid down. The paper concentrates on the presentation of data and statistical methods in the course of constructing a composite indicator on active citizenship behaviour. Public data available from the following surveys is taken into account: Civic Education Study (IEA-CIVED), European Social Survey (ESS) Global Corruption Barometer (GCB) and Word Value Survey (WVS). As the authors don't see sufficient theoretical and empirical basis for developing a composite indicator on European active and democratic citizenship competencies, the paper presents two preliminary achievements. The paper finishes with a documentation on further research needs related to conceptual and statistical analysis as well as to the usage of indicators. (DIPF/DBS)";"Policy";"Other";2006;"Abs, H.J., & Ruud, V.";"Indicators on Active Citizenship for Democracy - the social, cultural and economic domain";
5;"Based on the analysis of the European Social Survey (2002), this study explores the nature of civic engagement and identifies three main dimensions: political activism (such as political party or political action group involvement or demonstrations), involvement in voluntary associations and political consumerism (boycotting, 'buycotting', and signing petitions). While political activism and associational involvement accords well with traditional studies of civic engagement, political consumerism points to a new pattern of political behaviour that has become popular in Europe in the past decade. Moreover, modelling the three dimensions of civic engagement demonstrates that the socio-demographic profile of these activists differ from each other. Particularly, political consumerism appeals more to people who have been traditionally regarded as less active, such as women, the young, and those living in urban areas. These findings suggest that political consumerism reduces the participation gap between different social groups and might carry important lessons for participative democracy.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Acik, Necla";"Reducing the participation gap in civic engagement: Political consumerism in Europe";"European Sociological Review 29 6 1309-1322"
6;"This book studies the implications for third-country nationals of the adoption of the Long-term Residence Directive. This Directive has the potential to become a subsidiary form of EU citizenship which escapes direct control by Member States. Hence, this Directive brings the prospect of transforming Member States’ control over the relationship between territory and population. In order to arrive at this conclusion, the book looks at its content and at the way in which Member States have implemented some of its most controversial articles. It then explores how the Court of Justice could interpret those articles, taking into account its previous jurisprudence on Turkish workers and EU citizens and calling into question the compliance of several national provisions with EU law.";"Policy";"Book";2011;"Acosta Arcarazo, D.";"The long-term Residence Status as Subsidiary form of EU citizenship (an analysis of Directive 2003/109)";
7;"The Active Citizenship Foundation and the DARE Network (Democracy and Human Rights Education in Europe) organized an international conference on the current situation and opportunities for active citizenship education, which took place in Budapest on November 11, 2010, and was supported by the Hungarian National Civil Fund, the European Commission (EC) and the Open Society Institute. Section one of the conference presented an overview of the latest international and European research that directly or indirectly measure the citizenship competencies and democratic attitudes of young people. The section also addressed the issue of the extent to which there is a universal concept of active citizenship in the countries of Europe. The second part of the conference discussed how the promotion of active citizenship fits into the framework of public education and education in general, what policy tools and training methods are necessary to enrich the world of schools and make citizenship education an integral part of it. Both the morning and the afternoon sections started with general welcome and introductory speeches followed by panel discussions.";"Policy";"Book";2010;"Active Citizenship Foundation & Democracy and Human Rights Education in Adult Learning";"A Europe of Active Citizens: Assessment, Policy Responses and Recommendations on Active Citizenship Education (Eds.)";
8;"Civic engagement refers to the ways in which citizens participate in the life of a community in order to improve conditions for others or to help shape the community’s future. This term has been used to date primarily in the context of younger people. But in the past few years, a new movement has emerged to promote greater civic engagement by older adults. This article begins by reviewing existing definitions of civic engagement and concludes that there is no single, widely agreed-upon meaning for the term. The second part of the article looks at attempts to measure how civic engagement is being practiced by Americans of different ages and finds that patterns of civic engagement differ dramatically between younger and older generations. The final part of the article describes some recent initiatives aimed at expanding the civic engagement of older adults.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Adler, R., & Goggin, J.";"What Do We Mean By Civic Engagement";"Journal of Transformative Education, Vol. 3, No 3, pp. 236-253"
9;"This paper starts from the assumptions that (1) the accession process of the ECE countries to the EU has by and large come to an end, and now, in the new period they have to focus on effective membership (the advantages of a common market, efficient national interest representation and proper absorption capacity of institutions) (2) the political leadership was very important in the accession negotiations and keeps its significance but in the second period effective membership will be possible only by the full participation of the population and through skillful policy-making in the EU policy universe as a whole, (3) the concept of early consolidation has been reconfirmed by the latest developments but some features of consolidation – first of all the attitudinal consolidation – has been lagging behind more persistently than was expected in the late 1990s when I elaborated the concept.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2004;"Agh, A.";"The Adolescence of East Central European Democracies: Europeanization as an Opportunity or Further Democratization";"Democracy and Market Economics in Central and Eastern Europe, pp. 3-35 (edited by T. Hayashi)"
10;"While a growing number of studies have been conducted on European identification, very few of them have examined how children form their sense of European identity. This article investigates the impact of individual- and school-level characteristics on children's formation of a European identity. Multi-level analyses of data from 2,845 pupils (aged 10–14) in 68 Belgian primary schools revealed that family socio-economic status (SES), ethnicity, gender and the school's SES make-up influence the extent to which children identify as European, age, religion and school sector do not. The study clarifies the importance of examining how children form their European identity.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Agirdag, O., Huyst, P., & Van Houtte, M. ";"Determinants of the Formation of a European Identity among Children: Individual‐and School‐Level Influences";"Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 50, No 2, pp. 198-213"
11;"This article engages with the understandings, responses and news viewing frameworks of young multi-ethnic, working-class Londoners following the war in Iraq and the so-called 'War on Terror'. Is television news itself viewed as a monolithic entity, either in its own right or as the mouthpiece of whichever regime is in power? Are some viewers more prone to accept the invitations of certain television news discourses than others, while some remain aloof, sceptical and critical? Based on a sustained qualitative analysis of audience research in East London, this article problematizes the often taken-for-granted answers to these questions. It urges a rethinking of simplistic assumptions about the connections between discourses on the TV screen and in the living room. It finds unusual gaps and connections between discourses used by politicians at given points in time and those that affect communities in their material and psychic life in particular places.";"Media";"JArticle";2008;"Al-Ghabban, Ammar";"Global Viewing in East London: Multi-ethnic Youth Responses to Television News.";"European Journal of Cultural Studies 10 (3): 311–326"
12;"This study investigates the relationship between sense of community, civic engagement and social well-being in a sample of Italian adolescents. Participants were 14-19 year-old high school students (N= 566) from two demographically distinct cities. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing sense of community, social well-being (Keyes, 1998), involvement in structured group activities (group membership) and civic engagement. Results showed that involvement in formal groups is associated with increased civic involvement and increased sense of community. Sense of community predicts social well-being and explains some of the association between civic engagement and social well-being. Findings suggest that, to increase social well-being, it is important to provide adolescents with more opportunities to experience a sense of belonging to the peers' group and promote prosocial behaviours in the community context.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Albanesi, C., Cicognani, E., & Zani, B.";"Sense of community, civic engagement and social well-being in Italian adolescents";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 17, No 5, pp. 387-406"
13;"We assume that emotions (anger, shame and hope) mediate the relationship between perceiving a discriminatory context and civic/political engagement. Results of a survey with 1242 participants (mean age 20.7 years, 53% men, 32.8% migrants) showed that such emotions play a different role according to the type of engagement and the population (native Italians versus migrants).";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Albanesi, C., Mazzoni, D., Cicognani, E., & Zani, B.";"Discriminatory Contexts, Emotions and Civic/Political Engagement among Native Italians and Migrants";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology (article first published online: 27 Aug. 2015)"
14;"Documenting the extraordinary potency and reach of the European backlash against multiculturalism, this essay provides a new theoretical model for explaining it. Rather than focusing primarily on demographic and institutional facts about Islamic immigration—such as education, wealth, participation and mobility—the author proposes a cultural-sociological approach that focuses on meanings and emotions as core issues for civil societies. As the demographic presence of Islamic immigrants has intensified, the anti-civil construction of Islamic qualities has led European masses, leaders and intellectuals, not only from the right but from the centre and left, to demand homogenizing assimilation. Representing public practices of Islam as threatening European democracy, newly restrictive citizenship tests have emerged alongside growing xenophobic political parties and newly threatening neo-fascist violence. Initially brought to Europe for economic and political reasons, the question has now become whether the children and grandchildren of Islamic immigrants can be incorporated into European civil society. The conflict is not over whether immigrants should be incorporated but over the grounds for doing so.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Alexander, J.C.";"Struggling over the mode of incorporation: Backlash against multiculturalism in Europe.";"Ethnic and Racial Studies, Vol. 37, No 11, pp. 531-556"
15;"Comparative study of five democracies regarding their characters of civil culture";"PolScience";"Book";1963;"Almond, Gabriel & Verba, Sidney";"The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five Nations";
16;"Citizenship excess is a political and media theory that explains ethno-racial inequality as the product of the nation-state and the political, cultural, and legal systems that sustain it. In particular, citizenship excess explains why Latinas/os in general and immigrant Latinas/os in particular are the target of so much ethnic resentment and hate by a large portion of the citizenry and by mainstream politicians, media, and law. I find the problem very complex and traditional racial explanations of why this is happening rather unsatisfactory. Traditional U.S. explanations ofrace, such as those put forward by Michael Omi and Howard Winant (1994), emphasize vertical racial hierarchies within nations. Their theory of racial formations would explain anti-Latino and anti-immigrant sentiment as a sort of pushing down of these communities with the goal of reproducing a vertical racial hierarchy with whites on top and the rest fighting for political crumbs. As in Omi and Winant’s explanation, citizenship excess starts with empirically verifiable vertical racial hierarchies in the United States, but it historicizes and theorizes these hierarchies in transnational terms, as hierarchies that are not strictly vertical: they are also about geography, about the difference between the here and there, about borders, about us-versus-them and the protection of the nation-state. Citizenship excess hence explains anti-Latino and anti-immigrant sentiment as both a pushing down (racism) and a pushing away (xenophobia) that accomplishes the goal of preserving the ethno-racial character of the nation-state. That is, citizenship excess is concerned with the ability of whites to claim a legitimate monopoly over the state. This ability is based in ideas of race that not only work internally (as vertical hierarchies) but are always embedded in transnational relations and politics because they originated in transnational relations and were used to justify internal and external colonialism. I call this theorycitizenship excess because it is the citizen who is the political actor within the nation-state, because citizenship is how we articulate the relationship of individuals to states, and therefore citizenship and its excess is how we express ethno-racial supremacy. To construct political legitimacy in today’s society requires media, and therefore citizenship excess is also a media theory that explains how media structures participate in the pushing down and the pushing away of Latinas/os. The pushing down is done by discriminating against Latino participation in mainstream media (discussed in chapter 5) and by foreclosing Latino participation in media narratives that problematize Latino life in the United States (discussed in chapters 3 and 6). As in politics, the pushing down secures the preservation of vertical ethno-racial hierarchies.2 The pushing away is accomplished in media through processes of ethnic and linguistic balkanization that separate Spanish-language media (SLM), the only segment of U.S. media that consistently serves Latinas/os, from mainstream media, which most Americans define in linguistic terms (discussed in chapters 2 and 4). The pushing away reconstructs the walls that stop access of Latinas/os to traditional ethno-racially white media, hence making it practically impossible for Latinas/os to participate in the majority’s public sphere. Both the discrimination (pushing down) and balkanization (pushing away) of Latinas/os secure the supremacy of ethno-racially white interests in political cultures and over the state.";"SocPhil";"Book";2013;"Amaya, Hector";"Citizenship excess : Latinas/os, media, and the nation";
17;"Insights into the development of civic values, attitudes, knowledge, skills and behaviours are greatly demanded by adults worried about a seemingly steady decline in the societal interest of their offspring. Hence, the collection of studies in this special issue on civic engagement in adolescence is not only timely and enlightening, but it also has the potentials to contribute to research in different disciplines on various dimensions, mechanisms and normative models of civic engagement. The studies reveal some promising attempts to bring civil themes into the field of adolescent development. However, to overcome some conceptual, methodological and empirical shortcomings, future developmental studies in the area need to be substantially improved by considering cultural and institutional conditions, by focussing on processes across various everyday life contexts, by merging theories from different disciplinary fields, by conceptualizing adolescents as changeable subjects, and by delineating untested and unwarranted normative assumptions.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Amnå, E.";"How is civic engagement developed over time? Emerging answers from a multidisciplinary field.";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 611-627"
18;"What shall we do with our youths? This seems to be a most frequent asked question by adults throughout history. What shall we do with the youths and our democracies? This is the more specific topic of this statement. Feelings of distrust in the youth recently have been shown in association with a series of protests in many European cities during the last years, where youths – and adults – often peacefully, sometimes violently are demonstrating their disrespect for the democratic leadership. The parents are confused, worried, and, indeed, even disappointed about their offspring regarding their civic and political involvement. The youths are even blamed for the weaknesses of our democracies. But before we answer what ‘we’ shall do with our daughters and sons, let us see what they actually do: How is their civic engagement manifested? Where and how is their political participation developed? In our collaborative research group of psychologists, media researchers and political scientists we follow 10.000 13-30 year olds plus two of their best friends and their parents over six years (www.oru.se/yes). Four diverse patterns of adolescents’ and young adults’ orientations towards civic engagement and political participation have been revealed.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2010;"Amnå, E.";"Active, passive and standby citizens? Latent and manifest political participation.";"New Forms of Citizen Participation: Normative Implications, pp. 191-203 (edited by E. Amnå)"
19;"A multidisciplinary, longitudinal seven-year research program at Örebro University will take place with support from Riksbankens Jubileumsfond. After decades of a silence, the research field on political socialization now is undergoing revitalization. A number of important studies have been published and there has been an intensification of the theoretical debate, stimulated partly by contemporary changes in political culture and social institutions. There are, however, limitations that can be identified in research. Together they raise at least eight challenges our research program systematically will approach.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Amnå, E., Ekström, M., Kerr, M., & Starrin, H.";"Political socialization and human agency: The development of civic engagement from adolescence to young adulthood";"Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, Vol. 111, No 1, pp. 27-40"
20;"The current debate on political participation is bound to a discussion about whether citizens are active or passive. This dichotomous notion is nurtured by an extensive normative debate concerning whether passivity is an asset or a threat to democracy, and it is especially manifest in studies of young people's political orientations. Drawing on this discussion, the present study goes beyond the dichotomy by keeping political interest conceptually separate from participation in order to improve our understanding of political passivity. Multivariate cluster analysis of empirical data on Swedish youth suggests that we need to consider three distinctive forms of 'political passivity'. In the paper we present empirical evidence not only of the existence of a particular 'standby citizen', but also of two kinds of genuinely passive young people: unengaged and disillusioned citizens. Alongside active citizens, these people are in distinctly different categories with regard to their political behavior. This entails a new analytical framework that may be used to analyze an empirical phenomenon that has received surprisingly little attention in the literature on political participation and civic engagement.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2013;"Amnå, Erik & Ekman, Joakim";"Standby citizens: diverse faces of political passivity";"European Political Science Review, Vol 6, No. 2, pp.261-81"
21;"Research on young people's political socialization has had an adult-centered top?down bias in which young people are considered incomplete and in need of the right upbringing. The article attempts to balance this bias. The aim is to introduce and argue for another normative approach ? situational political socialization. Four theoretical elements constitute its basis: (1) the political, (2) contingency (the principle of the public sphere), (3) space and place, and (4) situation. In the contingent western digital media society marked by cultural dissemination, individualism, and the erosion of traditional institutions, situational political socialization represents a normative basis for a research approach which is open, action-oriented and contextualized, viewing young people as political actors in their own right.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Andersson, Erik";"Situational political socialization: a normative approach to young people's adoption and acquisition of political preferences and skills";"Journal of Youth Studies 18 8 967-983"
22;"This article reports on the early lessons from a multiphase, multimethod study of youth civic engagement. We use insights from expert discussions along with a series of focus groups to explore how young adults approach politics, volunteerism, community, civic duty, and generational identity. We find many of the distinguishing characteristics of the today's youth to be subtle and nuanced, which poses unique challenges for quantitative research of the generation. The important implications of language are discussed in detail.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Andolina, M., Jenkins, K., Keeter, S., & Zukin, C.";"Searching for the Meaning of Youth Civic Engagement: Notes From the Field";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 189-195"
23;"Civic engagement among America's youth is a hot topic--and not solely in the world of academia. Government officials, non-profit agencies, and grassroots organizations have spent considerable time and energy trying to spur participation among the post-Generation X cohort of youth. Candidates have created websites promoting youth understanding of political issues. State governments have established volunteer requirements for high school graduation. Activist organizations have targeted young adults for voter registration and get-out-the-vote drives. Others have asked youth to sign e-mail petitions or participate in boycotts. This research suggest that their work may be paying off. Using two new data sources, we demonstrate how organizations and schools, along with families, play key roles in spurring the participation of today's 15-25 year olds. Habits formed at home, lessons learned at school, and opportunities offered by outside groups all positively influence the civic engagement of youth.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Andolina, M., Jenkins, K., Zukin, C., & Keeter, S.";"Habits from Home, Lessons from School: Influences on Youth Civic Engagement";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 275-280"
24;"At a time when public debates about radicalization of Muslim youth in the West are taking center stage and when questions about ?home-grown? security threats are increasing in the wake of a number of terrorist attacks in many émigré societies, this article provides fresh empirical insights from the perspective of religious leadership. It outlines a picture of a highly diverse Muslim religious landscape where competing religious discourses are struggling to attract and support Muslim youth facing social dislocation and identity crises within increasingly contested social milieus. The article argues that a typology of religious leadership is clearly emerging where a spectrum of faith-based orientations and religious practice emphasize, to different degrees, notions of attachment to universal ethics and individual agency. The fact that conservative, sometimes radical, interpretations of such contestations represent a minority of voices is heartening even though the actual damage by such minority is often disproportionate to its actual size within the so-called silent majority. The empirical insights provided by the religious leaders interviewed for this study offer hope that the future of Western Muslims is more positive than we are led to think, if the possibility of combining devout faith with local political engagement becomes a real and sustainable conduit towards social inclusion and intercultural understanding and if necessary support and understanding are extended by the host communities.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Andre, Virginie, Mansouri, Fethi, Lobo, Michele";"A Fragmented Discourse of Religious Leadership in France: Muslim Youth between Citizenship and Radicalization";"Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 35 2 296-313"
25;"Inspired by the recent wave of global protests, this paper seeks to empirically investigate the role and interaction of a burgeoning young population and the penetration of information and communications technology (ICT) in explaining the onset and diffusion of antigovernment demonstrations. Employing a cross-national global analysis between the years 1995 and 2011, we find that youth bulges and ICT affect protest activities in a more complicated and nuanced manner than the conventional wisdom suggests. The proliferation of anti-government protests is multiplicatively heightened when the enhanced technological means of protest are fused with the structural and opportunity-based conditions often witnessed in countries with large youth bulges. In contrast, we do not find that either of our variables of interest affects the probability of the outbreak of protests, which is rather explained by more contextual factors. A nuance in our results pertaining to the prevalence of protests suggests that it is the proliferation of technology that is more important than demographic factors. This suggests that those communication mediums, more likely to be used by younger generations, have worked to successfully amplify calls for mobilization even when those cohorts are otherwise smaller in size.";"Media";"JArticle";2014;"Ang, Adrian U., Dinara, Shlomi & Lucas, Russell E.";"Protests by the young and digitally restless: the means, motives, and opportunities of anti-government demonstrations";"Information, Communication & Society, Vol. 17, No. 10, pp. 1228-1249"
26;"The aim of this research is to examine the effects of an intervention, focusing on the development of political empowerment, with university students. Undergraduates were randomly assigned to one of two conditions (intervention/ control) and were surveyed at two time points: before implementation of the intervention and upon completion of the intervention (or the equivalent two semester period). ANCOVA analyses reveal that individuals who participated in the empowering intervention had increased feelings of political commitment and a decreased sense of political efficacy compared to individuals who were randomly assigned to a waiting list/control group. Finally, limitations of this study are discussed and suggestions for future research are presented.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Angelique, H.L., Reischl, T.M., Davidson II, W.S.";"Promoting political empowerment: Evaluation of an intervention with university students";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 30, No 6, pp. 815-833"
27;"To assess the scope of analyses of social power in community psychology (CP), we examined articles published in the American Journal of Community Psychology and Journal of Community Psychology from their inception in 1973 through 2010 for reference to the concept ""power."" We discovered two historical points, 30 years apart, where power gained attention: early in the development of the field as it moved away from individualized notions of mental health and more recently as attention has shifted toward psycho-political considerations. Despite the belief that power has been neglected in favor of its linguistic relative, ""empowerment,"" we found that scholarship spanned ecological levels, including individual (e.g., empowerment, referent power, and citizen participation), group (e.g., communities and organizations/institutions), and structural (e.g., macro concepts and marginalized statuses) analyses. By synthesizing scholarship on power in CP, we can provide a foundation from which to expand the field and effect social change.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Angelique, H.L., Rodriguez, R., Culley, M.R., Brown, R., Binette, A.J.";"(Em-)Powering community psychology through an examination of social power";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 41, No 6, pp. 725-742"
28;"Understanding youth's perceptions of their civic skills is important for enriching the lives of youth as well as society. This study explored the relationship between civic attitudes, leadership skills, and ethnic identity in Northwest Georgia schools using two measures, the Civic Attitudes and Skills Questionnaire (CASQ) and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). In sharp contrast with Georgia school demographics, these schools are predominately Latino/a. Within our sample population (N=1000), we expected that Latino/a students would score higher on both measures compared with Caucasian students based on research, which suggests that a strong ethnic identity is related to social justice concerns. On the contrary, Caucasian students scored higher on 4/6 domains of the CASQ. On the MEIM, Latino/a students scored lower than Caucasian students on both subscales. However, Latino/a students scored significantly higher than Caucasian students on items relating to participation in cultural activities. Our results suggest that Caucasian students perceived community-wide action and leadership as their civic strengths, whereas Latino/a students reported civic action limited to their cultural group and expressed less confidence in leadership skills. This has implications for designing programs to promote civic engagement in youth. There is no ?one size fits all? approach to engendering civic learning and action.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Anglin, Ashley Elizabeth, Johnson-Pynn, Julie S., Johnson, Laura Renee";"Ethnic identity and civic attitudes in Latino and Caucasian youth";"Journal of Youth Studies 15 5 621-643"
29;"What is the function and the action of volunteerism in civil society related to the contemporary society, its values and needs? The volume collects contributions of psychologists who do research and training, but also act in the sphere of volunteerism and civil society. The series of research examines who is the volunteer today, how is the volunteering experience positioned in civil society and in the relational and organizational lives of the subject. The focus is on the network of social ties and on the relationship citizen-community-organization.";"ComPsy";"Book";2004;"Arcidiacono, C.";"Volontariato e legami collettivi. Bisogni di comunità e relazione reciproca";
30;"In order to explain people's action in the community to which they feel they belong (Arcidiacono, 2006, Brodsky, 2006, De Piccoli & Tartaglia, 2006), this study investigates the power perception in relation to the local community, based on two studies of Neapolitan youths. Both research projects, one with 101 participants and the other with 600 participants, looked at youth community belonging, respectively focusing on problems connected to youth unemployment, on related resources (Arcidiacono, Sommantico, & Procentese, 2001), and finally on youth planning of future actions in the community (Arcidiacono, Di Napoli, & Sarnacchiaro, submitted). A reinterpretation of the categories emerging from these studies was carried out, by first adopting the grounded theory methodology and subsequently the Prilleltensky (in press) approach of a greater conceptualization within the power frame. The classification undertaken suggests that the perception of a lack of youth power is closely linked to their expectations for the local community. A lack of individual and social power, rage and hopelessness is the core evidence among our interviewees. Powerlessness firstly denies empowerment, thus it is as if young people distance themselves from the context. The assumption of this perspective opens new paths through which promoting empowerment processes.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Arcidiacono, C., Procentese, F., & di Napoli, I.";"Youth, community belonging, planning and power";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 17, No 4, pp. 280-295"
31;"After the publication of The Origins of Totalitarianism in 1951, Hannah Arendt undertook an investigation of Marxism, a subject that she had deliberately left out of her earlier work. Her inquiry into Marx’s philosophy led her to a critical examination of the entire tradition of Western political thought, from its origins in Plato and Aristotle to its culmination and conclusion in Marx. The Promise of Politics tells how Arendt came to understand the failure of that tradition to account for human action. From the time that Socrates was condemned to death by his fellow citizens, Arendt finds that philosophers have followed Plato in constructing political theories at the expense of political experiences, including the pre-philosophic Greek experience of beginning, the Roman experience of founding, and the Christian experience of forgiving. It is a fascinating, subtle, and original story, which bridges Arendt’s work from The Origins of Totalitarianism to The Human Condition, published in 1958. These writings, which deal with the conflict between philosophy and politics, have never before been gathered and published. The final and longer section of The Promise of Politics, titled “Introduction into Politics,” was written in German and is published here for the first time in English. This remarkable meditation on the modern prejudice against politics asks whether politics has any meaning at all anymore. Although written in the latter half of the 1950s, what Arendt says about the relation of politics to human freedom could hardly have greater relevance for our own time. When politics is considered as a means to an end that lies outside of itself, when force is used to “create” freedom, political principles vanish from the face of the earth. For Arendt, politics has no “end”, instead, it has at times been–and perhaps can be again–the never-ending endeavor of the great plurality of human beings to live together and share the earth in mutually guaranteed freedom. That is the promise of politics.";"SocPhil";"Book";2005;"Arendt, H.";"The promise of politics";
32;"The Human Condition, reviewed here in summary form, emphasised the vita activa and distinguished between three fundamental activities, labor, work and action, distinguishing the ""human condition"" from ""human nature"", the latter existing within human beings, the former between. The vita activa, or active life, is necessarily distinguished by what has been more popular in the western philosophical tradition which concentrated on vita contemplativa (contemplative life). Famously Arendt refused to describe herself as a philosopher precisely because of the historical attachment of that discipline to contemplativa, Arendt (to use the Platonic philosophical language which she targets) attended to the world temporary 'appearances', rather than the world of eternal 'forms'. For her, life was to be lived with others in the practical tasks of common activity i.e., praxis.";"EduHist";"Book";1998;"Arendt, H.";"The human condition";
33;"Drawing on Ulrich Beck’s theory of ‘‘freedom’s children’’, the present contribution examines contemporary concerns about educating young people for citizenship as well as educating them about citizenship. Under the first theme, the author focuses on the citizen as learner, highlighting some of the gender- and class-related inequalities that are typically associated with individualisation. Under the second theme, she looks at the learner as citizen in view of the fact that citizenship education courses often prepare learners for a gender-divided world – even though the processes of individualisation have themselves significantly reshaped contemporary gender relations. In light of current challenges facing citizenship education, the study concludes by reflecting on gender-related dimensions of individualisation and their implications for democracy and the learner-citizen.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2006;"Arnot, M.";"Freedom’s Children: A Gender Perspective on the Education of the Learner-Citizen";"International Review of Education, Vol. 52, pp. 67-87."
34;"Civic identity is presented as a key construct for understanding adolescent development. We argue that high-poverty, urban neighborhoods make it difficult for youth to develop civic identities. Hypotheses regarding the effects of poverty and urbanicity on the development of civic identity are tested in analyses of the National Household Education Survey of 1999. Results from the analyses demonstrate that youth from urban neighborhoods are less likely than their suburban and rural counterparts to participate in community service. In addition, youth in poor neighborhoods have lower levels of civic knowledge and are less politically tolerant than youth in affluent neighborhoods.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Atkins, R., & Hart D.";"Neighborhoods, Adults, and the Development of Civic Identity in Urban Youth";"Applied Develomental Science, Vol. 7, No 3, pp. 156-164"
35;"Suggests that in most Western European countries, the concept of nation emerged as a consequence of preceding economic, social, cultural, and political developments. In Eastern European countries, national unity was formed as a desire, but was lacking some of the Western foundations. 90 Slovak majority university students, 65 Slovak minority students, 42 British majority students, and 25 British minority students completed a questionnaire of semantic differentials for ethnic concepts. Results confirm the Western-Eastern differences.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";1993;"Bačová, V.";"Influence of Eastern-Western European state citizenship and ethnic majority-minority membership on the perceiving of ethnic concepts.";"Studia Psychologica, Vol 35, No 4-5, pp. 288-289"
36;"A mixed methods approach was used to explore dimensions of sociopolitical development of youth in El Salvador. Photovoice was used to engage 2 groups of adolescents from a rural village to document and discuss their community. Using previous theory and models of sociopolitical development as a guide, themes were identified to inform the development of a quantitative measure we call sociopolitical consciousness. New and preexisting items were combined to create a measure that reflected the themes from the qualitative data. The resulting measure was completed by 682 Salvadoran high school students across 3 different community contexts, 7 factors were subsequently identified representing both individual and collective dimensions of sociopolitical consciousness. The study demonstrates how a contextualized research process can facilitate a synergy between the emic and etic dimensions of sociopolitical development.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Baker, A.M., & Brookins, C.C.";"Toward the development of a measure of sociopolitical consciousness: Listening to the voices of Salvadoran youth ";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 42, No 8, pp. 1015-1032"
37;"Young people engaging in graffiti are often portrayed as the anti-thesis of the ?good citizen?. As politicians and the media fight the ?war on graffiti?, these young people are tagged as criminals and misfits, overlooking the ways this arts practice reclaims their ability to tell stories and unhinge traditional ways of practicing citizenship. Using ideas from Michelle Fine et al.?s social psychology of spatiality as a conceptual lens, this paper explores the tensions, contradictions and binaries these young people find themselves caught between, particularly, art or vandalism, professional or amateur, artist or criminal, and legitimate or illegitimate citizens as young people and transgressors of ?normal behaviour? in public spaces. Using multiple methods, including ?hanging out? and participatory visual methods, this study explores how young graffiti artists? experiences in and out of a legal ?street art? programme, speak back to ?normative? conceptualisations of citizenship. Their experiences of differential belonging and contested citizenship, which are played out in public spaces (and beyond), highlight the importance of alterative arts programmes and the creation of sanctioned spaces in negotiating young people?s ?right to the city?.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Baker, Alison Mary";"Constructing citizenship at the margins: the case of young graffiti writers in Melbourne";"Journal of Youth Studies 18 8 997-1014"
38;"The role of traditional media and the Internet in relation to young people’s political participation has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. Starting from a notion of differential media use and an encompassing notion of political participation, this article tests the relationships between media use (newspaper, television, and Internet) and offline and online forms of political participation. Findings from a national survey (n = 2,409, age 16 to 24) reveal that a variety of Internet uses are positively related with different forms of political participation, whereas the relationship between most uses of traditional media and participation are weak, albeit positive. The study rejects the predictive power of duration of media use but finds support for the type of media use. Positive relationships between online communication and noninformational uses of the Internet vis-à-vis participation are found. The research demonstrates how a wider and more contemporary conception of political participation, together with more detailed measures of media use, can help to gain better insight in the roles media can play in affecting participatory behavior among the Internet generation.";"Media";"JArticle";2011;"Bakker, T. P., & De Vreese, C. H";"Good news for the future? Young people, Internet use and political participation. ";"Communication Research, 38, 4, 451–470"
39;"First published in French in 2010, Equaliberty brings together essays by Étienne Balibar, one of the preeminent political theorists of our time. The book is organized around equaliberty, a term coined by Balibar to connote the tension between the two ideals of modern democracy: equality (social rights and political representation) and liberty (the freedom citizens have to contest the social contract). He finds the tension between these different kinds of rights to be ingrained in the constitution of the modern nation-state and the contemporary welfare state. At the same time, he seeks to keep rights discourse open, eschewing natural entitlements in favor of a deterritorialized citizenship that could be expanded and invented anew in the age of globalization. Deeply engaged with other thinkers, including Arendt, Rancière, and Laclau, he posits a theory of the polity based on social relations. In Equaliberty Balibar brings both the continental and analytic philosophical traditions to bear on the conflicted relations between humanity and citizenship.";"SocPhil";"Book";2014;"Balibar, Etienne";"Equaliberty : political essays";
40;"In the wake of previous reflections on the antinomies of citizenship—which derive both from the tension between an ‘insurrectional’ logic of equal liberty and a ‘constitutional’ project of building a community of citizens, and more recently from the conflict between (national) social citizenship and neoliberal forms of global governance—this paper focuses on problems of ‘representation’ and ‘agency’ linked to the idea of democratizing democracy itself. It will try in this sense to propose a more specific determination to the idea of an unfinished, although contingent, history of citizenship in the modern world.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Balibar, Etienne";"The ""Impossible"" Community of the Citizens: Past and Present Problems";"Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 30 3 437-449"
41;"Borders are never purely local institutions, never reducible to a simple history of conflicts and agreements between neighboring groups and powers. Borders are already global, ways of dividing the world into regions and thus make possible place and a 'mapping imaginary'. Borders are characterized by an intrinsic ambivalence that derives from their internal and external functions, as the basis of collective belonging and state control over mobility and territory. The construction of political space takes place through modes of translation between inside and outside that the border signifies.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Balibar, Etienne";"At the Borders of Citizenship: A Democracy in Translation?";"European Journal of Social Theory 13 3 315-322"
42;"The discussion in this paper moves through three stages. In the first the relation of political spaces and borders to citizenship is interrogated, in the second, notions of deterritorialization and reterritorialization are examined in relation to ideas of the material constitution of Europe, and, in the third section it returns to the issue of citizenship and its relation to cosmopolitanism. Rather than being a solution or a prospect, Europe currently exists as a 'borderland' and this raises a number of issues that need to be confronted.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Balibar, Etienne";"Europe as Borderland";" 27 2 190-215"
43;"In this article, the author discusses two aspects of the representation of ""Europe"" as a historical subject that are bound to prove controversial: its relationship to universality, and the conditions of its becoming democratic as a polity. The paradox of ""European identity"" is that it conceived of itself as the particular site of the invention of the universal and its revelation to the world. A dialectics of recognition through the confrontation with the Other was always involved (above all in the colonial form), but it must pass now from projection to exposure to alterity. In that way a planetary construction of the universal can include a decisive contribution from Europe as one of its ""provinces."" Democratizing democracy itself via the invention of a trans-national ""co-citizenship"" would be an element of this contribution. This is the object of a ""material constitution"" of Europe already on its way, but still lacking a clear representation of its ""constituent power."" Debates on the absence of a European demos and the positive conditions for a federal government have shown that it will require a deconstruction of the notion of ""sovereignty of the people,"" separating its insurgent dimension from its function as a legitimation of the monopoly of violence, which was closely associated in nation-states with the legal guarantee of individual subjective rights.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Balibar, Etienne";"Ideas of Europe: Civilization and Constitution";"Iris 1 1 42080"
44;"In We, the People of Europe?, Balibar expands on themes raised in his previous works to offer a trenchant and eloquently written analysis of ""transnational citizenship"" from the perspective of contemporary Europe. Balibar moves deftly from state theory, national sovereignty, and debates on multiculturalism and European racism, toward imagining a more democratic and less state-centered European citizenship. Although European unification has progressively divorced the concepts of citizenship and nationhood, this process has met with formidable obstacles. While Balibar seeks a deep understanding of this critical conjuncture, he goes beyond theoretical issues. For example, he examines the emergence, alongside the formal aspects of European citizenship, of a ""European apartheid,"" or the reduplication of external borders in the form of ""internal borders"" nurtured by dubious notions of national and racial identity. He argues for the democratization of how immigrants and minorities in general are treated by the modern democratic state, and the need to reinvent what it means to be a citizen in an increasingly multicultural, diversified world. A major new work by a renowned theorist, We, the People of Europe? offers a far-reaching alternative to the usual framing of multicultural debates in the United States while also engaging with these debates.";"SocPhil";"Book";2004;"Balibar, Etienne";"We, the people of Europe? : reflections on transnational citizenship";
45;"Participating in civic life is an important developmental task of adolescence and a central tenet of democracy. What motivates diverse youth in the United States to become involved in civic life? Using a mixed-method and person-centered approach, the authors (1) identified subgroups of participants based on their motivations for political and nonpolitical volunteering and (2) explored differences in civic motivations by ethnic and immigration backgrounds among Asian and Latino adolescents. Using latent class analysis, the authors identified four classes of motivation for political (n = 414) and nonpolitical volunteer (n = 1,066) activities: helping identity, instrumental, personal issue, and weak motivation. Overall, first- and second-generation Latino and Asian youth and nonimmigrants showed more similarities than differences in civic motivations. Survey and interview data revealed that youth from immigrant backgrounds were more motivated to volunteer by instrumental reasons compared to nonimmigrants. Qualitative analyses also revealed that immigrant youth from Mexican backgrounds were mobilized around issues of immigration reform whereas youth from Asian backgrounds were concerned with issues in their local communities.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Ballard, P.J., Malin, H., Porter, T.J.Colby, E., & Damon, W.";"Motivations for Civic Participation Among Diverse Youth: More Similarities than Differences";"Research in Human Development, Vol. 12, No 1-2, pp. 63-83"
46;"The topic of civic engagement has come to the forefront of many recent discussions about the positive and healthy development of youth. Researchers and practitioners writing about youth civic engagement agree that civic engagement has short- and long-term benefits for youth and for society. These benefits have been discussed in terms of youth psychological well-being, academic achievement, and contributions to the social and political fabric of the country, including the promotion of civil society. Despite the general support across the past few decades for civic endeavors involving young people, such support has been largely absent for youth living in communities deprived of opportunities for civic experience or composed of critical masses of youth and adults willing to become civically engaged. This article discusses the benefits of youth civic engagement for youth and societies and the nature and role of contemporary social impediments to youth civic engagement in the United States.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Balsano, A.B.";"Youth Civic Engagement in the United States: Understanding and Addressing the Impact of Social Impediments on Positive Youth and Community Development";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 9, No 4, pp. 188-201"
47;"In much academic and policy literature about civic engagement, regardless of their political or social circumstances, youth across the globe are enjoined to engage in all the activities thought good for them in order to qualify for the moral label 'good citizens'. Voting, watching the news, party activism, sending emails to government websites, attending meetings in the town hall, volunteering, or addressing envelopes for civic organisations are examples of the kinds of activities most often highlighted. In this discourse, distrust and dissatisfaction, however legitimate, as well as group anger, cynicism and unsanctioned protest, are seen as being in conflict with proper 'civic pathways'. The 'political' is primarily configured as pertaining to elections and government, and civic is the implicitly pro-social and conformist field within which future citizens are educated for political engagement. By the same token, when it is not straightforwardly about a 'passport' which represents a set of rights and duties, citizenship appears to become a kind of etiquette, whereby 'members' communicate with their 'elected representatives' and regardless of the outcome of their interest and action, continue to be motivated and interested in the actions of 'their' government. But how do such academic and policy conceptualisations of 'the good citizen' and 'civic action' map onto the real lives of young people? Based on a case study of responses to young people's activism following the start of the 2003 war in Iraq, as well as on the initial findings of the European project about young people, civic participation and the internet, Civicweb, running from 2006 to 2009, this paper engages speculatively with questions such as the following. What kinds of political actions are in fact being encouraged by those who complain that youth are in deficit when it comes to the political and civic realm and, in contrast, what are young people doing in this realm? Is all 'civic action' necessarily benign and desirable, or is it merely constructed in this normative manner rhetorically, in order to emphasise an ideal or pro-social version of democratic citizenship? And, more controversially, could apathy, a refusal to vote, civil disobedience, and/or mass resistance to government policies be more democratic alternatives than state-sanctioned or authoritarian 'civic' action?";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Banaji, S.";"The trouble with civic: a snapshot of young people's civic and political engagements in twenty-first-century democracies";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 11, No 5, pp. 543-560"
48;"Amid growing concern about young people's apparent lack of interest and involvement in politics and civil society, many have looked to the Internet for the solution to the problem of “civic disconnection.” But does the Internet really help to overcome young people's feelings of exclusion, apathy, and lack of motivation, thus improving prospects for democratic citizenship? This article provides an overview of key findings from a pan-European project that set out to address this issue. The CivicWeb project involved three main forms of investigation.First, it looked at the range of websites that seek to promote civic and political participation among young people, particularly focusing on the technological affordances, pedagogies, and ideologies in play on such sites. Second, it explored whether and how young people are involved in civic action on- and offline, their general and specific motivations, and the constraints on their participation. Finally, it addressed issues from the perspective of producers: how might organizations with varying aims and funding models use the Web more effectively to promote civic education, engagement, and action among a broader spectrum of young people? This paper provides an overview of the cross-cutting findings from surveys and textual case studies of youth civic websites in seven European countries, surveys and focus groups with several thousand young people, and in-depth interviews with 85 civic website producers. The conclusions provide challenges to many current orthodoxies about young people, about the Internet, and about civic participation.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Banaji, S., & Buckingham, D.";"Young People, the Internet, and Civic Participation: An Overview of Key Findings from the civicweb Project";"International Journal of Learning and Media, Vol. 2, No 1, pp. 15-24"
49;"This paper takes as its focus discourses about young people, intercultural citizenship, voice and participation on a range of youth civic websites surveyed during the project CivicWeb. This was a 3-year, seven-country European Commission funded study of young people, the Internet and civic participation. Specifically, it calls upon evidence from qualitative case studies of three contemporary civic websites in Britain, the ""UK Youth Parliament"", ""European Youth Portal"" and ""MuslimYouth.Net"", including textual analysis as well as interviews with key producers and young users of these and other civic sites. In light of current debates around the best means of engaging young people in civic activities on- and offline, the paper seeks to answer questions about the potential benefits and dangers of producers' pedagogic styles, ideological perspectives and normative choices in relation to young people's civic motivation and efficacy. Finally the paper looks at the match or disjuncture between the sites' missions for youth citizenship and the actual young people who respond to the sites' address and ethos and asks how more civic producers can move towards a situated, motivating and inclusive model of communication on- and offline.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Banaji, Shakuntala";"Framing Young Citizens: Explicit Invitation and Implicit Exclusion on Youth Civic Websites";"Language and Intercultural Communication 11 2 126-141"
50;"Injunctions for young people to participate in democratic life become more emphatic as voting rates in Western democracies decline and a growing disenchantment with traditional political life becomes apparent. In this context, city spaces and private property have been central to representations of the public sphere in which young people enact their participation. Crucially, young people have frequently been framed within televised spaces either as belligerent intruders or as a feral underclass. Theoretically, given the emphasis on information seeking, trust and news consumption as one of the cornerstones of civic life, the links between citizens’ political, social and spatial positioning in relation to news products is of crucial importance. Via an analysis of experiences of news by diverse young citizens, the article decentres the technologies of watching or reading news and repositions the relationships between political news seeking, trust in journalism, meaning-making and socio-economic status within a framework of local experiences of politics and civic life. Crucially, it sheds light on the question of how groups of excluded youth conceptualise their own status in relation to the state, the nation and news media, and their critical comments about representation.";"Media";"JArticle";2015;"Banaji, Shakuntala & Cammaerts, Bart";"Citizens of Nowhere Land: youth and news consumption in Europe";"Journalism Studies, Vol. 16, No. 1, pp. 115-132"
51;"There has been widespread concern in contemporary Western societies about declining engagement in civic life, people are less inclined to vote, to join political parties, to campaign for social causes, or to trust political processes. Young people in particular are frequently described as alienated or apathetic. Some have looked optimistically to new media—and particularly the Internet—as a means of revitalizing civic life and democracy. Governments, political parties, charities, NGOs, activists, religious and ethnic groups, and grassroots organizations have created a range of youth-oriented websites that encourage widely divergent forms of civic engagement and use varying degrees of interactivity. But are young people really apathetic and lacking in motivation? Does the Internet have the power to re-engage those disenchanted with politics and civic life? Based on a major research project funded by the European Commission, this book attempts to understand the role of the Internet in promoting young people’s participation. Examples are drawn from Hungary, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Turkey, and the United Kingdom—countries offering contrasting political systems and cultural contexts. The book also addresses broader questions about the meaning of civic engagement, the nature of new forms of participation, and their implications for the future of civic life.";"SocPhil";"Book";2013;"Banaji, Shakuntala, Buckingham, David";"The civic web: young people, the Internet and civic participation";
52;"Book presentation: Challenging the traditional orthodoxies of public management, this timely and comprehensive book adopts a lively and critical approach to key questions of public policy and management. With state-of-the-art contributions from leading international scholars, Public Management in the Postmodern Era explores a public sector that has moved irreversibly beyond the familiar territory of New Public Management and the exhausted tenets of modernization. Within a global environment where the old explanations and solutions have failed, the book advances a postmodern analysis. It argues strongly its original case that postmodern perspectives are of immediate relevance to issues of practice as well as to enduring problems of theory. The ambitious remit of the book will be of direct value to practitioners, scholars, academic researchers and students in politics, public policy and public management. With an international scope, the book will appeal to a worldwide audience. Chapter introduction: Since Robert D. Putnam published his article about how Americans were increasingly ‘bowling alone’ (1995), one has continuously asked whatever has happened to civic engagement in the US and the rest of the Western world? As Russell J. Dalton recently noted (2008: 76) there is ‘an apparent consensus among contemporary political scientists that the foundations of citizenship and democracy in America are crumbling’, ‘Citizens participate in public affairs less frequently, with less knowledge and enthusiasm, in fewer venues, and less equally than is healthy for a vibrant democratic polity’ (Macedo et al., 2005: 1). However, after having witnessed how millions of volunteers helped Barack Obama to win the American Presidency through a very spectacular and novelty-creating political campaign, it is time to ask: how could mainstream political science possibly overlook the shifts in political orientation and participation that made so many of those whom Putnam described as having ‘forsaken their parents’ habitual readiness to engage in the simplest act of citizenship’ (1995: 69) invade ‘the political’ as new volunteers and voters? Why is it that those in the mainstream did not detect this significant political potential for participation and change? Those studying participation outside the formal institutions of government have for at least a decade been claiming that such a potential for revitalizing people’s engagement in ‘big’ politics exists";"PolScience";"BookChap";2010;"Bang, Henrik P.";"Everyday makers and expert citizens: Active participants in the search for a new governance";"Chapter 8 in Fennwick, John & McMillan, Janice, Public Management in the Postmodern Era Challenges and Prospects, pp. 163-191."
53;"the book argues that representative or ""thin"" democracy is rooted in an individualistic ""rights"" perspective that diminishes the role of citizens in democratic governance. The work offers a theoretical critique of representative or liberal democracy and a foundation for participatory politics. The final chapter elucidates practical ways to apply the theory of strong democracy in large industrial societies.";"SocPhil";"Book";1984;"Barber, B. R. ";"Strong democracy: participatory politics for a new age. ";
54;"Using the Developmental Niche for Emergent Participatory Citizenship (Torney-Purta and Amadeo, 2011) as a framework, we examined differences between immigrant and native-born youth’s civic knowledge and support for women’s rights in Sweden and the United States, and explored whether experiences with peers and parents, and in formal and informal educational contexts, could account for such differences. Using data from the IEA Civic Education Study of 1999, we found that immigrants had lower civic knowledge and less support for women’s rights than their native-born peers in both countries. Differences in civic knowledge were partially explained in both countries by the lower likelihood of immigrants speaking the tested language at home, and remaining gaps were moderated by differences in the association of school activities with knowledge between the two groups. Gaps in support for women’s rights were partially explained by differences in language spoken at home (a possible proxy for cultural dissimilarity) in the United States, but not in Sweden. Experiences in various social or educational contexts, including perceptions of supportive classroom and school climates, were predictive of civic outcomes overall, but did little to account for differences in attitudes between the two groups in either country.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Barber, C., Torney-Purta, J., Wilkenfeld, B., & Ross, J.";"Immigrant and native-born adolescents’ civic knowledge and attitudes in Sweden and the United States: Emergent citizenship within developmental niches";"Journal of Research in Comparative and International Education, Vol. 10, No 1, pp. 23-47"
55;"Theories relating to youth participation are, in the main, ill-defined and contested. It is often assumed that citizenship and a sense of well-being are the outcomes of active forms of youth participation. This paper presents a critical comparative review of each before offering a new model which seeks to explain the top-down and bottom-up influences on the positive engagement of young people.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Barber, T.";"Participation, citizenship, and well-being: Engaging with young people, making a difference";"Nordic Journal of Youth Research, Vol. 17, No 1, pp. 25-40"
56;"Why is 2013 European Year of Citizens? Not only because we celebrate the twentieth birthday of EU citizenship from when it was launched by the Maastricht Treaty. The people have to know the rights of EU citizens that are enshrined in the Treaty of European Union and complement national rights. If people know about these rights and use them, they benefit as an individual. We focus in this paper on the active component of citizenship (in terms of participation, interaction, accountability, and leadership) and on the imperative of education for active citizenship as part of the paradigm of participatory culture that we face nowadays. The paper presents European context, a conceptual approach of active citizenship and education for active citizenship, focusing also on Romanian specific context. We mention that a significant part of the information from this paper was used and enriched during the project 'Empowering youth Leadership for Democracy Sustainability' RO-13-E9-2013-R1, financed by Youth in Action, and developed as main applicant by Pro Global Science Association, Romania.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Barna, Cristina";"Education for Active Citizenship in National and European Context";"Review of Applied Socio-Economic Research 6 2 217-222"
57;"Surveys exposing an uninformed public, journalism emphasizing interpretations, and news focused on showmanship have combined to change public life. As young adults abandon news, what do they substitute to become informed citizens? Life history narratives offer some answers. Young citizens form their political identities within personal networks, responding first to fiction television in the family and with peers. Their stories take place in small jurisdictions -- home, school, church --  where through media they confront the state as a force empowered to risk life. Politics principally involves forming opinions. In that process, young adults refer to news among many other sources: pop songs, TV commercials, documentaries, personal discussions. Because they cannot escape the media surround, their sense of power corresponds not to democratic theory but to the ideas of Foucault and Nietzsche, where citizens use the media to design their own bodies as political outposts.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1998;"Barnhurst, Kevin G.";"Politics in the fine meshes: young citizens, power and media";"Media, Culture & Society 20 (2): 201–218."
58;"This article presents an overview of current understandings in the study of political and civic engagement and participation, drawing in particular on innovations which have emerged from the Processes Influencing Democratic Ownership and Participation (PIDOP) project. For the purposes of the article, ‘engagement’ is defined as having an interest in, paying attention to, or having knowledge, beliefs, opinions, attitudes, or feelings about either political or civic matters, whereas ‘participation’ is defined in terms of political and civic participatory behaviours. The different forms that political and civic engagement and participation can take are outlined, and the factors that are related to different patterns of engagement and participation are reviewed. These factors operate at different levels, and include distal macro contextual factors, demographic factors, proximal social factors, and endogenous psychological factors. An integrative model covering all four levels of factors is outlined. Some findings from the secondary analysis of existing data-sets (including the European Social Survey and the International Social Survey Programme) in the PIDOP project are also reported. These findings show that engagement and participation vary as a function of complex interactions between macro, demographic, and psychological factors. It is argued that multi-level integrative theories, such as the one proposed in the current article, are required to understand the drivers of political and civic engagement and participation, and that policies and interventions aimed at enhancing citizens' levels of engagement and participation need to take this multi-level complexity into account";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Barrett, M., & Brunton-Smith, I.";"Political and Civic Engagement and Participation: Towards an Integrative Perspective.";"Journal of Civil Society, Vol. 10, No 1, pp. 5-28"
59;"Based upon a three-year multi-disciplinary international research project, Political and Civic Participation examines the interplay of factors affecting civic and political engagement and participation across different generations, nations and ethnic groups, and the shifting variety of forms that participation can take. The book draws upon an extensive body of data to answer the following key questions: Why do many citizens fail to vote in elections? Why are young people turning increasingly to street demonstrations, charitable activities, consumer activism and social media to express their political and civic views? What are the barriers which hinder political participation by women, ethnic minorities and migrants? How can greater levels of engagement with public issues be encouraged among all citizens? Together, the chapters in this volume provide a comprehensive overview of current understandings of the factors and processes which influence citizens’ patterns of political and civic engagement. They also present a set of evidence-based recommendations for policy, practice and intervention that can be used by political and civil society actors to enhance levels of engagement, particularly among youth, women, ethnic minorities and migrants. Political and Civic Participation provides an invaluable resource for all those who are concerned with citizens’ levels of engagement, including: researchers and academics across the social sciences, politicians and political institutions, media professionals, educational professionals and schools, youth workers and education NGOs, and leaders of ethnic minority and migrant organizations and communities.";"ComPsy";"Book";2015;"Barrett, M., & Zani, B.";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives";
60;"European citizenship is a nested membership in a multilevel polity that operates at member state and union levels. A normative theory of supranational citizenship will necessarily be informed by the EU as the only present case and will be addressed to the EU in most of its prescriptions, but should still develop a model sufficiently general to potentially apply to other regional unions as well. The Article first describes three basic characteristics of such a polity — democratic representation at the supranational level, internal freedom of movement between member states, and regional limits to external geographic expansion — and argues that a multiplication of such regional unions would contribute to a more just and peaceful international order. Building on this modification of Kant’s model for a global confederation of republics, the contribution explores three alternative approaches for strengthening democratic citizenship in the European Union: a statist approach that aims at transforming the EU into a federal state, a unionist approach whose goal is to strengthen union citizenship vis-a`-vis member state nationality, and a pluralist one that specifies citizenship norms for each level and balances them with each other on the basis of the current state of federal integration. These approaches are then compared with regard to their implications for three policy questions: (1) general status differences and inequality of rights amongst EU citizens living in their country of nationality, EU citizens residing in other member states, third-country nationals, and EU citizens residing outside the territory of the Union, (2) voting rights in European, national, and local elections, and (3) access to Union citizenship and to member state nationality.";"Policy";"JArticle";2007;"Bauböck, R.";"Why European Citizenship? Normative Approaches to Supranational Union";"Theoretical Inquiries in Law., Vol. 8, No 2, pp. 453-488"
61;"This paper examines a model of political participation and political protest that includes the several well-established modes of orthodox participation as well as a number of dimensions of political protest, and also takes account of the causal order between conventional participation and protest. The analysis indicates that previous findings demonstrating a substantial positive association between unidimensional measures of conventional and unconventional political behavior are incomplete and indeed somewhat misleading. The connection between orthodox participation and protest weakens as the style of protest becomes more unorthodox, to such an extent that none of the separate modes of conventional participation are directly related to ""radical"" protest. Using sheaf coefficients, the paper also tests the relative explanatory power of three sets of determinants of participation and protest: social background characteristics, general orientations toward politics, and attitudes toward issues. Issues are repeatedly weaker than the other two groups of variables in predicting conventional participation but have relatively strong effects on political protest, particularly compared with political orientations, while social structure is consistently influential.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1991;"Bean, Clive";"Participation and Political Protest: A Causal Model with Australian Evidence";"Political Behavior, Vol. 13, No. 3, pp. 253-83"
62;"Presents an in-depth look at affect in the curriculum, a broad area involving personal-social development and efficacy. The author traces the history of theories and proposals regarding self-esteem, values education, multi-cultural education and other affective topics, and critically analyzes their present forms. To resolve the confusion and contradictions surrounding these topics in schools, a proposal is made to reconsider using and integrating the themes of democracy, human dignity and cultural diversity. In making the case, examples of how to bring the themes to life in curricular and institutional practices are described, as well as arrangements for a practical discourse in schools.";"EduHist";"Book";1990;"Beane, J. ";"Affect in the curriculum: Toward democracy, dignity, and diversity";
63;"The first section of the book compares and contrasts 'declinist' accounts of the current moral predicament with the somewhat more optimistic approach derived from recent sociological analyses. The second section is more directly devoted to the role of schools in educating about values, morality and citizenship. Specific curricular issues such as the values of enterprise and enterprise culture, educating about citizenship, and the ambiguities about the meaning of the term 'spiritual' are dealt with in successive chapters.";"EduHist";"Book";1998;"Beck, J.";"Morality and Citizenship in Education";
64;"This paper is focused on the emergence of the European public sphere debate. This discussion has become more and more prominent between scholars of European Studies who have given it both normative and empirical attention. This is due to a variety of reasons, but in particular the increase in research about the legitimacy of European integration, which has been the subject of a wide debate since at least the beginning of the 1990s. Firstly, the article critically assesses the normative arguments that have supported the development of the European public sphere, by focusing on the social, political and cultural dimensions of European integration. After having assessed this debate and underlined current challenges emerged in light of recent events (such as the euro-crisis, the rise of euroscepticism and the rise in far right movements), the article then introduces the empirical research on the europeanisation of the public sphere, by looking at the development of an agenda that has more and more concentrated on the fragmentation and fluidity of such construct. This discussion is key to introduce the final part of the article, which focuses on the role of civil society in the broader European constituency and in the public sphere. The article highlights some of the ambiguities inherent to the current research agenda, by calling for a more comprehensive approach to study active citizenship in Europe that departs from a consideration of the NGOs activists as the main locus of analysis";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Bee, C.";"Transnationalisation, Public Communication and Active Citizenship. The Emergence of a Fragmented and Fluid European Public Sphere";"Sociology Compass, Vol. 8, No 8, pp. 1018-1032"
65;"he main aim of this chapter is to map dominant discourses on political participation and active citizenship emerging at the European level by looking at policies targeting traditionally marginalized groups (such as women, young people, minorities and migrants). In particular, we will establish whether new rules, procedures and norms aimed at engaging civil society in the policy-making process are under construction, by framing the actual position of the European institutions in developing the policy agenda. For these reasons the chapter is focused on the emerging discourses representing specific policy frames in the three subgroups. The analysis presented here is based on a policy analysis of public documents published by the European Commission in the period of time 2004—10. This time frame has been chosen because of its relevance for the enhancement and shaping of specific policies of active citizenship by the European Union.This broader discourse, as we argue in the chapter, has emerged for two reasons. First of all, it represents an attempt to overcome the limitations that can be found in the status of European citizenship formalized by the Maastricht Treaty in 1993. Second, it has been shaped by the need to ensure the till implementation of the governance reform started by the European Commission in 2001. This established a European project based on citizens' full engagement and participation in a system of deliberative democracy and entailed the fostering of a broad European civil society. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved) (chapter)";"SocPsy";"BookChap";2015;"Bee, C., & Guerrina, R.";"Europeanisation of policy discourses on participation and active citizenship.";"Political and Civic Engagement: Multidisciplinary Perspectives, pp. 377-402 (edited by M. Barrett & B. Zani)"
66;"This article looks at current policies concerning the civic and political participation of youths, women, migrants, and minorities in the European Union. It highlights the ways in which active citizenship and civic engagement have become a political priority for European institutions. Representation of local policy actors at the supranational level and strategies for the inclusion of civil society provide a platform for evaluating the impact of Europeanization at the national and subnational level. The article focuses on key discourses and narratives associated with specific policy frames (e.g. European citizenship, European social policies, and the European public sphere (EPS)). Some of the key questions addressed by the article are: What are the strategies that are employed, both by the European institutions in Brussels and organized civil society (OCS), to enhance participation and reciprocal communication? What vision of governance do practices such as active engagement and civil dialogue represent? Drawing on current theories of governance, our article contributes to the debate about the EPS by evaluating the role of OCS in bridging the gap between European institutions and national polities. Equally, our focus on traditionally marginal groups provides a platform for assessing the institutionalization of the European social dimension.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Bee, Cristiano, Guerrina, Roberta";"Participation, Dialogue, and Civic Engagement: Understanding the Role of Organized Civil Society in Promoting Active Citizenship in the European Union";"Journal of Civil Society 10 1 29-50"
67;"Shaping active citizenship, motivating civic engagement, and increasing political participation of minority groups have become some of the key political priorities in the UK since at least the end of the 1980s. Academic research shows that this shift goes hand-in-hand with a review of the integration policies in the country. The ‘politics of integration’ correspond in fact to a policy response to various social problems (such as discrimination, racism, intolerance) that emerged in various areas, and represent a new political discourse regarding active citizenship. This reflects an overall strategy meant to reframe the basis for civic and political engagement and participation in Britain. Our article is thus meant to highlight the dynamics underlying the development of the concept of active citizenship in the UK by looking at the factors that intervene in its shaping and enhancement. We identify political priorities and key mechanisms of participation that enable engagement in the public sphere. This article first considers the development of the specific ‘British discourse’ regarding active citizenship by taking into consideration the political priorities that emerged as part of the New Right discourse in the 1980s and then New Labour after 1997. We then refer to a set of data collected during our field work conducted in the UK between 2010 and 2011 with civil society activists and policy-makers in order to underline the meaning, practices, and feasibility of active citizenship.";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Beea, C., & Pachib, D.";"Active Citizenship in the UK: Assessing Institutional Political Strategies and Mechanisms of Civic Engagement";"Journal of Civil Society, Vol. 10, No 1, pp. 100-117"
68;"This is an anthology of essays on citizenship by such well-known theorists as Habermas, Walzer, Flathman, Iris Marion Young, MacIntyre, Ignatieff, and George Armstrong Kelly. ""Professor Beiner has collected an excellent set of essays on a topic that is once again commanding widespread attention among political thinkers and policy-makers. As a set, the essays are historically rich, analytically rigorous, and highly provocative."" -- Richard Dagger, Arizona State University ""This is a collection of first-rate articles on an important topic--citizenship--by a group of very well-known and highly respected political theorists. Bringing them together into one volume is a great service."" -- Bernard Yack, University of Wisconsin, Madison. In recent years there has been an explosion of interest in the theme of citizenship among political philosophers. Any attempt to reflect theoretically on this topic must address a host of vital questions: how to distinguish between ""insiders"" and ""outsiders"" in a normatively defensible way, how to secure for all individuals within a political society a sense of full membership in the social and political life of that society, and how to keep allegiance to the political community durable in the face of mounting pressures, domestic and international. The need to rethink the issue of citizenship has been given special urgency by incisive theoretical challenges to liberalism within the academy as well as practical challenges associated with continuing flare-ups of modern nationalism and ethnic strife, implying challenges, both localist and globalist, to the integrity of the modern state. Therefore, political theorists must once again explore the basic problem of what binds citizens together into a shared political community. Theoretical essays by such well- known scholars as Habermas, Walzer, Flathman, Iris Marion Young, MacIntyre, Ignatieff, and George Armstrong Kelly offer a sampling of some of the best articles on this crucial topic.";"EduHist";"Book";1995;"Beiner, R.";"Theorizing citizenship";
69;"This work explores problems and issues in citizenship education in the context of the move towards European cultural, educational and political union. It addresses the question of the contribution of schools to the maintenance of peace and security, education beyond nationalism, and the relationship between the theory and practice of citizenship and the European dimension. The contributors provide an analysis of European trends and offer pointers towards European educational policy development in the years ahead.";"EduHist";"Book";1995;"Bell, G. H.";"Educating European Citizens: Citizenship Values and the European Dimension";
70;"In the debate on citizenship, which has acquired a special significance in recent decades, it is highlighted the attention paid to the specific topic of active citizenship. The quality of democratic life has been subject of concern by academics, politicians and, in general, broad sectors of public opinion. The different voices warning about the dangers of increased forms of political disaffection, among different social groups and various political and institutional contexts, propose disparate diagnoses about the origins, characteristics and, above all, the consequences of this phenomenon. But, despite this mismatch, it seems to be a fairly widespread agreement about the need to build a new type of citizenship that meets the requirements imposed on democratic systems the enormous changes affecting contemporary societies.";"EduHist";"Book";2002;"Benedicto, J., & Morán, M. L.";"La construcción de una ciudadanía activa entre los jóvenes. Madrid: Instituto de la Juventud.";
71;"Addressing the sterile debate on the question of 'youth de-politicisation' requires taking into account the new structural and cultural conditions of the relationship between young people and politics. We must also seek to understand the multiple meanings that politics today has for young people by linking their logics of politicisation with the social dynamics of youth in modern society. In this paper, I present the results of qualitative analysis of focus group and interviews with approximately 100 young Spaniards. I discuss the main structures of meaning present in their discourses, and how young people combine and employ these meanings to orientate themselves in the public sphere. Phenomena such as political individualisation, the sudden incursions of youth into the public sphere or the intermittent and provisional presence and distancing from institutional politics are better understood from the perspective proposed here.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Benedicto, Jorge";"The political cultures of young people: an uncertain and unstable combinatorial logic";"Journal of Youth Studies 16 6 712-729"
72;"The Rights of Others examines the boundaries of political community by focusing on political membership - the principles and practices for incorporating aliens and strangers, immigrants and newcomers, refugees and asylum seekers into existing polities. Boundaries define some as members, others as aliens. But when state sovereignty is becoming frayed, and national citizenship is unravelling, definitions of political membership become much less clear. Indeed few issues in world politics today are more important, or more troubling. In her Seeley Lectures, the distinguished political theorist Seyla Benhabib makes a powerful plea, echoing Immanuel Kant, for moral universalism and cosmopolitan federalism. She advocates not open but porous boundaries, recognising both the admittance rights of refugees and asylum seekers, but also the regulatory rights of democracies. The Rights of Others is a major intervention in contemporary political theory, of interest to large numbers of students and specialists in politics, law, philosophy and international relations.";"SocPhil";"Book";2004;"Benhabib, S.";" The Rights of Others : Aliens, Residents, and Citizens";
73;"The peoples of the world are on the move across continents, oceans and borders. We are in the midst of developments that challenge the territorially-bounded state-centric model, which was reestablished in Europe and elsewhere in the world after World War II. This article focuses on the problem of political incorporation through immigration. It argues that there is a tension at the heart of liberal democracies between the commitment to universal human rights on the one hand and sovereign self-determination claims on the other. Following the Kantian tradition of cosmopolitan right, it underscores the significance of membership within bounded communities, while defending the need for 'democratic attachments' that strengthen the commitment of these communities to emerging norms of cosmopolitan justice. The article focuses on the immigration policies of the member states of the EU to illustrate some of the conflicting forces and principles at work in current citizenship and incorporation policies.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2002;"Benhabib, S.";"Transformations of citizenship: the case of contemporary Europe";"Government and Opposition 37(4): 439-466."
74;"This article deals with the emergence of new forms of identity and difference politics worldwide. In the economic integration of economies worldwide, India and Turkey which are among the oldest democracies of the Third World are in struggles that call into question the very concept of a secular and representative democracy. In this context, ethnic wars, cleansings and massacres in the former Yugoslavia, nationality conflicts between Azerbaijan and Armenia are evident. The consciousness about universal principles of human rights is asserted by the sovereign people. Globalization has brought to a head conflicts between human rights and the claim to self-determination of sovereign collectivities. The declarations of sovereignty create distinctions to those who belong to the sovereign people.";"EduHist";"JArticle";1999;"Benhabib, S. ";"Citizens, Residents, and Aliens in a Changing World: Political Membership in the Global Era.";"Social Research, Vol.,66, No. 3, pp. 709-744. "
75;"This essay examines recent debates concerning the emergence of cosmopolitan norms such as those pertaining to universal human rights, crimes against humanity as well as refugee, immigrant and asylum status. What some see as the spread of a new human rights regime and a new world order others denounce as the ?spread of empire? or characterize as ?law without a state?. In contrast, by focusing on the relationship of global capitalism to deterritorialized law this essay distinguishes between the spread of human rights norms and deterritorialized legal regimes. Although both cosmopolitan norms and deterritorialized law challenge the nation-state and threaten to escape control by democratic legislatures, it argues that cosmopolitan norms enhance popular sovereignty while many other forms of global law undermine it. It concludes by pleading for a vision of ?republican federalism? and ?democratic iterations?, which would enhance popular sovereignty by establishing interconnections across the local, the national and the global.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Benhabib, Seyla";"Twilight of Sovereignty or the Emergence of Cosmopolitan Norms? Rethinking Citizenship in Volatile Times";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 19-36"
76;"Young people today have grown up living substantial portions of their lives online, seeking entertainment, social relationships, and a place to express themselves. It is clear that participation in online communities is important for many young people, but less clear how this translates into civic or political engagement. This volume examines the relationship of online action and real-world politics. The contributors discuss not only how online networks might inspire conventional political participation but also how creative uses of digital technologies are expanding the boundaries of politics and public issues. Do protests in gaming communities, music file sharing, or fan petitioning of music companies constitute political behavior? Do the communication skills and patterns of action developed in these online activities transfer to such offline realms as voting and public protests? Civic Life Online describes the many forms of civic life online that could predict a generation's political behavior.";"Media";"Book";2008;"Bennett, W. L. (editor)";"Civic Life Online: Learning How Digital Media Can Engage Youth. ";
77;"The Logic of Connective Action explains the rise of a personalized digitally networked politics in which diverse individuals address the common problems of our times such as economic fairness and climate change. Rich case studies from the United States, United Kingdom, and Germany illustrate a theoretical framework for understanding how large-scale connective action is coordinated using inclusive discourses such as “We Are the 99%” that travel easily through social media. In many of these mobilizations, communication operates as an organizational process that may replace or supplement familiar forms of collective action based on organizational resource mobilization, leadership, and collective action framing. In some cases, connective action emerges from crowds that shun leaders, as when Occupy protesters created media networks to channel resources and create loose ties among dispersed physical groups. In other cases, conventional political organizations deploy personalized communication logics to enable large-scale engagement with a variety of political causes. The Logic of Connective Action shows how power is organized in communication-based networks, and what political outcomes may result.";"Media";"Book";2013;"Bennett, W. L. & Segerberg, A. ";"The Logic of Connective Action: Digital Media and the Personalization of Contentious Politics";
78;"Communication aimed at promoting civic engagement may become problematic when citizen roles undergo historic changes. In the current era, younger generations are embracing more expressive styles of actualizing citizenship defined around peer content sharing and social media, in contrast to earlier models of dutiful citizenship based on one-way communication managed by authorities. An analysis of 90 youth Web sites operated by diverse civic and political organizations in the United States reveals uneven conceptions of citizenship and related civic skills, suggesting that many established organization are out of step with changing civic styles.";"Media";"JArticle";2011;"Bennett, W. L., Wells, C., & Freelon, D. ";"Communicating civic engagement: Contrasting models of citizenship in the youth web sphere. ";"Journal of Communication, 61, 835-856."
79;"How can civic education keep pace with changing political identifications and practices of new generations of citizens? This paper examines research on school-based civic education in different post-industrial democracies with the aim of deriving a set of core learning categories that offer a starting point for thinking about how to address changing citizen identity styles and learning opportunities in various online and offline environments. The preponderance of school-based civic education programs reflects traditional paradigms of dutiful citizenship (DC) oriented to government through parties and voting, with citizens forming attentive publics who follow events in the news. The authors expand upon these conventional learning categories by identifying additional civic learning opportunities that reflect more self-actualizing (AC) styles of civic participation common among recent generations of youth who have been termed digital natives. Their AC learning styles favor interactive, networked activities often communicated through participatory media such as videos shared across online networks. The result is an expanded set of learning categories that recognize the value of different citizenship styles and emerging online environments that may supplement or supplant school civics";"PolScience";"JArticle";2009;"Bennett, W. Lance, Wells, Chris, Rank, Allison";"Young citizens and civic learning: two paradigms of citizenship in the digital age";"Citizenship Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2"
80;"Within a span of fifteen years civic engagement has become a cottage industry in political science and political theory, but the term has now outlived its usefulness and exemplifies Giovanni Sartori's worry about conceptual ""stretching."" This article traces civic engagement's ascension as a catch-all term for almost anything that citizens might happen to do together or alone, and illustrates the confusion that its popularity has occasioned. It proposes that civic engagement meet a well-deserved end, to be replaced with a more nuanced and descriptive set of engagements: political, social, and moral. It also examines the appeal of engagement itself, a term that entails both attention and energy. Attention and energy are the mainsprings of politics and most other challenging human endeavors. But they can be invested politically, or in associative pursuits, or in moral reasoning and follow-through, and those types of engagement can, but need not, coincide. We should be asking which kinds of engagement--which kinds of attention and energetic activity--make democracy work, and how they might be measured and promoted";"PolScience";"JArticle";2009;"Berger, Ben";"Political Theory, Political Science, and the End of Civic Engagement";"Perspectives on Politics, Vol 7, No. 2, 335-50"
81;"A state-of-the-art review of the research in this area, this collection covers children's understanding of family, school, economics, race, politics and gender roles. Recent changes and trends in research are summarised. This is explained in terms of a progression from the Piagetian stages model of development to the current emphasis on socially-mediated sources of information, socio-cultural context and children's own naiive theories about societal phenomena. Bringing together some of the most prominent and active researchers in this field this volume presents an advanced overview of developments in this under-represented area of social psychology.";"EduHist";"BookChap";2005;"Berti, A.";"Children’s understanding of politics. ";"In M. D. Barrett & E. Buchanan-Barrow (Eds.), Children´s understanding of society (pp. 69-103)"
82;"Contemporary discussion of the ‘crisis in democracy’ displays a tendency to see young people as the problem because they are ‘apolitical’, ‘apathetic’ and ‘disengaged’, or point to deficiencies in institutions deemed responsible for civic education. This discussion normally comes as a prelude to calls for more civics education. This article points to a renewal of politics at the hands of young people relying on new media, and draws on evidence like survey research, case studies and action research projects. This political renewal is occurring largely in response to the assumption of political elites that a ‘politics-as-usual’ will suffice to address the major political challenges of our time. Against the assumption that teachers, curriculum experts and policy-makers already know what kinds of knowledge and skills students need to become good citizens, we make a case for co-designing a contemporary citizenship curriculum with young people to be used for the professional development of policy-makers. We argue that such an intervention is likely to have a salutary educational effect on policy-makers, influence how they see young people’s political engagement and how they set policy agendas. The article also canvasses the protocols such a project might observe.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Bessant, Judith, Farthing, Rys, Watts, Rob";"Co-designing a civics curriculum: young people, democratic deficit and political renewal in the EU";"Journal of Curriculum Studies   42023"
83;"European Union youth policy since the 1990s has been ostensibly committed to enhancing the social participation of young people. This study explores the reliance of the 2009 European Union (EU) Youth Strategy on a combination of OECD 'active society' and human capital theory which seeks to increase educational participation rates in Europe with the goal of creating more and better opportunities for young people and to promote active citizenship, social inclusion and solidarity. The authors adopt a 'southern theory' perspective to open up a range of problems with the EU Youth Strategy which begins to indicate why, contrary to expectations, this policy has failed to ameliorate the increasing levels of youth unemployment, underemployment and child and youth poverty. The study concludes that the EU Youth Strategy has consolidated 'a relation of cruel optimism' when what is desired, in this case more education, has become an obstacle to human flourishing.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Bessant, Judith, Watts, Rob William";"'Cruel optimism': a southern theory perspective on the European Union's Youth Strategy, 2008-2012";"International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, Vol. 19 (Suppl. 1), pp. 125-140"
84;"This book explores the relationships between education, lifelong learning and democratic citizenship. It emphasises the importance of the democratic quality of the processes and practices that make up the everyday lives of children, young people and adults for their ongoing formation as democratic citizens. The book combines theoretical and historical work with critical analysis of policies and wider developments in the field of citizenship education and civic learning. The book urges educators, educationalists, policy makers and politicians to move beyond an exclusive focus on the teaching of citizenship towards an outlook that acknowledges the ongoing processes and practices of civic learning in school and society. This is not only important in order to understand the complexities of such learning. It can also help to formulate more realistic expectations about what schools and other educational institutions can contribute to the promotion of democratic citizenship. The book is particularly suited for students, researchers and policy makers who have an interest in citizenship education, civic learning and the relationships between education, lifelong learning and democratic citizenship.";"EduHist";"Book";2011;"Biesta, G.";"Learning Democracy in School and Society: Education, Lifelong Learning, and the Politics of Citizenship";
85;"Much work in the field of education for democratic citizenship is based on the idea that it is possible to know what a good citizen is, so that the task of citizenship education becomes that of the production of the good citizen. In this paper I ask whether and to what extent we can and should understand democratic citizenship as a positive identity. I approach this question by means of an exploration of four dimensions of democratic politics—the political community, the borders of the political order, the dynamics of democratic processes and practices, and the status of the democratic subject—in order to explore whether and to what extent the ‘essence’ of democratic politics can and should be understood as a particular order. For this I engage with ideas from Chantal Mouffe and Jacques Rancière who both have raised fundamental questions about the extent to which the ‘essence’ of democratic politics can be captured as a particular order. In the paper I introduce the figure of the ignorant citizen in order to hint at a conception of citizenship that is not based on particular knowledge about what the good citizen is. I introduce a distinction between a socialisation conception of citizenship education and civic learning and a subjectification conception of citizenship education and civic learning in order to articulate what the educational implications of such an ‘anarchic’ understanding of democratic politics are. While the socialisation conception focuses on the question how ‘newcomers’ can be inserted into an existing political order, the subjectification conception focuses on the question how democratic subjectivity is engendered through engagement in always undetermined political processes. This is no longer a process driven by knowledge about what the citizen is or should become but one that depends on a desire for a particular mode of human togetherness or, in short, a desire for democracy.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Biesta, G. ";"The Ignorant Citizen: Mouffe, Rancière, and the Subject of Democratic Education.";"Studies in Philosophy and Education, Vol. 30, No. 2, pp. 141-153"
86;"In this article we present insights from research which has sought to deepen understanding of the ways in which young people (aged 13—21) learn democratic citizenship through their participation in a range of different formal and informal practices and communities. Based on the research, we suggest that such understanding should focus on the interplay between contexts for action, relationships within and across contexts, and the dispositions that young people bring to such contexts and relationships. In the first part of the article we show how and why we have broadened the narrow parameters of the existing citizenship discourse with its focus on political socialization to encompass a more wide-ranging conception of citizenship learning that is not just focused on school or the curriculum. In the second part of the article we describe our research and present two exemplar case studies of young people who formed part of the project. In the third part we present our insights about the nature and character of citizenship learning that we have been able to draw from our research. In the concluding section we highlight those dimensions of citizenship learning that would have remained invisible had we focused exclusively on schools and the curriculum. In this way we demonstrate the potential of the approach to understanding citizenship learning that we have adopted.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Biesta, G., Lawy, R., & Kelly, N.";"Understanding young people's citizenship learning in everyday life The role of contexts, relationships and dispositions";"Education, Citizenship & Social Justice, Vol. 4, No 1, pp. 5-24"
87;"The All-European Study gives a systematic description of Education for Democratic Citizenship (EDC) policies in the Council of Europe member states. Research was conducted in 2002 at national level, involving national EDC co-ordinators, practitioners and other stakeholders. In 2003 a group of experts produced five regional studies that were submitted for consultation to national authorities in member states with a final feedback given at the EDC Policy Seminar held in Strasbourg in September of the same year. The study contains recommendations and examples of good practice in EDC policy implementation. The recommendations could be particularly useful as providing ground for bridging the gap between policy and practice.";"EduHist";"Book";2004;"Bîrzéa, C., Kerr, D., Mikkelsen, R., Froumin, I., Losito, B., Pol, M., & Sardoc, M.";"All-European study on education for democratic citizenship policies";
88;"A wide variety of supranational organizations and networks are currently promoting educational initiatives aimed at disseminating particular values and notions of citizenship in Latin America via new media and in particular the Internet. These organizations exercise a growing influence on educational objectives and techniques in the region. Despite the fact that access is still modest among many sectors in Latin America, the hope is that these new media will contribute to the eradication among young people of undesirable behaviour such as delinquency and political apathy, and instead foster a stronger sense of civic responsibility. That sense might underpin a more constructive, entrepreneurial global youth culture espousing universal, multicultural values rather than particularistic, parochial ones. The Internet is presented in such initiatives as possessing intrinsically educational, entrepreneurial and democratizing properties. The article explores the activities of supranational organizations and networks operating in Latin America, and seeks to provide a glimpse of the idealised youth identities that they envision. It is argued that the new roles assigned to education are shaped by new media optimism, cosmopolitan aspirations and a post-national rather than nationally anchored conception of citizenship. Theories of governance and governability are used to understand how these developments can be seen in terms of the globalization of politics and the ensuing changes in the forms, rationalities and techniques of governance in a wide range of issue areas, including education.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Blasco, Maribel, Krause Hansen, Hans";"Cosmopolitan Aspirations: New Media, Citizenship Education and Youth in Latin America";"Citizenship Studies 10 4 469-488"
89;"Previously it has been perceived as a citizen’s duty to follow the news and to keep oneself informed about politics and current affairs. Recently however, it appears as if a growing number of citizens ignore the information opportunities given to them. Changes in the media environment have given people cross-nationally more of a choice as to which media diet they prefer, and for the American case, Prior (2007, Post-Broadcast Democracy. How Media Choice Increases inequality in Political Involvement and Polarize Elections. New York: Cambridge University Press) have demonstrated that in an era of cable TV and Internet, people more readily remove themselves from political knowledge and political action then they did before. Thus, in this article we study those who tune out the world of news and current affairs. We ask if there is an increase of what we call disconnected citizens across Europe. We also ask who these disconnected citizens are and discuss why they have tuned out. Based on pooled data from four waves of the European Social Survey, covering 33 European countries, using several innovative multilevel analyse techniques we demonstrate how national context or the media environment moderates the influence of individual level factors in news consumption.";"Media";"JArticle";2012;"Blekesaune, Arild, Eiri Elvestad, and Toril Aalberg";"Tuning out the World of News and Current Affairs - An Empirical Study of Europe's Disconnected Citizens";"European Sociological Review 28 (1): 110–126"
90;"Citizenship encompasses legal status, rights, participation, and belonging. Traditionally anchored in a particular geographic and political community, citizenship evokes notions of national identity, sovereignty, and state control, but these relationships are challenged by the scope and diversity of international migration. This review considers normative and empirical debates over citizenship and bridges an informal divide between European and North American literatures. We focus on citizenship within nation-states by discussing ethnic versus civic citizenship, multiculturalism, and assimilation. Going beyond nation-state boundaries, we also look at transnational, postnational, and dual citizenships. Throughout, we identify methodological and theoretical challenges in this field, noting the need for a more dynamic and comprehensive understanding of the inter-relationships between the dimensions of citizenship and immigration.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Bloemraad, I., Korteweg, A., & Yurdakul, G.";"Citizenship and immigration: Multiculturalism, assimilation, and challenges to the nation- state.";"Annual Review of Sociology, Vol 34, pp. 153-179"
91;"Democracy of Western modernity was based on the idea of social contract. This contract has innovative features and was translated into forms of state and specific society. We live in a period of deep crisis this social contract, which is revealed by the predominance of social exclusion processes on social inclusion. As a result is emerging a new form of social apartheid, called this book by societal fascism, and which is characterized by the collapse of the most basic expectations of life of the vast majority of the population. The societal fascism lives much easier with political democracy as it loses the ability to redistribute resources and opportunities. Thus weakened, democracy becomes a low intensity democracy. Effective opposition to societal fascism assumes the presence of a high-intensity democracy. It is therefore necessary to invent it.";"EduHist";"Book";1998;"Boaventura, S. S.";"Reinventar a Democracia";
92;"Abstract With Inglehart's work on values and European identity as a starting point, and based on a representative survey of 18- to 24-year-olds from 10 cities in six European countries (Austria, Czech Republic, Germany, Slovakia, Spain, and the United Kingdom), the present paper analyses the meaning and relative importance of identification with Europe in comparison with other identification objects. Analyses of covariance and cluster analyses reveal that geo-political entities (like Europe, one's home country, one's region of residence, or one's birthplace) all draw similar ratings as to their importance for one's identity, and that this importance is low to at most medium high, with friends, partners, family, job and educational attainment of a much higher importance. In spite of the fact that the importance ratings for identification with geo-political entities are positively correlated with each other, they predict ethno-centrism differentially, identification with one's country being a positive, identification with Europe being a negative predictor of ethno-centrism (as revealed by multiple regression analyses). This finding leads the authors to theorize that on the Inglehartian continuum from survival values to self-expression values, national and European identity have dual meanings as expressions of value orientations, national identity overlapping in meaning with survival values, but also with European identity, and European identity overlapping in meaning with self-expression values, but also with national identity.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Boehnke, Klaus, Fuss, Daniel";"What Part Does Europe Play in the Identity Building of Young European Adults?";"Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9 4 466-479"
93;"This study examined the relationships among three sets of variables in a sample of 299 diverse high school youth: (a) demographic variables such as ethnicity and immigrant status, (b) attitudes toward citizenship responsibilities, and (c) allegiances to three socializing institutions--family, school, and community. A measure of citizenship attitudes was found to identify two distinct constructs--Polity-Oriented and Civic-Oriented attitudes toward citizenship responsibilities, relating to the polity or nation-state, and to serving the community. European Americans were consistently lower on Polity-Oriented attitudes than Hispanic teens, and lower on family allegiance than other non-European American groups. Hispanic youth reported significantly lower community involvement than other non-European American groups as well as European American youth. Whereas the only significant correlation between allegiance and citizenship attitudes was between family allegiance and Polity-Oriented attitudes, there were multiple moderating effects of immigrant status and ethnicity. Results are discussed in terms of ethnicity and allegiances as contexts of socialization for the development of attitudes toward citizenship responsibilities.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Bogard, K.L., & Sherrod, L.R.";"Citizenship attitudes and allegiances in diverse youth.";"Cultural Diversity & Ethnic Minority Psychology Journal, Vo. 14, No 4, pp. 286-296"
94;"The author comments on several papers dealing with the link between volunteering and social activism. He analyzes the inter-relations between democracy, citizenship and political participation and their influence on voluntarism and activism. The author also discusses the significance of an active involvement through civil society in defending social rights and a participatory democracy.";"Policy";"JArticle";2010;"Boje, T.P.";"Commentary: Participatory Democracy, Active Citizenship, and Civic Organizations—Conditions for Volunteering and Activism";"Journal of Civil Society, Vol. 6, No 2, pp. 189-192"
95;"Whereas research on political participation typically investigates a variety of socio-economic and attitudinal characteristics, this cross-national study focuses on the relevance of norms when explaining political participation. We examine respondents’ normative beliefs about the importance of various measures of ‘good citizenship’, and their relationship to three modes of political engagement (activism, party membership and voting).We find assigning higher importance to paying taxes/obeying the law is negatively linked to all forms of participation, whereas the opposite is true for norms about the importance of voting and being active in associations. Greater emphasis on norms about understanding others and shopping politically is positively associated with political activism but not with more institutional forms of participation.The relationship between norms and participation differs somewhat across nations, with the most differences between Eastern European respondents and those from Western European and Western non-European respondents. In line with theories on democratic learning, we find that the relationship between citizenship norms and participation is often weakest among Eastern Europeans. Conclusions about the subjective and variable nature of democratic citizenship are discussed.";"Policy";"JArticle";2013;"Bolzendahl, C., & Coffé, H.";"Are ""Good"" Citizens ""Good"" Participants? Testing Citizenship Norms and Political Participation across 25 Nations.";"Political Studies, Vol. 61 (Suppl.), pp. 63-83"
96;"This paper makes use of one of the last concepts developed by Basil Bernstein (the Totally Pedagogised Society, TPS) to understand some of the forces and contradictions underlying today's teachers' work in Spain. In his last written work, Bernstein (2001) pointed out some arguments to illustrate the emergence of a TPS. Always interested in uncovering the sociological basis of pedagogy, Bernstein refers to the TPS as a society that introduces pedagogy in all possible spheres of life. Somewhat paradoxically, the shorttermism and the constant change in the knowledge base of society, where careers are replaced by jobs, require the emergence of the TPS. The TPS appears as a crucial regulator and legitimation strategy to translate uncertainty, risk and precariousness into a socialisation characterised by endless learning. 'Trainability' is referred as the key concept through which the TPS emerges. That is 'the ability to profit from continuous pedagogic re-formations and so cope with the new requirements of work and life'. The concept of trainability colonises educational policies and practices, and has a strong power in defining students' and teachers' work and identity. Flexible and global capitalism--the social base that regulates the pedagogic discourse--requires a specific type of pedagogic expression that erodes commitment, certainty and that is therefore socially empty. Interestingly, as Bernstein argues, the weak state of the global economy requires a strong state in the pedagogic field. The TPS is state driven and state funded. The state uses different type of strategies to make and distribute new forms of pedagogic 'knowledge' through owned or controlled agencies. Cadres of pedagogues become significant agents in the symbolic control field and produce and distribute new discourses and its ways of legitimation. That is, the official field 'captures'--through practices of co-option--key agents from the pedagogic field to construct and maintain the TPS. This paper develops two aspects related with the construction of the TPS as it is being developed in Spain. Firstly, it shows the state practices in the process of designing, planning and implementing the latest Curriculum reform (ERA, 1990) to understand the relationship between the official and the pedagogic fields and to illustrate the redefinition of teaching in this reform. Secondly, using data from two research projects, it shows some of the consequences that the TPS is having on teachers' work and identities. The capturing of teachers within the TPS has a number of implications on teachers' representations of their role in the new educational mandate, their understanding of curriculum, pedagogy and assessment and their professional identities. These movements, it is argued, have significant consequences on the relationship between teachers' practices and ideology and the reproduction and legitimation of educational inequalities.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2003;"Bonal, X., & Rambla, X.";"Captured by the totally pedagogised society: teachers and teaching in the knowledge economy";"Globalisation, Societies and Education, Vol. 1, No.2, pp. 169-184"
97;"This article assesses the role of political web sites in the campaign for the Dutch parliamentary elections of 2002. It presents the results of an online survey of 18,000 visitors to political Web sites to examine how far, 1) political Web sites can engage people in politics and, 2) party Web sites in particular can reach floating voters. The results of the survey reveal that political Web sites are only partly able to involve people in politics who have thus far remained aloof. Yet, political Web sites are successful in reaching young people, a group which is usually less politically active but which uses the Internet more intensively. The use of political Web sites does not lead to a more active engagement in politics. For most people the primary reason for visiting a political Web site was finding information about the positions of political parties, about party organisations or about the election campaign. Not only party supporters, but also floating and undecided voters were interested in this information.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2003;"Boogers, Marcel, Voerman, Gerrit";"Surfing citizens and floating voters: Results of an online survey of visitors to political web sites during the Dutch 2002 General Elections";"Information Polity 8 1,2 17-27"
98;"American youth who participate in both school-based and community-based programs during high school remain more civically engaged than their contemporaries throughout adulthood. However, few studies have examined the developmental processes through which participation in a youth directed program promotes civic responsibility. In this qualitative study, 23 males and 9 females took part in one of five focus groups to talk about their experiences as members of a youth empowerment center in the southwest. The results reveal a three-phased process model of development from program participant to civically engaged youth. Each of the three phases, participation, connection and expansion, is explained using the words and examples provided by the youth. Implications for application and future research are discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Borden, L., & Serido, J.";"From program participant to engaged citizen: A developmental journey";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 37, No 4, pp. 423-438 "
99;"The first part of this paper proposes a continuum of ideological premises that seeks to account for the broad range of immigrant integration policies adopted by Western democratic states. In the second part, a review of Social Psychological models of immigrant acculturation strategies demonstrates the need to explain more clearly the interactive nature of immigrant and host community relations. The Interactive Acculturation Model (IAM) presented next proposes that relational outcomes are the product of the acculturation orientations of both the host majority and immigrant groups as influenced by state integration policies. The model makes predictions regarding the acculturation combinations most likely to produce consensual, problematic, and conflictual relational outcomes between immigrants and members of the host community. Social psychological research is needed to test the validity of the IAM model empirically";"SocPsy";"JArticle";1997;"Bourhis, R.Y., Moïse, L.C., Perreault, S. & Senécal, S.";"Towards an Interactive Acculturation Model: A Social Psychological Approach";"International Journal of Psychology, Vol. 32, No 6, pp. 369-386"
100;"Theorists such as Carole Pateman and Benjamin Barber suggest that democratic participation will engage citizens and lead them to have more positive regard for political processes and democratic practices. The American states provide a setting where provisions for direct voter participation in legislation vary substantially. If participatory institutions have an 'educative role' that shapes perceptions of government, then citizens exposed to direct democracy may be more likely to claim they understand politics and be more likely to perceive that they are capable of participation. They may also be more likely to perceive that government is responsive to them. We merge data on state-level political institutions with data from the 1992 American National Election Study to test these hypotheses with OLS models. Our primary hypotheses find support. We present evidence that the effects of exposure to direct democracy on internal and external political efficacy rival the effects of formal education.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2002;"Bowler, Shaun & Donovan Todd";"Democracy, Institutions and Attitudes about Citizen Inuence on Government";"British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 371-90"
101;"In recent years, American colleges and universities have seen greater diversity among their undergraduate students and greater civic interest and action among these students. In fact, many have argued that meaningful engagement with diversity constitutes an important means of preparing college graduates to participate and flourish in a globalized and rapidly changing society. The current study explores this assertion by conducting a meta-analysis of the relationship between college diversity experiences and civic engagement. The results show that diversity experiences are associated with increases in civic attitudes, behavioral intentions, and behaviors, and the magnitude of this effect is greater for interpersonal interactions with racial diversity than for curricular and cocurricular diversity experiences. The strength of the relationship between diversity and civic engagement also depends on the type of civic outcome and whether changes in that outcome are assessed through self-reported gains versus longitudinal methods.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Bowman, N.A.";"Promoting Participation in a Diverse Democracy A Meta-Analysis of College Diversity Experiences and Civic Engagement. ";"Review of Educational Research, Vol. 81, No 1, pp. 29-68"
102;"Using data from the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development, a longitudinal study involving U.S. adolescents, multi-group structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to evaluate whether news media use is predictive of a set of civic indicators (civic duty, civic efficacy, neighborhood social connection, and civic participation) for youth in Grades 8, 9, and 10, via an indirect effect of interpersonal communication about politics with parents. The proposed model had a good fit within each grade. News media use was predictive of interpersonal communication with parents and in turn, interpersonal communication was predictive of civic duty, civic efficacy, neighborhood social connection, and civic participation. The cross-group comparison of the structural model suggests that the predictive qualities of news media use and interpersonal communication are comparable across grades. The role of media use and interpersonal communication in fostering civic development and socialization as well as implications for future research are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Boyd, M.J., Zaff, Z.F., Phelps, E., Weiner, M.B., & Lerner, R.M.";"The relationship between adolescents' news media use and civic engagement: the indirect effect of interpersonal communication with parents.";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 34, No 6, pp. 1167-1179"
103;"This paper outlines key definitions and typologies that help to distinguish youth civic engagement activities from other forms of youth activity. It identifies five discourses that create a rationale for youth civic engagement activity. The paper summarises the perceived benefits of youth civic engagement to individuals and communities suggested by research. It also highlights the barriers and challenges to the civic engagement of youth. In the final section, this paper explicitly focuses on learning from the literature that can inform the development of civic action programmes and issues associated with effective programmes are identified.";"DevPsy";"Other";2012;"Brady, B., Dolan, P., Kearns, N., Kennan, D., McGrath, B., Shaw, A., & Brennan, M.";"Understanding youth civic engagement";
104;"This paper develops a resource model of political participation. The resources considered are time, money, and civic skills-those communications and organizational capacities that are essential to political activity. These skills are not only acquired early in life but developed in the nonpolitical institutional settings of adult life: the workplace, organizations, and churches and synagogues. These resources are distributed differentially among groups defined by socioeconomic status. A two-stage least squares analysis shows these resources have powerful effects on overall political activity, thus explaining why socioeconomic status has traditionally been so powerful in predicting participation. We disaggregate overall activity into three kinds of acts: those that involve giving time, those that entail donating money, and voting. Each requires a different configuration of resources resulting in different patterns of stratification across various political acts.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1995;"Brady, Henry E, Verba, Sidney & Schlozman, Kay Lehman";"Beyond Ses: A Resource Model of Political Participation";"The American Political Science Review, Vol. 89, No. 2, pp. 271-294"
105;"Student reflections on course-based civic engagement provide insights into their experiences and can be a useful foundation for crafting assignments to meet student needs. Rich student narratives emerged from of an immersive semester-long community-based project in a public advocacy course. Although a number of interesting findings, including insights about student learning, personal growth, and empowerment, are embedded in the reflections, this paper focuses on how students described civic engagement, both their experiences and general conclusions about the nature of productive community involvement. Students identified five factors—research, collaboration, effort, passion, and responsibility—as useful and imperative for civic engagement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Brammer, L.R., & Morton, A.";"Course-based Civic Engagement: Understanding Student Perspectives and Outcomes";"Scholarship of Teaching and Learning, Vol. 8, No 1, Article 9"
106;"The article explores the relationship between youth movements and citizenship that developed and changed over the past 200 years. Youth movements-which first began in 1815-have occurred in waves during certain periods in modern history. These waves or clusters of youth movement activity are called historical generations, representing combinations of generational and historical forces. A survey of modern history indicates that from 1815 onward, youth movements have been organized, and by the 1960s they became global in scope. Youth movements tend to cluster during certain times in history, to be followed by periods of relatively little youth unrest. The clusters of youth movements are referred to as historical generations, and over the last two centuries, there have been five identifiable historical generations or waves of youth movement activity: Young Europe, Post-Victorian Generation, Great Depression Generation, the 1960s Generation, and the 1980s Generation. The article outlines characteristics of each historical generation with a focus to the types of citizenship around which young people mobilized within each of the five historical generations.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1993;"Braungart, Richard G., Braungart, Margaret M.";"HISTORICAL GENERATIONS AND CITIZENSHIP: 200 YEARS OF YOUTH MOVEMENTS";"Research in Political Sociology 6  139-174"
107;"Service learning, which integrates community service into coursework, provides a pedagogical intervention that can promote the civic growth of students in unique and powerful ways. Research is reviewed that documents the capacity of service learning to meet learning objectives associated with a conceptual framework that focuses on the knowledge, skills, and dispositions of a civic-minded college graduate. The outcomes of service learning should facilitate these students assuming influential roles in helping others become empowered, and thereby are important for enhancing the quality of life in communities. We also review research that focuses on the impact of service learning for community outcomes. Finally, we present implications for teaching community psychology, and recommendations for future research on service learning and community engagement.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Bringle, R.G., & Steinberg, K.";"Educating for Informed Community Involvement";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 46, No 3, pp. 428-441"
108;"The Netherlands traditionally has a strong civil society. This has had an impact on the education system through the relatively high degree of autonomy for schools on moral and didactical choices as well as on the curriculum. Such freedom provides ample room for citizenship to develop at alocal level. The large degree of curricular autonomy allows schools to shape education according to their own vision and values in partnership with those in civil society. Purpose: This article explores how citizenship education, cultural diversity and human rights education are implemented within such a context. The main aim is to analyse how societal and political ideals are laid down at the policy level (intended curriculum), how they are implemented at the school level (implemented curriculum), and how they impact on student learning (attained curriculum). Sources of evidence: Formal educational policy documents are analysed to gain insight into the intended curriculum. Insights in the implemented and attained curriculum are gathered through analysis of research studies into classroom practice. Main argument: The article argues that although citizenship education, cultural diversity and human rights education are prominent themes in political and societal debates and expectations of schools' contribution to these themes are high, the intentions are formalised only briefly in the intended curriculum. The freedom of education is mentioned as the main reason for the lack of policy commitment. The article argues, however, that local empowerment cannot do without school leadership to develop a school-specific vision and approach, aswell as a coherent long-term vision on the way forward at the macro level. Conclusions: This curriculum analysis shows that cross-curricular socialisation themes do not play a prominent role in curriculum policy and that implementation in classroom practice is varied, but generally limited. With ambiguity in educational policy and limited implementation support, it is a complex challenge for schools to make strategic choices in interaction with civil society and to set their own social agenda. Given the current political and societal context, with itsfocus on freedom of education, it is necessary, but not realistic, to expect moredetailed curricular regulations on these curriculum domains. Moreover, the current emphasis on basic skills in literacy and numeracy also limits the room for these societal issues, in both curriculum policy and practice. The article concludes that schools need more support to make autonomous choices as well as more clarity on what is expected from them. Also more insight is needed about feasibleand coherent approaches to incorporate citizenship education in a core curriculum that has a strong emphasis on the basic skills.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Bron, J., & Thijs, A. ";"Leaving it to the schools: ctizenship, diversity and human rights education in the Netherlands";"Educational Research, Vol. 53, No. 2, pp. 123-136"
109;"There is now widespread recognition that, far from being politically apathetic, young people across Europe are engaged in a wide range of 'political' activities. While turnout at national and European elections among the 18-25 age group may be low, researchers have highlighted diverse and creative new forms of political participation. In relation to young women, in particular, Harris (2005) has presented a compelling analysis of the new 'borderspaces' opened up between public and private domains by young women through the use of new technologies. She contends that in the face of greater surveillance and regulation brought about by the shift to neo-liberal forms of governmentality, carving out a protected space for oneself is a political act, in itself. Moreover, the creative ways in which young women across the world use such spaces - to question dominant narratives about the nature of contemporary girlhood, to resist discourses which construct young women as merely passive consumers, and to trouble conventional notions of 'youth participation' - are highly political. Some EU representatives have indicated an awareness of these new forms of engagement and professed a desire to develop links between them and more traditional forms of party politics and policy making (Hoskins, 2005). Nevertheless, the degree to which these sentiments have been translated into policy remains unclear. This article draws on recent documents on young people, citizenship and political participation to assess the extent to which these new spaces of young women's politics are, firstly, recognised and, secondly, valued within EU policy.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Brooks, Rachel";"Young People and Political Participation: An Analysis of European Union Policies";"Sociological Research Online 14 1 42192"
110;"This paper draws on life history interviews with young adults in the UK to consider Manuela du Bois-Reymond's claims about the increasing prevalence of ?trendsetter learners? across Europe. Du Bois-Reymond has argued that certain groups of young adults are at the forefront of developing new forms of learning in response to what they perceive to be the failings of formal education ? namely the disjuncture between theory and practice within the education that they are offered and a lack of respect from many of the teachers with whom they come into contact. These young adults, she contends, are the ?trendsetter learners?, creating youth cultural capital that helps them to realise self-determined ways of living and learning. In considering some of these claims, this paper draws on data from the ?Young Graduates and Lifelong Learning? project funded by the UK's Economic and Social Research Council. Between September 2005 and January 2006, 90 in-depth life history interviews were conducted with graduates from six higher education institutions. Our findings suggest that the degree of autonomy, freedom and creativity in young people's patterns of learning that underpin du Bois-Reymond's analysis is over-stated. We argue that, while du Bois-Reymond's work makes an important contribution to conceptualising the ways in which young Europeans engage with learning, her dichotomy between ?trendsetter? learners and their ?disengaged? counterparts overlooks: complexities inherent in this relationship, the social status attached to particular forms of more traditional education and training, and the structuring nature of much workplace learning.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Brooks, Rachel, Everett, Glyn";"New European Learners? An Analysis of the 'trendsetter' Thesis";"Journal of Youth Studies 11 4 377-391"
111;"Based on research conducted in Britain and the US, The Making of Citizens traces the dynamic complexities of young people's interpretations of news, and their judgements about the ways in which key social and political issues are represented. Rather than bemoaning young people's ignorance, he argues that we need to rethink what counts as political understanding in contemporary societies, suggesting that we need forms of factual reporting that will engage more effectively with young people's changing perceptions of themselves as citizens. The Making of Citizens provides a significant contribution to the study of media audiences and a timely intervention in contemporary debates about citizenship and political education.";"Media";"Book";2000;"Buckingham, David";"The Making of Citizens: Young People, News and Politics";
112;"This publication presents the findings of a study on Brazilian youth and the public dialogue methodology associated with it. The details of the project's origins, its framework and results, and the evaluation of its methods will make it of particular interest to young people themselves as well as researchers and policymakers. The report is divided into two parts, the first providing a descriptive and analytical survey of the study's findings and the second an overview and evaluation of the research methods used. Throughout the report, the researchers' concern is to demonstrate that young people are not apathetic.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Burton, Guy, Silva, , Luiza Salles Souto, Itamar, Anna,";"Democracy, Citizenship and Youth: Towards Social and Political Participation in Brazil";"Journal of Latin American Studies 42 3 631-632"
113;"This text is built around themes agreed upon for a conference which aimed to set the agenda for youth research over the next decade. These themes are: the shaping of trajectories and biographies - individualization, agency, structure, vulnerable groups excluded and included youth, polarization, marginalization, social construction of identity - identity, culture, gender, ethnicity, political and social participation and citizenship. The book brings together the work of British and Continental researchers.";"PolScience";"Book";1997;"Bynner, J., Chisholm, L. and Furlong, A.,  (Eds.)";"Youth, Citizenship and Social Change in a European Context";
114;"This study focuses on young people's political identity, investigating its dimensionality and relationships to other facets of personality and attitudes in late adolescence. The data used to operationalize the concepts are derived from a large-scale study of British youth carried out in the late 1980s. Analysis of data from this study isolated 16 dimensions underlying aspects of young people's self-concepts, social attitudes and political involvement. These constituted the variables included in a set of further analyses, including confirmatory factor analyses. In line with conclusions from more specifically targeted studies, it was possible to establish three dimensions relating to political identity and aligned with those found in adult samples (political engagement, tolerance, political conservatism), and two further social attitude dimensions of particular salience for young people (moral conservatism and environmentalism). A dimension interpreted as generalized self-efficacy proved to be distinct from the political and attitudinal dimensions. Comparison of mean factor scores across groups defined by age gender, educational attainment and family social class gave good evidence of their discriminant validity.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Bynner, J., Romney, D., & Emler, N.";"Dimensions of political and related facets of identity in late adolescence";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 6, No 3, pp. 319-335"
115;"Cohen and Ainley's recent critique of mainstream British youth research programmes with the emphasis on 'transition' prompts a reappraisal. Viewed comparatively, and within the holistic framework offered by life-course theory, youth transitions research offers the means of addressing key theoretical and policy questions about the changing situation of young people. Some methodological cautions needed in the interpretation of comparative youth transition data are given, and the distinctive features of British transitions in the areas of economic and domestic life are discussed, taking account of the historical and cultural base on which they are founded. Finally, recent initiatives to tackle 'youth problems' are considered, especially in relation to engaging young people 'not in education, employment or training', in the mainstream transition process, the first steps towards continental models of comprehensive youth policy and services to support young people are also examined. It is concluded that the changing situation of youth demands more rather than less research on youth transitions within a comparative, holistic and longitudinal research framework.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2001;"Bynner, John";"British Youth Transitions in Comparative Perspective";"Journal of Youth Studies 4 1 42147"
116;"The antecedents of political disaffection and political activism have been extensively studied in adult populations, producing two models of political protest, the ‘dissatisfaction model ’, suggesting that protest action is rooted in political disaffection and the ‘resource model’ which bases interest in politics in a sense of political self-efficacy. There has been a dearth of research extending this theorizing to young people of prevoting age. The present study presents the results of regression analysis aapplied to longitudinal data collected in a U.K. programme of research and economic andpolitical socialization, the ESRC 16-19 Initiative. The analysis relates ‘lack of interest in politics’, ‘intention not to vote ’ and political activity’, to attitudes, personality characteristics, experience and circumstances measured earlier. It is concluded that political disaffection. including lack of interest and intention not to vote, is strongly associated with a growing cynicism about politics rooted in poor educational performance and a working class family background. The connections with activism are negative but much weaker, suggesting the potential for protest activity across a wider spectrum of youth. This lends support to Marsh’s (1990) view that given the right circumstances, protest action under both the ‘resource model’, and the ‘dissatisfaction model’, can apply.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1994;"Bynner, Johna & Ashford, Sheena";"Politics and participation: Some antecedents of young people‘s attitudes to the political system and political activity";"European Journal of Social Psychology, VoL. 24, No 2, pp. 223-236"
117;"In this paper, the authors define political individualization as a form of networked individualism. This process consists of two components: social individualization and political networking. Social individualization means that people are becoming less strongly connected to traditional communities and experiencing highly differentiated sociability. Political networking refers to the shift from stable connections to formal political movements to dynamic connections to issue networks. This article attempts to investigate whether this process of political individualization is positively related to the use of new media such as the Internet and mobile telephones. There could be two arguments why these two would be positively related. First, the use of new media drives political individualization, the use of new media stimulates individualization since it creates opportunities for individuals to create social connections outside of existing communities. New media also facilitate the formation of political networks. Second, the use of new media and political individualization are both manifestations of a broader process of societal change. The process of modernization results in increasing autonomy of individuals and growing use of technology. This paper does not test these two explanations but rather investigates whether the grounds for both arguments actually exist. The authors have formulated the following research question: Do the new media create opportunities for political individualization and how are these opportunities used? Data from an international survey (918 web questionnaires) of young people in two European cities Ð Florence and Utrecht Ð has been used to investigate the research question.";"Media";"JArticle";2011;"Calenda, Davide & Meijer, Albert";"Political individualization. New media as an escape from family control over political behavior";"Information, Communication & Society, Vol. 14, No. 5, pp. 660-683"
118;"Do young people participate in politics? Some claim that young people are not as much involved in politics as their parents were, others argue that young people are interested in politics but in a different way than previous generations. The Internet is said to play an important role in Ônew politicsÕ. This raises the question whether the Internet triggers new forms of political participation by young people. We use the results of a large scale web questionnaire, among 2,163 students in three countries (Italy, Spain and the Netherlands) to answer this question. We conclude that the Internet reinvigorates political participation but does not trigger a shift from ÔoldÕ to ÔnewÕ politics. Traditional politics has managed to rethink its communication formats and therefore plays an important role in political participation by young people on the Internet.";"Media";"JArticle";2009;"Calenda, Davide & Meijer, Albert";"Young people, the internet and political participation. Findings of a web survey in Italy, Spain and The Netherlands";"Information, Communication & Society, Vol. 12, No. 6, pp. 879-898 (Special Issue: Changing Politics through Digital Networks)"
119;"Hopeful expectations for the future have been shown to play an important role in the positive development of youth, including youth contributions to society. Although theory and some research suggest that familial socialization may influence future-oriented cognitions, little work has focused on the possible interrelation of parent-child relationships and the development of hope, particularly during adolescence. Accordingly, the first goal of this study was to identify developmental profiles of youth with respect to hopeful future expectations (HFE) and parental trust across adolescence. Next, we explored whether these developmental trajectories were related to youth Contribution, indexed by community leadership, service, and helping attitudes and behaviors. We used growth mixture modeling to simultaneously examine trajectories of adolescents' perceived connections with parents (indexed by parent trust) and HFE among 1,432 participants (59% female) from Waves 3 through 6 (Grades 7 through 10) of the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development. A four-profile model provided the best fit to the data, with the following profiles: Moderate HFE/U-shaped Trust, Moderate HFE/Increasing Trust, Both Decreasing, and Both High Stable profiles. We then explored whether hope-trust profiles were related to youth Contribution in Wave 7. Contrary to hypotheses, results indicated that the profile reflecting the greatest discrepancy in HFE and trust across early to middle adolescence (i.e., Moderate Hope/U-shaped Trust) was associated with the highest mean Contribution scores. The implications of the findings for future theory and research are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Callina, K.S., Johnson, S.K., Buckingham, M.H., & Lerner, R.M.";"Hope in context: developmental profiles of trust, hopeful future expectations, and civic engagement across adolescence.";"Journal of Youth And Adolescence, Vol. 43, No.6, pp. 869-883"
120;"Inclusive participation is a primary component of civil society. Yet opportunities and pathways for youth civic engagement remain limited for youth. This limitation has been significantly influenced by the daily segregation of youth from adults, negative public beliefs about adolescents, and stereotypes, both negative and overly romantic, about the capabilities of adolescents. However, this state of affairs is being challenged by youth and adults across the county. Five contemporary pathways for youth civic engagement are described: public policy/consultation, community coalition involvement, youth in organizational decision making, youth organizing and activism, and school-based service learning. Three overarching qualities among these 5 pathways are also discussed: youth ownership, youth-adult partnership, and facilitative policies and structures.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Camino, L., & Zeldin, S.";"From Periphery to Center: Pathways for Youth Civic Engagement in the Day-To-Day Life of Communities";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 213-220"
121;"Over the past year, international and national media have been full of stories about protest movements and tumultuous social upheaval from Tunisia to California. But scholars have not yet fully addressed the connection between these movements and the media and communication channels through which their messages spread. Correcting that imbalance, Mediation and Protest Movements explores the nature of the relationship between protest movements, media representation, and communication strategies and tactics. In a series of fascinating essays, contributors to this timely volume focus on the processes and practices in which contemporary protesters engage when acting with and through media. Covering both online and offline contexts as well as mainstream and alternative media, they consider media environments around the world in all their complexity. They also provide a broad and comparative perspective on the ways that protest movements at local and transnational levels engage in mediation processes and develop media practices. Bridging the gap between social movement theory and media and communication studies, Mediation and Protest Movements will serve as an important reference for students and scholars of the media and social change.";"Media";"Book";2013;"Cammaerts Bart, Mattoni, Alice and McCurdy, Patrick, eds";"Mediation and protest movements";
122;"A common interpretation of the low levels of electoral turnout among young voters is that they are apathetic and part of a generation that does not care about political issues—indeed, a selfish and materialistic generation. In this article, the authors question this common perception and test this claim against an important alternative: that the limitations to youth participation in Europe are due not to a lack of interest in the public good but rather to a combination of contextual and pychosocial factors, including the real as well as perceived inadequacy of the existing political offer. The authors assessed young people’s attitudes toward democratic life in the UK, France, Spain, Austria, Finland, and Hungary. A mixture of a comparative mass survey, stakeholder interviews, an experiment, and focus groups was used. The data suggest that young people are willing to engage politically but are turned off by the focus and nature of existing mainstream political discourse and practice, which many believe excludes them and ignores their needs and interests. Contrary to the assumptions of the disaffected and apathetic citizen approach, there is a strong desire among many young Europeans to participate in democratic life, but this desire is not met by existing democratic institutions and discourses";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Cammaerts, B., Bruter, M., Banaji, S., Harrison, S., & Anstead, N.";"The Myth of Youth Apathy: Young Europeans’ Critical Attitudes Toward Democratic Life";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 58, No 5, pp. 645-664"
123;"This book analyses and assesses the contexts, nature and the diversity of young people's participation in European democratic life. The authors provide an interdisciplinary conceptual framework addressing participation, power, democracy, efficacy and media. Using dynamic, original data collected in surveys, focus groups, interviews and a field experiment, Youth Participation in Democratic Life address young people's attitudes towards voting, participation and representation in policy processes and politicians. Democracy is, however, much more than voting, so volunteering and contentious politics are also elaborated upon. Examining the role of traditional and new media in facilitating youth participation in democratic life, as well as the complex dynamics of youth exclusion from economic, educational and social spheres, the book reveals that most young people are far from apathetic about democracy but rather they are critical of current representative democratic systems and the political elites who appear to run these.";"Media";"Book";2015;"Cammaerts, Bart, Bruter, Michael, Banaji, Shakuntala, Harrison, Sarah and Anstead, N";"Youth participation in democratic life";
124;"This paper examines the contribution of the adolescent peer group to political socialization, as measured by a survey of high school seniors, their parents, and their peers. A number of expectations emerge from Festinger's theory of group influence regarding the strength of the association between a respondent's attitudes and those of his peers. Three political and three racial attitudes are investigated. The results show that peer influence is generally weak. Influence is increased when an attitude has high visibility, when the peers are politically involved, when the peers' attitudes are homogeneous, and when respondent political involvement is either high or low.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1980;"Campbell, Bruce A.";"A Theoretical Approach to Peer Influence in Adolescent Socialization";"American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 24, No. 2, pp.324-44"
125;"The concept of ‘community participation’ plays a central role in policies and interventions seeking to reduce health inequalities. This paper seeks to contribute to debates about the role of participation in health by suggesting how social psychological concepts can add to the theorisation of participation. It criticises traditional concepts of development and introduces some of the challenged that are present for development and community theorists in conditions of rapid globalisation. The paper proceeds to demarcate the space which a social psychology of participation occupies within the terrain of existing research into the health-society interface. The concepts of empowerment and social capital are identified as important starting points to address the relative lack of social psychological attention to community-level determinants of health. It is suggested that social identities, social representations and power are crucial elements for constructing a social psychology of participation. The paper concludes by highlighting the vital link that should exist between the development of theory and practical interventions. Paulo Freire's notion of conscientisation is a guiding notion throughout the paper.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2000;"Campbell, C., & Jovchelovitch, S.";"Health, community and development: towards a social psychology of participation.";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 10, No 4, pp. 255-270"
126;"Historically the voices of young people have been excluded from research and debates about how to respond to environmental degradation and climate change. To include the perspectives of young people in the climate change and adaptation debate, we conducted a Photovoice and draw-and-write project with 29 school students in Ethiopia, through which students were given a platform to explore their social representations of the environment. Thematic analysis of our findings suggested that young people have a deep appreciation of the moral, health-related and economic importance of the environment, a commitment to preserving it and a sense of responsibility and agency in relation to contributing to this preservation. Students saw environmental degradation as reversible, through a combination of commitment by themselves, local government and the global community. We conclude by discussing ways our findings might best be taken up in school-level programmes to strengthen youths' existing social networks for the consolidation of 'green' identities, action and activism.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Campbell, E., Skovdal, M., & Campbell, C.";"Ethiopian students' relationship with their environment: implications for environmental and climate adaptation programmes";"Children's Geographies, Vol. 11, No 4, pp. 436-460"
127;"Immigration control is an issue that figures prominently in public policy discussions and election campaigns throughout Europe. Although immigration may have positive effects on economic efficiency and growth in the receiving economy, it is often the negative aspects −or perceived negative aspects − of immigration that attract the most attention. In this paper, we use the immigration module of the European Social Survey (ESS), which we developed in collaboration with the ESS survey team, to investigate public opinions about immigration, and the various dimensions of economic, public and private life that individuals feel are affected by immigration. We show that that there is substantial variation in the strength of anti-immigrant opinion across European countries, and that attitudes toward immigration also vary systematically with characteristics such as age, education, and urban/rural location. We propose possible interpretations of some of these regularities.";"SocPsy";"Other";2005;"Card, D., Dustmann, C., & Preston, I.";"Understanding attitudes to immigration: The migration and minority module of the first European Social Survey (CReAM Discussion Paper 03/05).";
128;"This article posits that national identity is an important element in explaining attitudes towards the European Union. A model of support for European integration is developed that suggests that feelings of national identity are highly important in an individual's choice to support the EU. The impacts of three alternative conceptualizations of national identity are tested. These relate to national identity as an intensity of feelings towards one's country, the level of attachment to the nation and other territorial entities, and the fear of other identities and cultures encroaching on the dominant national culture. The results of ordered logit analyses confirm that stronger feelings of national identity lead to lower levels of support for the EU.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Carey, S.";"Undivided Loyalties. Is National Identity an Obstacle to European Integration?";"European Union Politics, Vol. 3, No 4, pp. 387-413 "
129;"The paper argues that volunteering has proven a critical source of wellbeing, belonging and leadership for refugee background youth in Canterbury, New Zealand, following the earthquakes of 2010-2011. In support of this claim, the paper considers the voluntary participation of refugee youth in two post-earthquake youth-created and -driven initiatives. The first initiative is the Student Volunteer Army, which mobilised thousands of volunteers to assist residents with the immediate-post-disaster clean-up following each of the major earthquakes in Canterbury. The Summerz End Youth Fest, which in April 2014 brought young people together for a day of celebration and fun, constitutes the second initiative.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Carlton, S.";"Connecting, belonging: Volunteering, wellbeing and leadership among refugee youth";"International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction, Vol. 13, pp. 342-349"
130;"The concept of the audience is changing. In the twenty-first century there are novel configurations of user practices and technological capabilities that are altering the way we understand and trust media organizations and representations, how we participate in society, and how we construct our social relations. This book embeds these transformations in a societal, cultural, technological, ideological, economic and historical context, avoiding a naive privileging of technology as the main societal driving force, but also avoiding the media-centric reduction of society to the audiences that are situated within. Audience Transformations provides a platform for a nuanced and careful analysis of the main changes in European communicational practices, and their social, cultural and technological affordances.";"Media";"Book";2013;"Carpentier N, Schrøder  K and Hallett L ";"Audience Transformations: Shifting Audience Positions in Late Modernity. ";
131;"The article focuses on the issues concerning the trend of the growing up corporate culture in relation to media studies. It states that the culture in which children are invited to participate is becoming increasingly commercial and individual and less social as well as civic. It also mentions that one media researcher after another is expressing concern about the problems associated with changing the culture of citizenship such as the policymakers, teenagers and academics. In connection, the author notes that media producers must now accept some responsibility for encouraging political citizenship by providing children and teenagers with critical news services.";"Media";"JArticle";2009;"Carter, Cynthia";"Growing up Corporate: News, Citizenship, and Young People Today";"Television & New Media January 2009 10: 34-36"
132;"In this article, we propose a model of the process of empowerment. The notion of empowerment is compelling and much employed across many subfields inside and outside of psychology, but the lack of consistency in the ways prior literature has defined it is an obstacle to meaningful synthesis of findings and consistent application in practice. Our empowerment process model builds on prior work in taking the following steps: articulating empowerment as an iterative process, identifying core elements of that process, and defining the process in a way that is practically useful to both researchers and practitioners with terms that are easily communicated and applied. The components of the model are personally meaningful and power-oriented goals, self-efficacy, knowledge, competence, action, and impact. Individuals move through the process with respect to particular goals, doubling back repeatedly as experience promotes reflection. We make specific recommendations for research and practice and discuss applications to social justice.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Cattaneo, L.B., & Chapman, A.R.";"The Process of Empowerment: A Model for Use in Research and Practice";"American Psychologist, Vol. 65, No 7, pp. 646-659"
133;"Why do agents comply with the norms embedded in regimes and international institutions? Scholars have proposed two competing answers to this compliance puzzle, one rationalist, the other constructivist. Rationalists emphasize coercion, cost/benefit calculations, and material incentives, constructivists stress social learning, socialization, and social norms. Both schools, however, explain important aspects of compliance. To build a bridge between them, I examine the role of argumentative persuasion and social learning. This makes explicit the theory of social choice and interaction implicit in many constructivist compliance studies, and it broadens rationalist arguments about the instrumental and noninstrumental processes through which actors comply. I argue that domestic politics-in particular, institutional and historical contexts-delimit the causal role of persuasion/social learning, thus helping both rationalists and constructivists to refine the scope of their compliance claims. To assess the plausibility of these arguments, I examine why states comply with new citizenship/membership norms promoted by European regional organizations.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2001;"Checkel, J.T.";"Why Comply? Social Learning and European Identity Change";"International Organization, Vol. 55, No 3, pp. 553-588 "
134;"Youth participation strengthens personal and social development, provides expertise for children and youth programs and services, and promotes a more democratic society, but questions arise about its most fundamental phenomena. Lacking agreement on its basic content, however, youth participation as a field of practice and subject of study will be limited. This paper examines what we know about youth participation, general propositions which are substantiated by research or practice, and unanswered questions or unresolved issues which remain for future work. It draws upon various academic disciplines and professional fields, in order to contribute to knowledge development and advance the field.";"Policy";"JArticle";2011;"Checkoway, B.";"What is youth participation?";"Children and Youth Services Review, Vol. 33, No 2, pp. 340-345"
135;"This paper proposes a project that aims to construct a general framework of civic competency that will help understand civic competence as a blended measure of civic knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, beliefs, behavioural intentions and behaviours. By distinguishing between civic potential, civic behaviour and civic outcomes, with empirical datasets from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) on 14 year-old European students, the framework will describe how these constructs are related and measured, and show their impact on future civic competence and active citizenship. In this project, by considering the effect of different social, political and cultural contexts, the framework will accommodate measures of civic dimensions that are common to all societies as well as those specific to particular societies and regions. This will challenge the quest for a universal model for civic competence. Given that cultivating civically competent citizens ready for active citizenship is an important educational outcome for many educational systems, this paper has the potential to expand understanding of citizenship, citizenship education and the relation of the two. (Contains 1 table and 1 figure.)";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Chow, Joseph";"Establishing a General Framework Civic Competency for European Youth";"International Journal of Progressive Education 8 3 140-150"
136;"Empowerment has become an influential concept and theoretical framework for social policy and practice. Still, relatively little is known about the roles that empowerment plays in the ecology of human development, particularly among young people. This article reports results of a study of psychological empowerment among young people, using data from 629 high school students (65.8% female, 96.5% non-white). Using a path analysis, we examined the role of perceived sociopolitical control—an indicator of the intrapersonal component of psychological empowerment—as a mediator between ecological support systems and developmental outcomes. Findings confirmed that social support in family, peer, and school settings, and family cohesion positively predict self-esteem and perceived school importance, which, in turn, have protective effects on psychological symptoms, violent behaviors and substance use. Sociopolitical control was found to mediate the relationships between ecological supports and risk factors and developmental outcomes, leading to the conclusion that perceived efficacy in the sociopolitical domain, and youth empowerment, more generally, should be considered as core elements of the ecology of human development. Policy and practice aimed at promoting positive developmental outcomes and preventing risk behaviors should take their relationship to sociopolitical control into account.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Christens, B.D., & Peterson, N.A.";"The role of empowerment in youth development: a study of sociopolitical control as mediator of ecological systems' influence on developmental outcomes.";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 41, No 5, pp. 623-635"
137;"Community organizing-a field of practice in which residents collaboratively investigate and undertake sustained collective action regarding social issues of mutual concern-has often proven an effective method for achieving changes in policies and systems at local, regional, and even national scales. The field is dynamic. It has expanded and has undergone numerous changes over recent decades. Research from a variety of disciplines has documented, evaluated, and informed many of these changes. This article scrutinizes the evolving field of community organizing, with a particular focus on the current state of social and psychological research on broad-based community organizing processes and outcomes. These findings include not only the effects of community organizing efforts on policies and systems, but also the influences of community organizing on psychological changes among the people and groups who participate. These findings are incorporated into recommendations for policies, practices, and future research.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Christens, B.D., & Speer, P.W.";"Community organizing: Practice, research, and policy implications";"Social Issues and Policy Review, Vol. 9, No 1, pp. 193-222"
138;"This article reports results from a study of contextual influences on participation among people involved in congregation-based community organizing. Data are drawn from 11,538 individual participants in 115 congregations taking part in one of five local organizing initiatives in different cities over a five-year period. Analyses used 3-level longitudinal models with binary indicators of participation/non-participation in group meetings each successive year as the criterion. Time-varying predictors at level-1 included prior participation in group meetings as a control, the types of group meetings that participants attended, the number of face-to-face meetings held between each participant and organizing staff of the local organizing initiatives, and a measure of the involvement of participants' affiliation networks. At level-2, demographic information was collected for a subset of participants (N = 461) and was included in a separate model. Neighborhood compositional characteristics were examined at level-3, including median income, economic heterogeneity, and residential stability. Study results found that characteristics of organizational settings (i. e., types of group meetings attended and frequency of face-to-face contact) predicted future participation in group meetings but that individual and neighborhood-level demographic characteristics were generally not predictive of future participation in community organizing activities.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Christens, B.D., & Speer, P.W.";"Contextual Influences on Participation in Community Organizing: A Multilevel Longitudinal Study";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 47, No 3-4, pp. 253-263"
139;"Leaders in struggles for social justice agree on the importance and the difficulty of maintaining hopefulness while developing critical awareness of social issues. Research has indicated that the analogous components of psychological empowerment (emotional and cognitive) often do not co-vary across populations. This study used a person-centered analytic approach, latent class analysis, to identify subpopulations of participants (n = 1,322) according to the cognitive and emotional components of psychological empowerment. Four distinct sub-groups emerged: those who were relatively (1) critical but alienated, (2) uncritical but hopeful, (3) uncritical and alienated, or (4) critical and hopeful. These clusters were then examined for demographic differences and relationships with a set of conceptually relevant variables including social capital, psychological sense of community, openness, organizational participation and mental wellbeing. Results shed light on the complexity of empowerment processes and yield implications for ongoing community research and action.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Christens, B.D., Collura, J.J., & Tahir, F.";"Critical Hopefulness: A Person-Centered Analysis of the Intersection of Cognitive and Emotional Empowerment";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 52, No 1-2, pp. 170-184"
140;"Cultural Diversity: Its Social Psychology shows how social psychology can contribute to contemporary debates about immigration and multiculturalism. The book focuses on the social psychological processes involved in multicultural societies, especially migration and ethnic relations. It discusses how immigrants and members of minorities deal with acculturation issues, what is the reaction of the receiving societies, and what are the consequences of migration for intergroup relations and societal cohesion. These issues are examined through the presentation of research concerning identity, intergroup relations, social influence, and social representations. In addition, the book addresses issues of citizenship and multiculturalism in relation to the nation-state, European integration, and the North American and Australian experiences. Text panels are included to present key concepts and important research findings, while 20 theoretical snapshots summarize classic and current social psychological theories. This user-friendly book also contains chapter summaries, lists of key words, and suggestions for further reading. This book will help readers to understand the processes that have shaped modern societies and the diversity issues they currently face. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)";"SocPsy";"Book";2004;"Chryssochoou, X.";"Cultural diversity: Its social psychology.";
141;"Civic participation in community life and within community organizations is generally considered as associated with positive outcomes for youth development and well-being. However, supportive empirical evidence on such benefits is still limited, as well as on the processes that may explain such positive outcomes. In this paper, we examined the impact of young people's participation in different community and youth organizations on Social well-being, and the mediating role of Sense of community (SoC) and Empowerment. The sample comprised 835 adolescents and young adults, aged 16-26 years old (M = 20.8). 414 participants were males (49.6 %) and 421 participants were females (50.4 %). Results confirm that organizational membership of volunteer, youth, and religious associations significantly enhances Social well-being, both directly and through the mediation of SoC and Empowerment. Membership of leisure and recreational associations only marginally and indirectly affects Social well-being through the mediation of Empowerment.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Cicognani, E., Mazzoni, D., Albanesi, C., & Zani, B.";"Sense of Community and Empowerment Among Young People: Understanding Pathways from Civic Participation to Social Well-Being";"Voluntas, Vol. 26, No 1, pp. 24-44"
142;"Aim of the study was to assess the relationship between social participation and Sense of Community in a sample of University students and the impact of such variables on Social well being. A further aim was to assess the generality of the relationships between these constructs across different countries, and specifically, the USA, Italy and Iran. The sample includes 200 Italian, 125 American and 214 Iranian University students, male and female. Results show higher levels of social participation, Sense of Community and Social well being among American students. Sense of Community is positively correlated with social participation in all three samples, however, only among Italian students social participation positively predicts Social well being. Implications of results will be discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Cicognani, E., Pirini, C., Keyes, C., Joshanloo, M., Rostami, R., & Nosratabadi, M.";"Social participation, sense of community and social well being: A study on American, Italian and Iranian University students";"Social Indicators Research, Vol. 89, No 1, pp. 97-112"
143;"Research examining youths' political development mostly focused on young people as a general group, comparatively less attention has been devoted to the examination of gender pathways toward citizenship. Two studies were conducted addressing (a) the role of parents' participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and age group (. n = 1419) and (b) the role of adolescent social and civic participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and type of school (. n = 1871). Results confirmed the gender gap in political interest and in the use of the Internet for political participation, while no differences emerged for political activity and voting intentions. Adolescents' political engagement and participation are influenced by parents' participation (especially among girls) and by adolescents' social and civic participation (especially among boys). The impact of adolescents' social and civic participation on conventional participation (voting intentions) is partially mediated by sense of community and institutional trust.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Cicognani, E., Zani, B., Fournier, B., Gavray, C., & Born, M.";"Gender differences in youths' political engagement and participation. The role of parents and of adolescents' social and civic participation";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 561-576"
144;"Research on Eastern Europe stresses the weakness of its civil society and the lack of political and social involvement, neglecting the question: What do people themselves think it means to be a good citizen? This study looks at citizens' definitions of good citizenship in Poland, Slovenia, the Czech Republic and Hungary, using 2002 European Social Survey data. We investigate mean levels of civic mindedness in these countries and perform regression analyses to investigate whether factors traditionally associated with civic and political participation are also correlated with citizenship norms across Eastern Europe. We show that mean levels of civic mindedness differ significantly across the four Eastern European countries. We find some support for theories on civic and political participation when explaining norms of citizenship, but also demonstrate that individuallevel characteristics are differently related to citizenship norms across the countries of our study. Hence, our findings show that Eastern Europe is not a monolithic and homogeneous bloc, underscoring the importance of taking the specificities of countries into account.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Coffé, H., & Van der Lippe, T.";"Citizenship Norms in Eastern Europe";"Social Indicators Research, Vol. 96, No 3, pp. 479-496 "
145;"Bringing together material written over the past two decades, this book traces a history of political and intellectual debates around central issues of education, labour and the youth question. An argument is made for linking the cultural, structural and autobiographical dimensions of the youth question in order to engage educationally with the burden of representation which young people are made to carry via race, class and sexuality in the postmodern world. The book includes three major unpublished pieces and an introduction which discusses the nature of the collection, and sets it in both a personal and political context.";"EduHist";"Book";1997;"Cohen, P.";"Rethinking the Youth Question";
146;"Described variously as being amoral, atomized, apathetic, hedonistic and out of control, there is a widespread sense that contemporary youth are particularly disengaged from the structures and processes of democratic citizenship. Remedies ranging from citizenship education to anti-social behavior orders have been implemented. The argument in this paper is that both this analysis and these policy responses are mistaken. Inclusive citizenship calls for a more imaginative approach to the civic inclusion of young people. The interactive characteristics of the Internet could contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. E-citizenship should entail both free expression and consequential political engagement. What is needed is an open debate about what young people want from the democratic process and how they would like to use the technologies of communication with which they are familiar.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Coleman, Stephen";"Digital voices and analogue citizenship: Bridging the gap between young people and the democratic process";"Public Policy Research 13 4 257-261"
147;"In Australia, renewed interest in the principles of youth participation during the last decade has led to an increase in the development of youth participation policies, in both the government and non-government sectors. At the same time, the internet is being increasingly utilised to promote and implement the aims of these youth participation policies. This paper asks, what is the relationship between youth participation policies, the internet and young people's political identities? Is the internet simply a vehicle for participation policies ? a mechanism for governments and organisations to extend their reach to otherwise disengaged youth? Or is it a space where young people are authoring new forms of participation and political identities? It is argued in this paper that the internet is significant in shaping the relationship between youth participation policies and new political identities in the following ways: it is a unique and autonomous platform for the realisation of project-based political identities, it is a legitimising space for new political practices of young people, and, though it can address some barriers to participation, there is little evidence to suggest that it challenges the economic structural disadvantage that can exclude certain groups of young people. Drawing on empirical research conducted in Australia, this paper provides insights into Australian young people's experiences of participation, their attitudes to participation policies, and the role of the internet in their participatory activities.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Collin, Philippa";"The internet, youth participation policies, and the development of young people's political identities in Australia";"Journal of Youth Studies 11 5 527-542"
148;"Collective efficacy is defined as residents' perceived collective capacity to take coordinated and interdependent action on issues that affect their lives. This study explored factors associated with neighborhood collective efficacy among residents. Utilizing a national sample of 4,120 urban households provided by Annie E. Casey Foundation's Making Connection Initiative, we investigated the mediating role of residents' perceptions of bonding social capital (i.e. reciprocity, trust, and shared norms) in the association between civic engagement and collective efficacy. Multiple regression analyses revealed that civic engagement and bonding social capital were both directly related to collective efficacy. Additionally, bonding social capital partially mediated the relationship between civic engagement and collective efficacy. Specifically, residents who reported greater levels of civic engagement also reported higher levels of bonding social capital. In turn, residents who reported higher levels of bonding social capital also reported higher levels of neighborhood collective efficacy. We discuss implications of these findings for researchers and practitioners interested in associations of neighborhood collective efficacy.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Collins, C.R., Neal, J.W., & Neal, Z.P.";"Transforming Individual Civic Engagement into Community Collective Efficacy: The Role of Bonding Social Capital";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 54, No 3-4, pp. 328-336"
149;"Ethnic identity and conflict in Guatemala, Peru, and Puerto Rico are complexly embedded within dynamic systems of class- and race-based geopolitics. Whereas overt violence and terror have permeated both Guatemalan and Peruvian societies, covert conflict has undermined Puerto Rican nationhood. Despite similarities among these 3 countries of Hispano-America, there are important particularities that inform psychological theory and practice. This article explores selected contributions of a psychology of liberation informed by indigenous psychologies and reflexive praxis. The challenges these conflicts and their consequences pose to psychologists seeking to work with populations most deeply affected by these social inequalities are analyzed. It concludes with suggestions for how psychology can move toward the development of community-based responses to psychosocial oppression that foster enhanced individual and collective development in a context of social change.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";1998;"Comas-Díaz, L., Lykes, M.B., & Alarcón, R.D.";"Ethnic Conflict and the Psychology of Liberation in Guatemala, Peru, and Puerto Rico";"American Psychologist, Vol. 53, No 7, pp. 778-792"
150;"The concept of citizenship is currently the subject of extensive, and often heated, debate on the part of policy makers and social scientists. Many of the key concerns encapsulated in the idea of citizenship—collective identity, solidarity, pro-social behaviour, group boundaries, intra and intergroup conflict—also represent longstanding concerns on the part of social and community psychologists. However, at present, very little psychological theory or research directly addresses the subject of citizenship. The aim of this Special Issue is to explore how the construct of citizenship might contribute to social psychological understandings of social conflict and solidarity and, conversely, to consider how existing social psychological theories and methods might contribute to contemporary understandings of citizenship. The authors of the six articles in the Special Issue apply a range of theoretical perspectives (self-categorization theory, social identity theory, rhetorical psychology, the theory of social representations) and methods (experiments, surveys, interviews, ethnography) to examine situated understandings of citizenship in a variety of domains (civic and political participation, immigration attitudes, minority identities, nationalism). Despite their different approaches, the authors display a common concern to recognize complexity, contradiction and contestability as inherent, and often productive, features of the everyday construction and performance of citizenship. As a consequence, social psychological perspectives may have the potential to restore the damaged reputation of the citizen currently apparent in much policy and social scientific discourse.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Condor, S.";"Towards a Social Psychology of Citizenship? Introduction to the Special Issue";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 21, pp. 193-201"
151;"This article reports on a study into the perceptions of 1300 European teenagers regarding the Europe they inhabit. It focuses on their declared knowledge sources, their attitudes towards a European identity and their aspirations for the future. Based on an examination of official documentation, questionnaires and interviews in six EU countries (England, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Spain) there is a critical analysis of the current state of the teaching of the European dimension in those countries in the light of ministerial decree and national curricula. The article includes discussion of the role of schools, the media and the home environment in shaping the perceptions of these young people and concludes with proposals for a radical rethink of pedagogical agendas. A more detailed analysis of the study, in the context of European Citizenship, can be found in Convery et al. (1997)";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1997;"Convery, Anne, Evans, Michael, Green, Simon, Acaro, Ernesto M., Mellor, Janet";"An Investigative Study into Pupils' Perceptions of Europe";"Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 18 1 42020"
152;"With this text we propose an analysis of relations between policy setting and the scientific definition of education. Comes up at first, a critical analysis of the two paradigms that have played a pivotal role in the construction of the dominant narratives in the scientific field in the last 50 years. Then, we propose an alternative paradigm which wants to be critical and controversial.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2001;"Correia, J. A. ";"A construção científica do político em educação";"Educação, Sociedade & Culturas, Vol. 15, pp. 19-43. "
153;"This article explores the possibilities for new forms of ‘digital citizenship’ currently emerging through digitally supported processes of narrative exchange. Using Dahlgren’s (Dahlgren, P. 2003. “Reconfiguring Civic Culture in the New Media Milieu.” In Media and the Restyling of Politics, edited by J. Corner, and D. Pels, 151–170. London: Sage, Dahlgren, P. 2009. Media and Political Engagement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.) circuit of ‘civic culture’ as a model for exploring the interlinking preconditions for new acts of citizenship, we discuss the contrasting outcomes of research at three fieldwork sites in the North of England – educational (a sixth form college), civil society (a commu- nity reporters’ network) and social (a local club). Each site provided clear evidence of the elements of Dahlgren’s circuit (some depending on the intensive use of digital infrastructure, others predating it), but there were also breaks in the circuit that constrained its effectiveness. A crucial factor in each case for building a lasting circuit of civic culture (and an effective base for new forms of digital citizenship) is the role that digital infrastructure can play in extending the scale of interactions beyond the purely local.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Couldry, Nick, Stephansen, Hilde, Fotopoulou, Aristea, MacDonald, Richard, Clark, Wilma, Dickens, Luke";"Digital citizenship? Narrative exchange and the changing terms of civic culture";"Citizenship Studies 18 42162 615-629"
154;"In recent years there has been much political talk and academic debate on the subject of active citizenship, to which Bernard Crick's work has been central. His 'mission statement' (repeated here) is to induce 'no less than a change in political culture', to replace passive democracy, grounded on unsocial individualism and consumer values, with the republican ideal of 'active citizens, willing, able and equipped to have an influence on public lifee'.Here a group of political actors and academics, who believe a radically more active citizenship is a worthy aim, are invited to spell out in their particular area of concern, the obstacles and how they might be overcome, either by institutional innovation or changes in culture, and what be the benefits for democracy in the UK. Bernard Crick's first and final essays set the tone, respectively, on Civic Republicanism Today and Political Identity. Other contributors consider active citizenship in relation to: Labour Government Policy (David Blunkett and Matthew Taylor), Scottish Devolution (George Reid), Public Services (David Donnison), Gender Equality (Rhona Fitzgerald), Schools (Pamela Munn), Multiculturalism (Dina Kiwan), Integrating Immigrants (Elizabeth Meehan), Lifelong Learning (John Annette), Europe and International Understanding (Derek Heater), Young People (Andrew Lockyer) and Scottish Independence (Kevin Francis).";"EduHist";"Book";2010;"Crick, B., & Lockyer, A.";"Active Citizenship: What Could it Achieve and How?";
155;"The purpose of this two-wave longitudinal study was to analyze reciprocal associations between identity styles (i.e., socio-cognitive strategies that individuals adopt in processing, structuring, utilizing, and revising self-relevant information) and civic engagement in adolescence. Participants were 1,308 high school students (9–11 grades, 52.9% girls). Findings of cross-lagged models indicated reciprocal associations between identity styles and civic engagement. Specifically, each identity style (i.e., information-oriented, normative, and diffuse-avoidant) predicted changes in later levels of civic engagement, and civic engagement lessened later reliance on one of three identity styles (i.e., the diffuse-avoidant style). Therefore, effects of identity on civic engagement were stronger than effects of civic engagement on identity. From a practical perspective, these findings underline that interventions aimed at facilitating reliance on various identity styles are likely to have effects also on civic participation and civic experiences are likely to reduce adolescents' avoidance of identity issues";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Crocetti, E., Garckija, R., Gabrialaviciute, I., Vosylis, R., & Zukauskiene, R.";"Reciprocal Associations between Identity and Civic Engagement in Adolescence: A Two-Wave Longitudinal Study";"Intenational Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3, pp. 115-124"
156;"The purpose of this study was to test whether personal commitment to community was related to political involvement in two cultural contexts: Italy and the USA. Participants were 566 adolescents (48.2% males) aged 14–19 years (M = 16 years, SD = 1.29): 311 Italians and 255 Americans. Participants filled out a self-report questionnaire. Analyses of variance revealed that American high school students reported higher levels of personal commitment to community than did their Italian peers and that many forms of political involvement were significantly more common among American adolescents. Structural equation modeling analyses revealed that personal commitment to community was strongly and positively associated with involvement in political activities in both adolescent samples. Thus, fostering personal commitments to community could potentially lead youth to political engagement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Crocetti, E., Jahromi, P., & Buchanan, C.";"Commitment to community and political involvement: A cross-cultural study with Italian and American adolescents";"Human Affairs, Vol. 22, No 3, pp. 375-389"
157;"The purpose of this study was to examine the links between identity (statuses and processes) and adolescent civic engagement (volunteer and political participation). Participants were 392 Italian high school students (42% males) aged 14–20 years (Mage ¼ 16.23 years, SDage ¼ 1.53) who completed a self-report questionnaire. First, using a person-centered approach, we found that achieved adolescents were more involved in volunteer activities, reported higher civic efficacy, and stronger aspirations to contribute to their communities than their diffused counterparts. Second, by means of a variablecentered approach, we demonstrated that the link between identity processes (i.e., commitment and in-depth exploration) and past and future volunteer and political participation was mediated by social responsibility. Implications of the findings for current understanding of the link between adolescent identity formation and civic engagement are discussed and suggestions for future research are outlined";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Crocetti, E., Jahromi, P., & Meeus, W.";"Identity and civic engagement in adolescence. ";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 521-532"
158;"People who attach personal meaning to social and political events or are high in Personal Political Salience (PPS) are more likely to engage in political activism (Duncan & Stewart, 2007). Although research suggests that PPS is consequential for activism, we know little about its origins or, more generally, about indirect effects of personality on activism. In this study we examined the possibility that the personality trait of Openness to Experience may be one source of PPS and an indirect predictor of activism. In addition, we proposed that Openness would also be directly related to political activism in young adults but not in middle-aged and older adults. Analyses confirmed these predictions in cross-sectional and over-time data from six samples. We argue that Openness may predispose some individuals both to find personal meaning in distant political events and to engage in social activism in their youth.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Curtin, N., Stewart, A.J., & Duncan, L.E.";"What makes the political personal? Openness, personal political salience, and activism.";"Journal of Personality, Vol. 78, No 3, pp. 943, 968"
159;"Drawing on a systematic content analysis of UK newspaper coverage of young anti-Iraq war protestors, I examine how young people's opinions were mediated before and during the war in Iraq. I explore the extent and nature of coverage, and ask whether newspapers encouraged young people to be active citizens in the public sphere. I argue that the UK press sought to legitimize young people's opinion before the war had started by stressing the consensual composition of the demonstrations. However, the dominant media frame shifted once the war had commenced, with young protestors portrayed as opportunistic truants rather than (as pre-war) active, engaged citizens. I conclude by discussing recent literature which interprets media coverage of protests positively by replacing the concept of the public sphere with the ?public screen?. While visually stimulating, I argue it is a rather hollow concept because it loses sight of the referent needed to make sense of the reasons why the UK decided to go to war.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Cushion, Stephen";"Protesting their Apathy? An Analysis of British Press Coverage of Young anti-Iraq War Protestors";"Journal of Youth Studies 10 4 419-437"
160;"Like individuals, then, organizations ought to possess some autonomy, and at the same time they should also be controlled. Crudely stated, this is the fundamental problem of pluralist democracy. The purpose in this book is to explore the problem of pluralist democracy and some possible solutions.";"PolScience";"Book";1989;"Dahl, Robert";"Dilemmas of Pluralist Democracy: Autonomy vs. Control";
161;"conditions favor or impede a transformation into a political regime in which opponents of the government can openly and legally organize into political parties in order to oppose the government in free and fair elections.";"PolScience";"Book";1972;"Dahl, Robert";"Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition";
162;"As democracy encounters increasing difficulties, many citizens are turning to the domain of alternative politics and, in doing so, making considerable use of the Web and other new communication technologies. Clearly this is having significant impact, and new modes of political participation and even political cultures are emerging. In this volume, Peter Dahlgren analyses various factors that shape such Web-facilitated participation, including features of the Web itself as well as broader societal realities. Avoiding simplistic optimism or pessimism, the discussion highlights the tensions and force-fields that impact on participation, and also addresses several key topics in regard to citizens' engagement, such as civic subjectivity, web intellectuals and cosmopolitanism. While anchored in an extensive literature and wide theoretical vistas, the book is written in a clear and accessible style.";"Media";"Book";2013;"Dahlgren P";"The political web: media, participation and alternative democracy";
163;"One of the most difficult problems facing Western democracy today is the decline in citizens’ political engagement. There are many elements that contribute to this, including fundamental socio-cultural changes. The book summarizes these contexts and situates itself within them, while focusing on the media’s key role in shaping the character of civic engagement. In particular, it examines the new interactive electronic media in terms of their civic potential. Looking at the evolution of the media landscape, the book interrogates key notions such citizenship, public sphere, agency, identity, deliberation, and practice, and offers a multi-dimensional analytic framework called ‘civic cultures’. This framework is then applied to several settings, including television, popular culture, journalism, the EU, and global activism, to illuminate the role of the media in deflecting and enhancing political engagement, as well as in contributing to new forms of political involvement and new understandings of what constitutes the political.";"Media";"Book";2009;"Dahlgren P";"Media and political engagement: Citizens, Communication and Democracy";
164;"This book integrates four distinct topics: young people, citizenship, new media, and learning processes. When taken together, these four topics merge to define an arena of social and research attention that has become compelling in recent years. The general international concern expressed of declining democratic engagement and the role of citizenship today becomes all the more acute when it turns to younger people. At the same time, there is growing attention being paid to the potential of new media – especially internet and mobile telephony – to play a role in facilitating newer forms of political participation. It is clear that many of the present manifestations of ‘new politics’ in the extra parliamentarian domain, not only make sophisticated use of such media, but are indeed highly dependent on them. With an impressive array of contributors, this book will appeal to those interested in a number of spheres, including media and cultural studies, political science, pedagogy, and sociology.";"Media";"Book";2007;"Dahlgren P";"Young Citizens and New Media: Learning for Democratic Participation";
165;"Among the key findings of the Civic Web project is the modest potential of the Web to stimulate democratic participation among young people if such involvement does not already exist. While underscoring that the Internet can make an important difference, the report emphasizes the importance of taking into account other factors that shape participation—and how they can interact with the Net. For example, online activities need to be linked to offline contexts and to concerns that young people face in their daily lives. Moreover, access to those in power is a precondition for sustained involvement. With these and related findings as a point of departure, this article conceptualizes the social, cultural, and psychological factors around participation in order to move toward a more unified perspective and thus to specify in a clearer manner how these factors interact with the Net. Drawing on a number of current research trajectories, including my own work on civic cultures and the work fellow Swedish researcher Erik Amnå has been conducting on the psychology of young citizens, I offer a three-tiered framework that highlights (1) structural opportunities, (2) cultural resources, and (3) subjective dispositions. Elements from these three tiers intersect in complex ways with the Internet and its increasingly ubiquitous Web environment. This ""macro-meso-micro"" framework is intended to facilitate further analysis of the Net and how it, contingent upon these other factors, may serve to promote, or hinder, political participation among young citizens.";"Media";"JArticle";2010;"Dahlgren, Peter";"Opportunities, Resources, and Dispositions: Young Citizens' Participation and the Web Environment";"International Journal of Learning and Media, Winter 2010, Vol. 2, No. 1, Pages 1-13"
166;"In this broad-ranging text, Peter Dahlgren clarifies the underlying theoretical concepts of civil society and the public sphere, and relates these to a critical analysis of the practice of television as journalism, as information and as entertainment. He demonstrates the limits and the possibilities of the television medium and the formats of popular journalism. These issues are linked to the potential of the audience to interpret or resist messages, and to construct its own meanings. What does a realistic understanding of the functioning and the capabilities of television imply for citizenship and democracy in a mediated age?";"SocPhil";"Book";1995;"Dahlgren, Peter";"Television and the Public Sphere : Citizenship, Democracy and the Media";
167;"A growing chorus of scholars laments the apparent decline of political participation in America, and the negative implications of this trend for American democracy. This article questions this position - arguing that previous studies misdiagnosed the sources of political change and the consequences of changing norms of citizenship for Americans' political engagement. Citizenship norms are shifting from a pattern of duty-based citizenship to engaged citizenship. Using data from the 2005 'Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy' survey of the Center for Democracy and Civil Society (CDACS) I describe these two faces of citizenship, and trace their impact on political participation. Rather than the erosion of participation, this norm shift is altering and expanding the patterns of political participation in America.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2008;"Dalton, Russell, J.";"Citizenship Norms and the Expansion of Political Participation";"Political Studies, Vol. 56, No. 1, pp. 76-89"
168;"It is generally assumed that civic education efforts will have a positive effect on the political attitudes and behaviors of adolescents and young adults. In the present study, we distinguish among formal civic education, an open classroom climate, and active learning strategies, and we explore their relation with political interest, efficacy, trust, and participation. To analyze these relations, we rely on the results of a two-year panel study among late adolescents in Belgium. The results indicate that formal civic education (classroom instruction) and active learning strategies (school council membership and, to a lesser extent, group projects) are positively related to political attitudes and behavior. An open classroom climate, on the other hand, is significantly related to political trust. We conclude that there is no reason to privilege specific forms of civic education, as each form relates to different relevant political attitudes and behaviors.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Dassonneville, R., Quintelier, E., Hooghe, M., & Claes, E.";"The relation between civic education and political attitudes and behavior: A two-year panel study among Belgian late adolescents. ";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 16, No 3, pp. 140-150"
169;"Following some contextual remarks about the nature of Europe and citizenship, there is consideration of the ways in which teachers and learners are developing the knowledge, skills and dispositions needed for effective citizenship in Europe. Some attention is given to the different levels of citizenship education which can occur and the choices that educators can make when developing relevant programmes.";"EduHist";"JArticle";1998;"Davies, I. ";"Citizenship Education in Europe. Citizenship, Social and Economics Education";"Children's Social and Economics Education, Vol. 3, No. 3, pp. 127-140"
170;"This paper is based on intensive data collection and analysis during part of April-May 2001 within one local education authority (LEA). Questionnaire, interview and documentary data have been gathered from teachers, academics, LEA employees, workers in a range of community based organisations, as well as young people. We suggest that those who are currently engaged in citizenship education in a variety of roles reveal a wide variation of understandings about citizenship and preferences for particular types of citizenship education. The data seem to reveal very positive general support for citizenship education, some uncertainty about current practice, and a creative uneasiness about the prospects of further developments. Respondents suggest that citizenship education should focus on content that is relevant and 'real', employ a participative process, be inclusive, ensure that outcomes are valued by a range of people, be primarily (but not exclusively) locally based, and is organised realistically. We do not claim that this work would lead to similar results elsewhere. We do, however, feel (as we move towards a general implementation of citizenship education) that others may wish to compare their own situation with the one that is described here.";"Policy";"JArticle";2002;"Davies, I., & Evans, M.";"Encouraging Active Citizenship";"Educational Review, Vol. 54, No 1, pp. 69-78"
171;"This article discusses, principally from an English perspective, globalisation, global citizenship and two forms of education relevant to those developments (global education and citizenship education). We describe what citizenship has meant inside one nation state and ask what citizenship means, and could mean, in a globalising world. By comparing the natures of citizenship education and global education, as experienced principally in England during, approximately, the last three decades, we seek to develop a clearer understanding of what has been done and what might be done in the future in order to develop education for global citizenship. We suggest that up to this point there have been significant differences between the characterisations that have been developed for global education and citizenship education. These differences are revealed through an examination of three areas: focus and origins, the attitude of the government and significant others, and the adoption of pedagogical approaches. We suggest that it would be useful to look beyond old barriers that have separated citizenship education and global education and to form a new global citizenship education. Their separation has in the past only perpetuated the old understandings of citizenship and constructed a constrained view of global education.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2005;"Davies, I., Evans, M., & Reid, A.";"Globalising Citizenship Education? A Critique of 'Global Education' and 'Ctizenship Education'";"British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 66-89"
172;"Using panel data from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS), this study empirically analyzes the relationship between two forms of civic engagement—student government and community service—and educational progress made after the eighth grade by addressing the following questions. Does civic engagement affect academic progress in mathematics, reading, history, and science? Does voluntary community service differently influence scholastic progress compared to involuntary service, and does the frequency of this engagement matter? Are teenagers involved in civic activities more likely to acquire higher education than their peers? In general, our findings indicate that civically-engaged high school students tend to make greater academic progress and are more likely to graduate from college than their peers several years later.";"DevPsy";"Other";2007;"Dávila, A., & Mora, M.T.";"Civic engagement and high school academic progress: An analysis using NELS data (CIRCLE Working Paper 52).";
173;"Non-governmental organizations (AIDS-NGO) are an instrument of political pressure and assistance, often serving as a life reconstruction aid for people living with HIV/AIDS. In this case study, we analyze data from historical documents, in-depth interviews, and questionnaires obtained from participants and community agents in two AIDS-NGOs: one in Canada (NGO-Ca), and another in Brazil (NGO-Br). Despite contextual differences, both NGOs are involved in a fight against stigma and discrimination that may aggravate existing social exclusion. Variances in political participation are nevertheless evident. In NGO-Ca, efforts are directed towards maintaining and consolidating human and social rights. In NGO-Br, the primary goal is building these. In NGO-Ca, the participant is part of a structured organization where he or she receives the required supports, the NGO is thus a service provider. Conversely, in NGO-Br, the participant is both the actor and author of collectively constructed supportive actions. It is hoped that the lessons learned from this limited case study will assist in the strengthening of AIDS-NGO organization and activity, particularly in the developing world context.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"De Castro-Silva, C.R., Hewitt, W.E., Sabourin, S., Calixto, S., Santos, E., & Ricard, S.";"AIDS-ngos and political participation: Brazilian and Canadian experiences";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 18, No 6, pp. 615-629"
174;"This publication aims to capture how policies and measures relating to citizenship education have evolved over recent years in European countries. It focuses on the following areas which are integral to the provision of citizenship education: (1) Curriculum aims, approaches and organisation, (2) Student and parent participation in school governance, (3) School culture and student participation in society, (4) Student assessment, school evaluation and education system performance, and (5) Education, training and support for teachers and school heads. The report consists of five chapters, each dealing with a different aspect of citizenship education at school in Europe. Chapter 1 provides an overview of the status of citizenship education in central-level curricula and guidelines, and examines which teaching approaches are recommended for this subject area. Chapter 2 focuses on opportunities for students and parents to participate in school governance, as an aspect of school organisation that can contribute significantly to the development of citizenship knowledge and skills. Chapter 3 continues to discuss how students experience active and democratic citizenship within and beyond the school context. The focus in Chapter 4 is on the evaluation of both provision and outcomes of citizenship education. Chapter 5 explores the qualifications and support for two key groups in the implementation of citizenship education: teachers and school heads. Appended are: (1) Compulsory and elective approaches for citizenship education according to national curricula, 2010/11 (95), (2) Ongoing and recent national initiatives for encouraging student's participation in activities which promote citizenship education, in the local community and society, as reported by the Eurydice national units, 2011/12, and (3) Information organised per country for Figures 2.7, 2.8, 2.9 and 2.13. A glossary is included. Annexes contain references.";"DevPsy";"Other";2012;"De Coster, I., Borodankova, O., De Almeida Coutinho, A.S., & Paolini, G.";"Citizenship Education in Europe ";
175;"Declining political involvement of adolescents in western society has caused widespread concerns about the health of democracy in the future. This study investigates the role of the media in the formation of political attitudes and political mobilization of adolescents. Based on a secondary data analysis of the European Social Survey (N = 5657), the influence of exposure to news and entertainment content on political trust, signing petitions and consumer politics is assessed in a multi-level regression analysis. Additionally, the impact of the political and educational system on political attitude formation and civic engagement of adolescents is investigated. The results show a higher level of engagement in countries with a well-functioning democracy. At the individual level, news media exposure is positively related to engagement in consumer politics, whereas exposure to entertainment is negatively related to mobilization.";"Media";"BookChap";2014;"de Vreese, Claes H. & Moeller, Judith";"Communication and political socialization";"Carsten Reinemann (Ed.), Political Communication, Book Series: Handbook of Communication Science, Vol. 18, pp. 529-545"
176;"Foucault's governmentality framework perceives the policy process as one of steering citizens into uncontroversial behaviors. This article argues that the call to create a ""Big Society"" of volunteering and engagement in the UK is a natural extension of such governmental practices. Drawing on qualitative interviews with volunteering professionals in England, the article analyzes the creation and implementation of youth volunteering policy, asking to what extent such policies can be an effective tool through which to instill Britain's youth with a sense of responsibility and whether indeed that is a deliverable aim. The article shows that social class divisions and the increasingly pressurized lives of young people hamper the take-up and effectiveness of volunteering policy. It concludes that volunteering has been conceptualized and delivered as a pathway to employment, leaving increased responsibility as a nebulous concept in the lives of young volunteers.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Dean, Jon";"Manufacturing Citizens: The Dichotomy Between Policy and Practice in Youth Volunteering in the UK";"Administrative Theory & Praxis 35 1 46-62"
177;"Citizenship implies membership of a political community and is internally defined by rights, duties, participation, and identity. It has traditionally been subordinate to nationality, which defines the territorial limits of citizenship. In order to theorize forms of citizenship that go beyond the spatial domain of nationality, citizenship must be seen as multilayered, operating on the regional, national and supranational levels. European citizenship as postnational citizenship is compatible with other forms of citizenship and could become an important dimension to the integration of European society in the twenty first century. At the moment, however, the tendency is to define European citizenship in terms of, on the one hand, a formal and derivative citizenship based on rights and which is mostly supplementary to national citizenship and, on the other hand, a European supranationality defined by reference to an exclusivist conception of European cultural identity. This conception of European identity and citizenship neglects other possibilities which European integration offers.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1997;"Delanty, G.";"Models of citizenship: Defining European identity and citizenship";"Citizenship Studies, Vol. 1, No 3, pp. 285-303"
178;"While the notion of a European citizenship in the sense of a formal mode of citizenship that is specific to the EU has a certain reality today, a significant development has been the Europeanization of national regimes. This has occurred under the impact of the broader context of the rise of cosmopolitan forms of citizenship. A historical contextualization of the transformation of citizenship in Europe points to two major traditions, the republican and the cosmopolitan. An analysis of the current situation suggests that both of these have become mutually implicated in each other, but the resulting situation has led to a deficit in the values of solidarity and social justice leading to a major crisis at the heart of the European project.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Delanty, Gerard";"European Citizenship: A Critical Assessment";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 63-72"
179;"In his Perpetual Peace Project, Kant keeps stumbling upon the same theoretical issue: what legal architecture could maintain political communities under a same authority without depriving them from their sovereignty? The answer to that question is to be found in a rather surprising place: in Kant's defence of a limited right to immigration. Kant's cosmopolitan right to hospitality is divided between an unconditional right to sojourn and the privilege of the residence. I will argue that the institutionalization of cosmopolitanism ultimately rests on a transnational communication made possible by the migrations flows and therefore requires a progressive blurring of this distinction between sojourn and residence. This paves the way to the reinterpretation of Kant's right to hospitality as the right for migrants to have access to an integration process. Adapted from the source document.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Deleixhe, M. ";"Kant's Cosmopolitan Right, A Reassessment: The European Citizenship Between the Right of Visit and the Rigth of Residence";"Revue francaise de science politique 64(1): 79-93."
180;"This paper reviews current evidence on the declining political engagement of British youth. What emerges is that causes of their political disaffection are manifold and complex, but trust, distrust and cynicism feature strongly. Traditional approaches to trust and distrust fail to recognise this complexity, consequently this paper offers a more sophisticated conceptual framework that examines trust and distrust as separate but linked dimensions, as advocated by Lewicki, McAllister and Bies. From the analysis four segments of ""voter"" types are identified. By segmenting voters in this way, marketers can design strategies to help increase young people's trust and reduce their distrust, thereby increasing their propensity to vote in future elections. A synopsis of marketing aims to stimulate the ""youth vote"" is presented along with areas for further research.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Dermody, Janine, Hanmer-Lloyd, Stuart";"Segmenting youth voting behaviour through trusting-distrusting relationships: A conceptual approach";"International Journal of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing 9 3 202-217"
181;"This article presents findings from a national survey of ‘potential’ first time voters at the 2001 British General Election–specifically their attitudes towards the print advertising used by the main political parties during this election. In analysing the data, the authors were particularly interested in examining the claim that political advertising contributes to a sense of malaise–most acutely apparent among young people. While we found high levels of claimed advertising awareness, this was coupled with largely unfavourable attitudes towards most of the print advertising used in the election. Despite these judgements, most young people considered the advertising to be at least as persuasive as its commercial cousins. Not surprisingly the evidence provides a mixed picture in terms of the role political advertising plays in the political dispositions of young people. As a familiar discourse advertising offers the political classes an entry point to establish a dialogue with young sections of the electorate. However, for many young people, political advertising appears to help reinforce their predilection about politics being something one naturally distrusts.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Dermody, Janine, Scullion, Richard";"Young People's Attitudes Towards British Political Advertising: Nurturing or Impeding Voter Engagement?";"Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing 14 42006 129-149"
182;"This paper explores an emerging agenda of the geographies of citizenship. Citizenship studies has become an established multidisciplinary arena of academic study, and in part it has developed a number of themes that make use of a traditionally geographic vocabulary of space. At the same time geographers have engaged both explicitly and implicitly with notions of citizenship for nearly 20 years. However, the dialogue between geography and citizenship studies has not always had the volume of traffic it deserves. In this paper we map out some of the emerging agenda in the geographies of citizenship. Traditionally citizenship in geography has been addressed through the concept of space. The notion of “spaces of citizenship” has provided a useful framework for geographical engagement with the theory and practice of citizenship, particularly through exploration of the spatially differentiated nature of de facto citizenship as experienced by “othered” groups who are subjected to social and spatial marginalisation. However, geographers have recently extended the scope of geographical enquiries into citizenship. The paper explores three ways in which this process has taken place, is continuing in current work, and may shape the geographies of citizenship in the future. The first section looks at the expansion of the conceptual vocabulary used to analyse citizenship as geographers have sought to broaden the scope of the analytical tools that might be applied to the subject. Geographically inflected concepts such as scale, place and mobility have as much pertinence as space in understanding contemporary citizenship formations. Second, the paper looks at how space itself has been reconceptualised from an absolutist version to one which has theorised the relational and topological formation of place. Third, the paper examines geography’s methodological contribution to research on citizenship, emphasising how the discipline’s research agenda has l";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Desforges, Luke, Jones, Rhys, Woods, Mike";"New Geographies of Citizenship";"Citizenship Studies 9 5 439-451"
183;"John Dewey's ""Democracy and Education"" addresses the challenge of providing quality public education in a democratic society. In this classic work Dewey calls for the complete renewal of public education, arguing for the fusion of vocational and contemplative studies in education and for the necessity of universal education for the advancement of self and society. First published in 1916, ""Democracy and Education"" is regarded as the seminal work on public education by one of the most important scholars of the century.";"SocPhil";"Book";1916;"Dewey, J.";"Democracy and Education";
184;"This study examines the roles of parental political socialization and the moral commitment to change social inequalities in predicting marginalized youths’ (defined here as lower-SES youth of color) political participation. These issues are examined by applying structural equation modeling to a longitudinal panel of youth. Because tests of measurement invariance suggested racial/ethnic heterogeneity, the structural model was fit separately for three racial/ethnic groups. For each group, parental political socialization: discussion predicted youths’ commitment to produce social change and for two groups, longitudinally predicted political participation. This study contributes to the literature by examining civic/political participation among disparate racial/ethnic groups, addresses an open scholarly question (whether youths’ commitment to create social change predicts their “traditional” participation), and emphasizes parents’ role in fostering marginalized youths’ civic and political participation.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2012;"Diemer, M.A.";"Fostering Marginalized Youths Political Participation: Longitudinal Roles of Parental Political Socialization and Youth Sociopolitical Development";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 50, No 1-2, pp. 246-256"
185;"Given associations between critical consciousness and positive developmental outcomes, and given racial, socioeconomic, and generational disparities in political participation, this article examined contextual antecedents of critical consciousness (composed of sociopolitical control and social action) and its consequences for 665 marginalized youth's (ages 15-25) voting behavior. A multiple indicator and multiple causes (MIMIC) model examined racial, ethnic, and age differences in the measurement and means of latent constructs. The structural model suggested that parental and peer sociopolitical support predicts sociopolitical control and social action, which in turn predicts voting behavior, while controlling for civic and political knowledge, race/ethnicity, and age. This illuminates how micro-level actors foster critical consciousness and how the perceived capacity to effect social change and social action participation may redress voting disparities.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Diemer, M.A., & Li, C.-H.";"Critical Consciousness Development and Political Participation Among Marginalized Youth";"Child Development, Vol. 82, No 6, pp. 1815-1833"
186;"A substantial body of research suggests that incipient moral anxiety is growing in relation to excluded youth, and is manifestly cross-national in nature. While these anxieties are often assumed to be most evident in recent times, historians of childhood and youth persistently remind us of the long history of anxiety recorded in the public record about disadvantaged urban youth [e.g. Gleason. 2013. ""Small Matters: Canadian Children in Sickness and Health, 1900-1940"". Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press]. However, the degree and nature of local differentiation in the forms of moral anxiety being generated have yet to be systematically researched in relation to youth exclusion in diverse city spaces. There is also limited research on how senior members living in the same city spaces, many of whom were excluded as young people, remember and re-represent--through individual and collective memory--what it was like to be young in the past [Cubbit. 2007. ""History and Memory"". Manchester: Manchester University Press]. Drawing on cross national studies and diverse sources, including oral history accounts, media representations, and interviews with young people, this article explores the perspectives of low-income young people living at the fringe of two different urban centres and who identified as having experienced varying degrees of educational and/or social exclusion. We argue that such multi-layered analyses challenge the binaries often invoked about inclusion, exclusion and marginalised youth, particularly concerning questions about history, memory, and the bordering and classification practices of individuals [see Balibar. 2009a. ""We, the People of Europe?: Reflections on Transnational Citizenship. Princeton"", NJ: Princeton University Press, Rumford. 2011. ""Citizens and Borderwork in Contemporary Europe"". London: Routledge]. More specifically, the article analyses representations of exclusion, in the present and past, in reference to what Balibar, ""We, the People of Europe?: Reflections on Transnational Citizenship"", has termed ""borderwork"". Overall, we argue that narratives of risk, forms of border anxiety [Newman. 2006. ""Borders and Bordering: Towards an Interdisciplinary Dialogue."" ""European Journal of Social Theory"" 9 (2): 171-186] and the consequent moralising claims made about economically disadvantaged youth are crucial in understanding how youth exclusion is represented and remembered, and made and remade across time and place.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Dillabough, Jo-Anne, McLeod, Julie, Oliver, Caroline";"Distant Cities, Travelling Tales and Segmented Young Lives: Making and Remaking Youth Exclusion across Time and Place";"International Journal of Inclusive Education 19 6 659-676"
187;"Can we conceive of a citizenship that could, in principle, be relevant to a variety of types of political framework? This book offers a coherent and innovative conception of citizenship that is independent of any specific form of political organisation, and discusses topical issues of European Union - democracy and authority, political community and identity, the supranational constitution - in the light of it. Bringing political theory together with debates in international relations and in citizenship studies, the author argues that citizenship should no longer be understood as a status of privilege and belonging. Instead, it is an institutional role, through which persons might exercise their political agency - their capacities to shape the contexts of their lives and promote the freedom and well-being of themselves and others. In advancing this conception of citizenship, Dobson draws on and develops ideas found in the work of the philosopher Alan Gewirth. Supranational citizenship will be principally of interest to researchers in the fields of European integration, international normative theory, political and moral philosophy, and citizenship.";"SocPhil";"Book";2012;"Dobson, L.";"Supranational Citizenship";
188;"We need a new model for thinking about the relationship between researchers, practitioners, families, and communities. In this article, which is an expanded version of my November 1999 National Council on Family Relations Presidential Address, I begin with an analysis and critique of the implicit model of knowledge transmission guiding work in family science and related files during the twentieth century. I then offer a community partnership model for family professionals. The model expands the role of the family professional beyond that of service provider to one of citizen working with other citizens to produce collective work of civic value.";"Policy";"JArticle";2004;"Doherty, W.J.";"Family Science and Family Citizenship: Toward a Model of Community Partnership with Families";"Family Relations, Vol. 49, No 3, pp. 319-325"
189;"Relationships among empowerment, social participation, and social dimensions of the self are examined crosssectionally in a sample of Chilean adolescents (N= 1091) drawn from private and public schools. Previous literature indicates that social dimensions of the self orientation toward the common good are actualized in social and civic roles. These attitudes are predictive of civic engagement in adulthood and prevent at-risk behaviours in adolescents. School is an important context for the development of roles and attitudes towards the common good. This study tested the association among opportunities for empowerment in school, social participation and adolescents' social self-concept (attitudes towards the common good and social responsibility). Exploratory factor analyses yielded two dimensions of empowerment, namely social climate of respect and trust, and disposition to take action, and two dimensions of social participation: helping others and political. Findings indicated that opportunities for empowerment, operationalized as a school climate that promotes respect, trust and support, and disposition toward action are positively associated with adolescents' social self-concept. Similarly, prosocial and political involvement are each positively associated to adolescents' social self-concept.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Dreyer, C.L.S., & Guzmàn, M.L.M.";"Empowerment, participation and social self-concept in Chilean adolescents [Empoderamiento, participaciòn y autoconcepto de persona socialmente comprometida en adolescentes Chilenos]";"Interamerican Journal of Psychology, Vol. 41, No 2, pp. 129-138"
190;"In one of her first acts as president of the American Political Science Association in 1996, Elinor Ostrom created the ""Task Force on Civic Education for the Next Century."" Ostrom pointed to the need to address contemporary, ""deep concerns about the viability of democracy in America...,"" concerns rooted in the perceived ""decline in civic engagement, political efficacy, and in the capacity of citizens to organize themselves...."" Ostrom went on to argue for a number of remedies to deal with the need for greater civic education and civic engagement in the United States (1996, 755-58).";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Dudley, R.L., & Gitelson, A.R.";"Civic education, civic engagement and youth civic development";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 263-267"
191;"In this brief historical overview of the study of the political socialization process and the acquisition of political knowledge, the authors maintain that the study of youth, political literacy, and civic activism is both a complex undertaking and normatively loaded. The research demands not only rigor in design but the exploration of new venues for a better understanding of those agents, activities, and interactions that shape young people's visions of the political world and their choice to participate or not participate in it. There is a need for a clearer understanding of what we know about politics and how we can link that knowledge to civic engagement. An important key to this understanding is greater awareness of and attention paid by political scientists to developmental psychology and theories of the learning processes. Only then can we make informed decisions about appropriate standards of civic education and civic engagement for our youth and throughout the life cycle.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Dudley, R.L., & Gitelson, A.R.";"Political Literacy, Civic Education, and Civic Engagement: A Return to Political Socialization?";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No.4, pp. 175-182"
192;"This study examined the ability of adolescent connection in family and community contexts to promote an aspect of healthy youth development and transition into adulthood, civic engagement. Data are from Wave 1 (1995) and Wave 3 (2001–2002) of the in-home interviews from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. The sample for this study included 9130 young adults aged 18–26 years. Linear and logistic regression models were used to measure the influence of connection in family and community contexts (Wave 1) on outcomes of civic engagement in young adulthood (Wave 3). Stronger connection in all family and community contexts during adolescence predicted greater likelihood of voting, community volunteer service, involvement in social action/solidarity groups, education groups, and/or conservation groups, and endorsement of civic trust in young adulthood. Select connections in family and community contexts were also significant predictors of political voice/involvement and blood product donation. In a final multivariate model, frequency of shared activities with parent(s) and school connection during adolescence emerged as unique predictors of young adult civic engagement. To conclude with, connections in family and community contexts during adolescence promote healthy youth development through facilitation of multiple aspects of civic engagement in young adulthood. The importance of these connections in fostering youth capacity to bond to a broader community construct is discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Duke, N.N., Skay, C.L., Pettingell, S.L., & Borowsky, I.W.";"From adolescent connections to social capital: predictors of civic engagement in young adulthood.";"Journal of Adolescent Health, Vol. 44, No.2, pp. 161-168"
193;"Background: In England over the last two decades, there has been a growing interest in the role of English schools in developing, facilitating and supporting young people's community participation. A number of policy initiatives have sought to build the capacity and opportunities for youth participation. Research suggests, however, that pupils and schools are often prohibited by significant barriers from becoming involved with community activities, particularly those that might occur beyond the school environment itself. In March 2010, the UK Labour government launched a Youth Community Action initiative for England, piloted across five local authorities, which aimed to involve young people of 14-16 years of age in community action. Following the UK general election in May 2010, the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government terminated these pilots but was quick to announce the launch and piloting of a National Citizen Service for 16-19-year-olds in England.Purpose: Drawing on research conducted with participants in one Youth Community Action pilot project, the aim of this study was to explore the perceptions and understandings of young people regarding their involvement in community action activities and how this compared with the perceptions and understandings of the teachers responsible for co-ordinating such activities.Sample: In the final synthesis, the sample comprised 614 pupil questionnaires, representing a response rate of 24% of the pupils in the nine participating schools. Eleven semi-structured interviews and one focus group interview were conducted with pupils in six of the schools, with a further eight semi-structured interviews conducted with teachers in these six schools.Design and methods: A questionnaire was administered to pupils participating in the Youth Community Action pilot, enabling an exploration of self-reported behavioural attitudes and perceptions. The data collected was analysed thematically, with an identification of common themes in responses. In addition, factor analysis and a series of chi-squared tests of association were carried out. The use of semi-structured interviews, the data from which were analysed thematically, enabled a qualitative exploration of pupils' and teachers' self-reported perceptions of community action activities.Results: The findings of our questionnaires report that those pupils who know more about their local neighbourhood and community are likely to report greater levels of concern for what happens within it. This suggests that pupils' learning about their neighbourhoods and community is likely to be beneficial toward developing affective attachments to them. For the pupils in our data set, simply possessing pro-social behaviours and attitudes was not a sufficient or necessary condition for their community awareness and involvement. It suggests that, at least for a notable number of pupils, active engagement in the community requires cultivation and learning beyond pro-social behaviours. The semi-structured interviews report that pupils identify the school as the key source of information about community engagement opportunities, but also indicate that there is a marked difference in the activities that teachers identify their pupils as having undertaken, and the ability of pupils to vocalise these themselves. A further notable finding was a focus on the practical (time, distance, age constraints) and social (peer pressure) barriers to community action activities to the exclusion of specifically educational (lack of understanding and skills) barriers.Conclusions: Results from this study suggest that schools represent an important source for pupils' community involvement, but that in our sample pupils often lack the vocabulary with which to explain the extent and nature of such engagement. Pupils and teachers identify a range of barriers to and benefits of community involvement, but these do not include a lack of understanding or skills. The research raises important questions in the context of recent policy trends in England.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Durrant, I., Peterson, A., Hoult, E., & Leith, L.";"Pupil and teacher perceptions of community action: An English context";"Educational Research, Vol. 54, No 3, pp. 259-283"
194;"Political systems maintain support for a given regime in part through the processes of political socalization. The origins of attachment to the norm of political efficacy are explored through data on 12,000 US elementary School children, ages 7-14. It is found that children have begun to develop an orientation toward political efficacy, in that they are able to project it onto adults, by the 3rd grade. This orientation is increasingly well-defined across the elementary School years. There is, in addition, a marked increase of a higher sense of political efficacy over the grades. This aspect of socialization is related to IQ & to SES, interpreted as indicators of general efficacy & exposure potential. The data on children, unlike adults in the US, do not show a higher sense of efficacy among Males than among Females. The evident early growth of attachment to the norm of political efficacy may be central to the maintenance of a democratic regime.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";1967;"Easton, David & Dennis, Jack";"The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy";"The American Political Science Review, Vol. 61, No.  1, pp. 25-38"
195;"We examined the potential benefits and risks associated with participation in five types of activities: prosocial (church and volunteer activities), team sports, school involvement, performing arts, and academic clubs. Our sample included 1,259 mostly European American adolescents (approximately equal numbers of males and females). First, we explore the link between involvement in these activities and our indicators of positive and negative development. Involvement in prosocial activities was linked to positive educational trajectories and low rates of involvement in risky behaviors. In contrast, participation in team sports was linked to positive educational trajectories and to high rates of involvement in one risky behavior, drinking alcohol. Then, we explore two possible mediators of these associations: peer associations and activity-based identity formation. The evidence supported our hypothesis that group differences in peer associations and activity-based identities help explain activity group differences.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1999;"Eccles, J. S., & Barber, B. L. ";"Student council, volunteering, basketball, or marching band: what kind of extracurricular involvement matters? ";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 10-43."
196;"Despite the importance of a democratic school context, little is known about its underling processes. The present research examined in how far a positive social-emotional classroom climate, namely perceptions of community in class and fairness of teachers, furthers students’ democratic experiences in school (i.e., open classroom climate for discussion, opportunities to participate in school decisions). The analyses were based on a sample of adolescent high school students from the federal state of Thuringia, Germany (N= 1,286, 52.0% female students, Mage = 13.85). Multilevel structural equation modeling was applied in order to account for individual, class-average, and teacher effects. The results confirmed the importance of a positive social-emotional climate, both when examining students’ individual and class-average perceptions. Significant relationships between students’ democratic experiences and teachers’ perceptions of the prevailing social-emotional climate, however, were only found among older students";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Eckstein, K., & Noack, P.";"Students' Democratic Experiences in School: A Multilevel Analysis of Social-Emotional Influences. ";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 105-114"
197;"Drawing on data from a longitudinal cohort-sequential project, the present study examined developmental trajectories of adolescents' attitudes toward political engagement and their willingness to participate in politics from grade 7 to 11 while accounting for the influence of school track and gender. Moreover, stabilities on the dependent variables were assessed. The results revealed differential trajectories regarding adolescents' educational level. Increases were mainly shown for students attending the college-bound school track. Generally, both orientations toward political behaviors were shown to become more stable throughout the adolescent years. Together, the findings confirmed adolescence to be a crucial period in life concerning the emergence, consolidation, and development of political points of view.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Eckstein, K., Noack, P., & Gniewosz, B.";"Attitudes toward political engagement and willingness to participate in politics: trajectories throughout adolescence.";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 485-495"
198;"Considering the importance of active citizenship, the goal of the present research was to identify meaningful predictors of intentions to participate in politics in adolescence (Study 1) and young adulthood (Study 2). Based on the assumptions of the civic voluntarism model, three main predictors were examined: Resources (educational level), experiences in social networks (club membership, important others’ attitudes toward political behaviors, political discussions), and individual characteristics (attitudes toward political behaviors, internal political efficacy). Despite the differences in age, both studies identified a strikingly similar pattern of results: Especially experiences in social networks predicted changes in young people’s intentions to participate in politics. These effects, however, were mediated by the examined individual characteristics. While the effect of political discussions was largely mediated by the young people’s sense of internal political efficacy, the effect of important others’ attitudes was mediated by their own attitudes toward political behaviors.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Eckstein, Katharina, Noack, Peter & Jugert, Philipp";"Pathways to Active Citizenship in Adolescence and Young Adulthood";"Polskie Forum Psychologiczne, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 165-83"
199;"Is there a common ground on which a European citizenship can be constructed? This volume looks at four foundations of citizenship in Europe: the legacy of national identities, current designs and projects for social and political citizenship in Europe, a transitional public space as the basis of an active European citizenship, and a transitional collective identity as a symbolic boundary marker for European citizenship.";"PolScience";"Book";2001;"Eder, K., & Giesen, B.";"European citizenship between national legacies and postnational projects";
200;"Abstract Innovative approaches to citizenship emerged in the 1990s. Post-national theory suggested that European minorities no longer needed national citizenship because supra-national political structures such as the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) offered them protections. Denationalized citizenship held that universal human rights were now available at the national level too as the Council of Europe's member countries had to incorporate human rights principles within their own jurisdictions. New forms of claims-making among European Muslims were cited as evidence of this trend as religious claims, especially relating to the hijab, began to be made through human rights litigation. This paper demonstrates the limits of post-nationalism through a discussion of the outcomes of such claims. While European Muslims are indeed mobilizing around human rights, there is no evidence ? at the level of litigation ? that this has helped them to win recognition of their religious or cultural rights. This paper explores the reasons for this.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Edmunds, June";"The limits of post-national citizenship: European Muslims, human rights and the hijab";"Ethnic and Racial Studies 35 7 1181-1199"
201;"Low youth electoral turnouts are considered problematic in many democracies. Here I explore youth electoral engagement in the Australian context where the policy literature attributes low youth electoral enrolments to apathetic and disassociated youth, and the response is Civics and Citizenship education. This construction of youth and advocacy of education prevails despite recent challenges by researchers describing young people as interested in politics and committed to democracy, as well as evidence that education is limited in its capacity to effect change. Here, I ask why, if young people have access to education and express interest in politics, do many still not enrol and vote? With reference to data collected as part of the Australian Youth Electoral Study I argue for a reframing of both the problem and the solution. Instead of focusing on the deficiencies of individual youth, I shift the focus to barriers that can precipitate young people's disenfranchisement. In doing so I examine not ?deficient youth?, but the capacity of Australia's democracy to facilitate youth electoral engagement. In this context I examine the role that the state plays in constructing these barriers and causing the disenfranchisement of many young Australians.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Edwards, Kathy";"From Deficit to Disenfranchisement: Reframing Youth Electoral Participation";"Journal of Youth Studies 10 5 539-555"
202;"Reviewing the literature on political participation and civic engagement, the articleoffers a critical examination of different conceptual frameworks. Drawing on previousdefinitions and operationalisations, a new typology for political participation and civicengagement is developed, highlighting the multidimensionality of both concepts. Inparticular, it makes a clear distinction between manifest 'political participation'(including formal political behaviour as well as protest or extra-parliamentary politicalaction) and less direct or 'latent' forms of participation, conceptualized here as 'civicengagement' and 'social involvement'. The article argues that the notion of 'latent'forms of participation is crucial to understand new forms of political behaviour and theprospects for political participation in different countries. Due to these innovations itcontributes to a much-needed theoretical development within the literature on politicalparticipation and citizen engagement.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Ekman, Joakim & Amnå, Erik";"Political participation and civic engagement: Towards a new typology";"Human Affairs, Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 283-300"
203;"The article departs from an overarching research question: How does young people's engagement in different Internet spaces affect the development of their public orientation during adolescence? It analyses longitudinal panel data in order to explore how young people's public orientation develops during a phase in life (13Ð20) which is critical for political socialization. Data are derived from three waves of data collection among young people who were 13Ð17 years old at the time for the first data collection. The concept public orientation is measured by three indicators: young people's values, interests and everyday peer talk. These indicators are analysed with reference to respondents' Internet orientations, which we conceptualize as four separate but inter-related spaces (a news space, a space for social interaction, a game space and a creative space). The results primarily emphasize the importance of orientations towards news space and space for social interaction. Overall, the findings strongly suggest that orientations towards these spaces are related to adolescents' public orientation. The findings confirm the centrality of news and information in political socialization, but they also challenge the idea that social media facilities Ð such as Facebook, Twitter and blogging Ð enable forms of social interaction and creative production that have an overall positive impact on young people's public orientation.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2014;"Ekström, Mats, Olsson, Tobias & Shehata, Adam";"Spaces for public orientation? Longitudinal effects of Internet use in adolescence";"Information, Communication & Society, Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 168–183 (Special Issue: The Networked Young Citizen) "
204;"This study investigates the relationship between strategic news exposure and political cynicism and vote choice among young voters in the context of a referendum on an issue of European integration. Using a survey (n= 720) and a media content analysis, we link media use measures to indicators of media content so as to provide a compelling link between exposure to media content and cynicism. As hypothesized, we find a positive relationship between exposure to strategically framed campaign coverage and political cynicism. In addition, we find that cynicism is related to voting “No,” which suggests that cynicism served as an intervening factor in the relationship between media exposure and a No vote. The results are discussed in the light of extant research on media, political cynicism, and electoral behavior in the case of direct democracy.";"Media";"JArticle";2008;"Elenbaas, M., & De Vreese, C. H";"The effects of strategic news on political cynicism and vote choice among young voters";"Journal of Communication, 58, 3, 550-567."
205;"This article explores in some detail published research exploring the associations between aspects of education (knowledge and skill acquisition, attitude formation, credential acquisition, participation in networks and institutions) and political outcomes such as participation, partisan choice and political identity. Correlated effects models, direct effects models, and relative effects models are considered in turn. Particular attention is paid to the relative effects of network position. Some notable gaps in the research literature are identified, notably regarding citizens' understanding of the nature of political processes.";"Media";"JArticle";1999;"Emler, N., & Frazer, E.";"Politics: The education effect.";"Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 25, pp. 251-274. "
206;"This booklet presents a selection of youth projects which illustrate the rich variety of non-formal learning opportunities supported by Erasmus+.";"EduHist";"Other";2015;"European Commmission, Erasmus+ and Youth in Action Programmes";"Empowering young people to participate in society: European good practice projects";
207;"This paper reinforces the need for citizenship education in order to foster a culture of active citizenship and democratic participation in Europe. Some of the aforementioned factors have created opportunities for more diverse forms of participation for the individual in multiple communities and tended to threaten the legitimacy of traditional democratic structures. Therefore, the objective of this paper is to identify competences, including skills, knowledge, and attitudes, necessary to stimulate participation in a fast-changing society, distinguish relevant learning systems and settings, and address all relevant stakeholders with recommendations and proposed actions to secure sustainable democracy and youth participation in democratic decision-making processes.";"DevPsy";"Other";2013;"European Youth Forum";"Citizenship Education";
208;"In the light of these policy developments, the present Eurydice report aims to capture how policies and measures relating to citizenship education have evolved over recent years in European countries. It focuses on the following areas which are integral to the provision of citizenship education: -Curriculum aims, approaches and organisation -Student and parent participation in school governance -School culture and student participation in society -Student assessment, school evaluation and education system performance -Education, training and support for teachers and school heads";"DevPsy";"Book";2012;"Eurydice";"Citizenship Education in Europe";
209;"The present article provides an overview of findings from the UK Economic and Social Research Council's Youth Citizenship and Social Change Project on how young adults experience control and exercise agency in differing socioeconomic environments. The research builds on previous Anglo-German and UK studies (Bynner Evans Evans et al ., 2000), which have contrasted the regulated German and unregulated British approaches to transitions into the labour market. In the present new study, the ways in which social changes have impacted on the lives of individuals have been central to the rationale. The Eastern and Western parts of Germany shared a common culture but operated totally different socioeconomic systems during communism. West Germany and Britain had different versions of the same socioeconomic system, but different cultural histories. Britain and Eastern Germany have experienced, from different starting points, strong effects of market forces and deregulation of previous systems. Government policy in both countries is now focused on 'people taking control of their own lives'. The present research has explored comparatively the life experiences of 900 young adults in the under-researched 18-25 years age group. The sample, drawn from the three cities of Derby, Hannover and Leipzig, consisted of 300 students in higher education, 300 unemployed and 300 employed young people. Three research fieldworkers from the areas under study brought local knowledge and experience to the research process: Claire Woolley in Derby, Martina Behrens in Hannover, and Jens Kaluza in Leipzig. Peter Rudd and the National Foundation of Educational Research collaborated in the design and organization of the databases and the analysis of data. In answering the question posed in the title, the research has shown 18-25 year olds to be struggling to take control of their lives, while the effects of those struggles are bounded in important ways by wider societal features as well as social background and institutional environments. The range of empirical encounters with young adults in the chosen 'terrains' has led to the development of the concept of bounded agency to explore and explain experiences of control and personal agency of 18-25 year olds in the settings of higher education, employment, unemployment and in their personal lives.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2002;"Evans, Karen";"Taking Control of their Lives? Agency in Young Adult Transitions in England and the New Germany";"Journal of Youth Studies 5 3 245-269"
210;"Spanning eight European countries, the Youth Empowerment Partnership Programme (YEPP) aims to enable young people in disadvantaged communities by involving them in new decision-making processes that span the public, private, and independent sectors. Youth Community and Empowerment in Europe explains the theory behind this unique collaborative program funded by a consortium of European and American foundations. Tracing the program’s development and outcomes across its ten years of existence, the authors extract lessons that can improve future policy and evaluation strategies.";"SocPhil";"Book";2012;"Evans, Karen, Kruger, Angelika";"Youth and Community Empowerment in Europe: International perspectives";
211;"Sense of Community theory suggests that people feel more attracted to groups and settings in which they feel influential or powerful. Unfortunately, young people have no voice or influence in many of the contexts in which they find themselves. Furthermore, teenagers are often unequipped and undersupported to participate fully and feel like they are making meaningful contributions to society. This is especially the case for young people who are disadvantaged or members of a minority groups. A two-part study was undertaken to explore sense of community in adolescents. The first phase utilized existing tools to measure adolescent sense of community in school, neighborhood, and city contexts. The second phase of the study relied on in-depth interviews with teenagers to better understand how they construct their sense of community. This article reports findings from the second phase and looks closely at the sense of community domain of “influence” as it applies to adolescents. Interviews with young people suggest that they feel a stronger self-described sense of community in contexts where they experience voice and resonance, some power and influence, and adequate adult support and challenge.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Evans, S.D.";"Youth sense of community: Voice and power in community contexts";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 693-709"
212;"National curricula are being challenged and transformed by the impact of migration and European integration. This paper examines how cultural diversity and Europe are intertwined in geography, history, and citizenship education curricula in Greece, Germany, and England. This question is explored using quantitative and qualitative methods through a case study of curriculum content and discourses of 5 years compulsory schooling in all three countries. One might expect Germany and Greece, which have historically embraced a more monocultural vision, as having largely similar approaches. Yet, the cross-national analysis illustrates that the relationships between European and multicultural values are put together in rather different ways depending on the school subject. Whilst history is ethnocentric in all three countries, Greek geography and citizenship curricula veer between ethnocentrism and Europeanism. In contrast, in England, notions of multicultural Britishness are reinforced in geography and citizenship education. German curricula privilege national and European topics, but attempts have been made to address diversity, particularly in geography. Curriculum analyses have hitherto largely focused on either national and European dimensions or multicultural and global dimensions. This study provides new insights into how these dimensions intersect and their combined effect on migration and citizenship education in European societies.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Faas, D.";"The Nation, Europe, and Migration: A comparison of geography, history, and citizenship education curricula in Greece, Germany, and England";"Journal of Curriculum Studies, Vol. 43, No. 4, pp. 471-492"
213;"Globalization, European integration, and migration are challenging national identities and changing education across Europe. The nation-state no longer serves as the sole locus of civic participation and identity formation, ceasing to have the influence it once had over the implementation of policies. Drawing on rich empirical data from four schools in Germany and Britain this groundbreaking book is the first study of its kind to examine how schools mediate government policies and create distinct educational contexts to shape youth identity negotiation and integration processes. Negotiating Political Identities will appeal to educationists, sociologists and political scientists whose work concerns issues of migration, identity, citizenship and ethnicity. It will also be an invaluable source of evidence for policymakers and professionals concerned with balancing cultural diversity and social cohesion in such a way as to promote more inclusive citizenship and educational policies in multiethnic, multifaith schools.";"EduHist";"Book";2010;"Faas, Daniel";"Negotiating political identities : multiethnic schools and youth in Europe";
214;"Europe is undergoing considerable demographic, economic, cultural and socio-political change. National citizenship identities have been challenged by the simultaneous processes of European integration and the migration of people into and across Europe. This paper explores how the current generation of youth relates towards Europe, and highlights the factors affecting their political knowledge, interests and identities. Although the article draws on mainly qualitative data from a study into the political identities of native youth and youth of Turkish descent in England and Germany, the results have implications for all European countries 1. The research indicates that, in countries which promote European agendas and where schools and curricula emphasise an inclusive concept of Europe (e.g. Goethe Gymnasium in Stuttgart), young people have high levels of knowledge about Europe and make Europe part of their hybrid identities. However, in countries where governments and schools marginalise European agendas (e.g. Millroad School in London), young people struggle to relate positively to Europe, especially in working-class contexts where national(istic) agendas come to the fore. The article raises important questions about the possibilities of promoting inclusive governmental and curriculum approaches and offers ways in which the knowledge and identity gaps between youth in different European countries could be addressed.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Faas, Daniel";"Youth, Europe and the Nation: The Political Knowledge, Interests and Identities of the New Generation of European Youth";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 10, No 2, pp. 161-181"
215;"In debates about the potential role of the Internet in promoting civic engagement, interactivity is often seen to be synonymous with democratic participation and collaborative learning. The present article assesses whether online interaction is seen as something desirable in lived experience by analyzing the formation of interactivity discourse as an ideological dilemma. The article illustrates how the young Italian producers of three civic websites use and make sense of interactive applications in the context of their experiences and aims. In interviews with these producers, interactivity emerged as a problematic issue to deal with rather than a key feature of the medium in involving citizens in civic action and debate. The combination of the interactive nature of the Internet, the unequal power relations characterizing the online domain, and a potential openness to adversarial views can lead to the paradox of a further restriction of (online) participation by those who intend to promote it. Consequently, online interaction, even when accompanied with democratic aims, does not necessarily promote civic participation and collaborative learning. The article concludes by arguing that interactivity can become a learning opportunity when its use or nonuse is accompanied by critical reflection on our own social practices in the (online) public sphere.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Fabbro, Francesco";"Interactivity as Ideological Dilemma: A Socially Situated Reading of Interactivity Discourse in Three Civic Sites in the Italian Context";"International Journal of Learning and Media 2 1 81-93"
216;"The ‘European social dimension’ offers a strategic entry point for analysing the development of citizenship in the European Union (EU). The first part of this contribution discusses the functions of social citizenship in this emerging multi-level governance network. Second, the analysis deals with two prominent and stylized paradigms that have sought to grasp the new multiple-level quality of social citizenship in the EU: residual and post-national concepts of membership in liberal democracies and advanced welfare states. Although each of these approaches captures selected elements of social citizenship, they are unable to deal with rights and duties in multiple governance levels in a satisfactory way. Therefore, the discussion moves to an alternative concept–nested citizenship. This means that European citizenship is nested in various sites: regional, state and supra-state forms of citizenship function in complementary ways–while the associated norms, rules and institutions are subject to constant revision and further development on all governance levels. Third, the analysis shows that the concept of nested citizenship can help to overcome the fruitless dichotomy of Euro-optimism and Euro-pessimism concerning social policy and citizenship. This discussion suggests a conception of European social citizenship as a common project, evolving towards common present- and future-oriented understandings of substantial rights and democratic principles in the EU";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2001;"Faist, T.";"Social Citizenship in the European Union: Nested Membership";"Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 39, No 1, pp. 37–58"
217;"This paper explores the construction and contestation of moral distinctions as a dimension of contemporary structural inequality through a focus on the subjectivities constructed by young people who have experienced homelessness. Empirical material from two research projects shows that in young people's narratives of homelessness, material insecurity intertwines with the moral economies at work in neoliberal capitalist societies to construct homelessness as a state of moral disgrace, in which an ungovernable experience is experienced as a moral failure. When young people gain access to secure housing, the increasing stability and security of their lives is narrated in terms of a moral adherence to personal responsibility and disciplined conduct. Overall the paper describes an economy of worth organized around distinctions between order and chaos, self-governance and unruliness, morality and disgrace, which structures the experience of homelessness. As young people's position in relation to these moral ideals reflects the material conditions of their lives, their experiences demonstrate the way that moral hierarchies contribute to the existence and experience of structural inequalities in neoliberal capitalist societies.";"Policy";"JArticle";2015;"Farrugia, David, Smyth, John, Harrison, Tim";"Moral distinctions and structural inequality: homeless youth salvaging the self";"The Sociological Review   n/a-n/a"
218;"Young people’s relationship with contemporary politics is complex and often problematized. They are often chastised as the apolitical harbingers of an incipient ‘crisis of democracy’ while simultaneously heralded as the authors of sophisticated new forms of politics, most notably within electronic realms. Previous literature examining young people’s political participation falls into either extreme of this binary, either a disengaged paradigm - which sees young people as passive and devoid of political interest - or engaged paradigm - which sees young people as actively political in new forms. Both models are limited because they fail to comprehensively explain youthful political participation. Instead, this paper argues that a more helpful conceptualization requires moving beyond the claim that young people are either politically engaged or disengaged, to acknowledge that both engagement and disengagement are simultaneously occurring. Reframing young people’s political participation this way would empower young people’s aversion to politics without condemnation - it would see them as radically unpolitical. The current response to the ‘problem of youth participation’ - which typically entails enticing and assimilating young people into stale political processes and/or translating these stale processes into interactive websites -  is inadequate for unpolitical young people. Rather a change in the very substance of the political agenda, its spheres and forms, is required. This article explores the disengaged and engaged paradigm and the policy responses, and explores the proposed radically unpolitical model.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Farthing, Rys";"The politics of youthful antipolitics: representing the 'issue' of youth participation in politics";"Journal of Youth Studies 13 2 181-195"
219;"What kind of citizenship education, if any, should schools in liberal societies promote? And what ends is such education supposed to serve? Over the last decades a respectable body of literature has emerged to address these and related issues. In this state of the debate analysis we examine a sample of journal articles dealing with these very issues spanning a twenty-year period with the aim to analyse debate patterns and developments in the research field. We first carry out a qualitative analysis where we design a two-dimensional theoretical framework in order to systematise the various liberal debate positions, and make us able to study their justifications, internal tensions and engagements with other positions. In the ensuing quantitative leg of the study we carry out a quantitative bibliometric analysis where we weigh the importance of specific scholars. We finally discuss possible merits and flaws in the research field, as evidenced in and by the analysis.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Fernández, C., & Sundström, M.";"Citizenship Education and Liberalism: A State of the Debate Analysis 1990–2010";"Studies in Philosophy and Education, Vol. 30, No. 4, pp. 363-384"
220;"The purpose of this study, the first part of a recently concluded project, is to describe and analyse the perceptions that European university students have of European citizenship and to offer some insight into the term. Before describing our findings, we offer a brief review of the concept of citizenship, attempting to define it in the European context and showing how it can be attained, while demonstrating that, contrary to what one might expect, the concept is by no means easy to grasp, as young people do not have a clear idea of what Europe means or what Europe wants. Our results have implications for our understanding of European integration.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2005;"Fernandez, O.";"Towards European Citizenship through Higher Education?";"European Journal of Education, Vol. 40, No 1, pp. 60-68"
221;"How does European integration affect the Roma communities? What does EU citizenship mean for the Roma and how has their mobility been viewed by the European Union Member States? In this chapter, we focus on the issues affecting the lives of Roma EU citizens wishing to migrate within the EU, such as the existence of transitional periods, the overall securitisation trend in domestic migration policies, the restrictive and deficient transposition of the Citizenship Directive, and Roma cultural specificities in the context of EU free movement. Although there has been a renewed commitment since 2010 on the part of the European institutions to address the problems facing the Roma, a more coordinated and multi-stakeholder approach is needed in order to ensure the effective exercise of free movement and other rights associated with EU citizenship status.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2015;"Ferreira, N., & Kostakopoulou, D. ";"The Roma and European Union Citizenship: In Search of a Humane Answer from the EU";"The Human Face of the European Union: Are EU Law and Policy Humane Enough? (edited by N. Ferreira & D. Kostakopoulou)"
222;"Political participation is a central concern in many western societies. Lack of participation threatens the intended deepening of the democratic process, the (wanted) legitimation of the policies being put forth, and the desired adherence to democratic values and practices that underpin civil social behaviors. Rearticulated as citizenship concerns, these have also had a part in the reemergence of this concept, a reemergence that has become clear in the past decades affirming the need for better, more prepared and activated citizens, who are more involved, more responsible and more cooperative. It was against this backdrop that our research project was formulated. It focuses on the developmental quality of the experiences of participating in associations, movements and groups of different sorts (civil society’s broadly political organizations) and how it relates to the construction of more integrated, complex and comprehensive (psychologically more developed) ways of thinking about the political realm and acting politically. In addition, other important relationships were explored: the association between distinct kinds of involvement and more conventional ways of participating politically (e.g., voting, discussing political issues with others, etc.), as well as the relations between developmentally distinct ways of thinking about politics and respectively, the declared rates of conventional political participation and the preferred conceptions of citizenship. Using quantitative methodology and a cross-sectional correlational design, we conducted a study (for which the adaptation and construction of some instruments were required – a process that became an important part of the work presented here) of 626 adolescents and adults from Porto’s geographical area. The results, globally, document (i) how the diversity (and tensions) within the citizenship concept should be considered when the concept is used both in theorizing or in justifying intervention, (ii) the usefulness of bringing a developmental point of view when addressing concerns regarding political participation and its promotion, and (iii) the need to look deeper into the participation contexts, to the opportunities they provide for those involved in them, for personal transformation and the (re)construction of more comprehensive, committed and reflexive ways of thinking about politics (the activity of creating, with others, a world to be determined).";"SocPsy";"Other";2006;"Ferreira, P. D.";"Concepções de direitos activos de cidadania e experiências de participação na sociedade civil";
223;"A powerful rhetoric regarding the importance of adolescents’ civic engagement and political participation is common in contemporary societies, whilst citizens, both adolescent and adults, seem to express a growing scepticism and alienation regarding politics. Even if this disengagement is debatable, as there are simultaneous signs of an increasing involvement in a variety of emerging and broadly-defined civic and political activities, we argue that the benefits of these experiences should be scrutinized using psychological evidence-based criteria. We rest on classical contributions from developmental psychology, educational theory and political science to define criteria that could inform the quality of participation experiences, and then present two studies that explore its adequacy. Study 1 is a cross-sectional study that observes that higher quality civic and political experiences are connected with more complex modes of thinking about politics. In Study 2, a two-wave longitudinal design, the quality of participation experiences is a significant predictor of change patterns of political attitudes, moreover, results support the argument that participation is not good in itself and that some experiences, with lesser developmental quality, might have a detrimental effect on adolescents’ political development.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2012;"Ferreira, P.D., Azevedo, C.N., & Menezes, I.";"The developmental quality of participation experiences: Beyond the rhetoric that “participation is always good!”. ";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 599-610"
224;"Turnout at general elections across Europe is in decline as it is in other established democracies. A particular cause for concern is that young people are less likely to participate than older voters. Evidence presented in this article, based on national election results and the 2002-2003 European Social Survey, shows the overall turnout rate for 22 European countries in elections between 1999 and 2002 was 70 per cent compared to 51 per cent for electors aged less than 25. The authors examine national variations in turnout for young people across Europe, and use multilevel logistic regression models to understand these variations, and to test the extent to which they are attributable to the characteristics of young people and the electoral context in each country. Variations in turnout among young people are partially accounted for by the level of turnout of older voters in the country and partly by the characteristics of young voters, including the level of political interest and civic duty. The authors conclude that both individual-level and election-specific information are important in understanding the turnout of young electors.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Fieldhouse, Edward, Tranmer, Mark & Russell, Andrew";"Something about young people or something about elections? Electoral participation of young people in Europe: Evidence from a multilevel analysis of the European Social Survey";"European Journal of Political Research, Vol. 46, No. 6, pp. 797-822"
225;"Latent transition analysis was used to examine civic engagement transitions across 2 waves spanning 8 years in a sample of AmeriCorps participants and a comparison group (N = 1,344, 77% female). Latent indicators of civic engagement included volunteering, community participation, civic organizational involvement, local and national voting, civic consciousness, and perceptions of civic knowledge. Three latent statuses were identified, inactive, voting involved, and highly committed. Consistent with life cycle theories of political engagement, the inactive status was most prevalent at Wave 1 and the voting-involved status most prevalent at Wave 4. AmeriCorps members were less involved in voting at Wave 1 but, among voters, were more likely to become highly committed by Wave 4. Compared with those who did not attend college, those who did had higher levels of civic engagement initially and over time. Young participants and Asian youths demonstrated lower levels of involvement initially compared with older participants or White youths. Findings suggest that national service programs geared toward young people who are not in college may hold promise for addressing gaps in civic engagement.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2011;"Finlay, A.K., Flanagan, C., & Wray-Lake, L.";"Civic engagement patterns and transitions over 8 years: the americorps national study.";"Developmental Psychology, Vol. 47, No 6, pp. 1728-1743"
226;"Scholarly interest in youth and politics has waxed and waned with the times. Voting in elections is a major dependent variable in political science. Since age determines eligibility and since lower numbers of youth tend to vote, they have often been ignored. The intersection of youth and politics gets attention when concerns about the younger generation’s political interest and commitments intensify. Trends pointing to declines in conventional forms of engagement in younger generations has spurred today’s interest. In any era, 18 – 25 year olds are less likely than their elders to vote, to belong to political parties, or to read newspapers. However, young people today are also less likely than earlier generations of youth to get engaged in these ways (Levine, 2007). As scholarly attention has increased, the definition of civic engagement has expanded. In this chapter, the terms civic and political are used interchangeably based on the equivalence of the terms in the political theorist, Michael Walzer’s (1989) definition: A citizen is, most simply, a member of a political community, entitled to whatever prerogatives and encumbered with whatever responsibilities are attached to membership. The word comes to us from the Latin civis, the Greek equivalent is polites, member of the polis, from which comes our political (p. 211). This is a useful way to conceptualize citizenship with a decidedly ‘youth’ lens. In the context of their experiences of membership in local groups, institutions, and organizations, youth practice citizenship. In such contexts they learn what it means to be a member of a group, to exercise rights, have a say in the group’s affairs, and learn to be accountable to fellow members and to the mission of the organization (Flanagan, 2004). By working toward a common goal, they also learn to be agents of social change.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2008;"Flanagan, C.";"Young people's civic engagement and political development";"International Handbook of Youth and Young Adulthood, pp. 293-300 (edited by A. Furlong)"
227;"Interest in the developmental antecedents of adults' political and civic engagement is once again on the research agenda of the social sciences. Attention to this subject tends to increase when there are concerns about political stability and the younger generation’s commitment to the political system. Such concerns motivated two earlier eras of research. The first of these, conducted in the wake of World War II, focused on the developmental foundations of diffuse support and how that support was transferred across generations. The second, in the late 1960s, concerned youth activism and how younger generations grapple with salient political issues as they come of age and contribute to political change. Taken together, these bodies of work help us conceptualize politics from the point of view of stability and permanence but also as a contestation of ideas and a process that contributes to social change. However, neither of these earlier eras of research took as their starting point the everyday lives of young people or conceived of the formation of political views and civic values as integrally related to other aspects of human development (such as the formation of identity, values, and social ties to others). The renewed interest in the developmental roots of civic engagement has been motivated out of concerns that younger generations today may be less ""civically engaged"" or at least less inclined toward conventional political participation than were older generations. Questions now on the table include, ""What happens in childhood and adolescence that nurtures an ethic of civic participation?"" and ""What are the practices of formative institutions that develop democratic dispositions including traits such as tolerance and trust?"" In this paper I argue two points. First, that the social incorporation of younger generations into the body politic and the development of habits that sustain the system are rooted in young people's experiences of membership in the institutions of their communities and the exercise of rights and fulfillment of responsibilities in those institutions. Second, that the evolving values and world views of youth are a fruitful arena for understanding the kinds of people they are becoming and the kind of polity they will create as younger generations replace their elders in society.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Flanagan, C.";"Developmental roots of political engagement.";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 257-261"
228;"The open-ended responses of 701 7th to 12th graders to the question “What does democracy mean to you?” were analyzed. In logistic regressions, age, parental education, political discussions, and participation in extracurricular activities distinguished youth who could define democracy (53%) from those who could not. Case clustering revealed three emphases in youths’ definitions: individual rights (30%), representative rule (40%), and civic equality (30%). These clusters did not vary by parental education or ethnicity, but several values that youth endorsed varied by parental education. Controlling for parental education, there were significant differences in adolescents’ reports of familial and personal values in the three clusters. Scheffe tests revealed that the equality cluster endorsed less materialism than other clusters, more environmental responsibility than the individual rights cluster, and more social responsibility than the representative rule cluster. In contrast, the individual rights cluster was most likely to report that social vigilance was emphasized in their families.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Flanagan, C. A., Gallay, L. S., Gill, S., Gallay, E., & Nti, N.";"What Does Democracy Mean? Correlates of Adolescents' Views";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 193-218. "
229;"Constance Flanagan and Peter Levine survey research on civic engagement among U.S. adolescents and young adults. Civic engagement, they say, is important both for the functioning of democracies and for the growth and maturation it encourages in young adults, but opportunities for civic engagement are not evenly distributed by social class or race and ethnicity. Today's young adults, note the authors, are less likely than those in earlier generations to exhibit many important characteristics of citizenship, raising the question of whether these differences represent a decline or simply a delay in traditional adult patterns of civic engagement. Flanagan and Levine also briefly discuss the civic and political lives of immigrant youth in the United States, noting that because these youth make up a significant share of the current generation of young adults, their civic engagement is an important barometer of the future of democracy. The authors next survey differences in civic participation for youth from different social, racial, and ethnic backgrounds. They explore two sets of factors that contribute to a lower rate of civic engagement among low-income and minority young adults. The first is cumulative disadvantage-unequal opportunities and influences before adulthood, especially parental education. The second is different institutional opportunities for civic engagement among college and non-college youth during the young-adult years. Flanagan and Levine survey various settings where young adults spend time-schools and colleges, community organizations, faith-based institutions, community organizing and activism projects, and military and other voluntary service programs-and examine the opportunities for civic engagement that each affords. As the transition to adulthood has lengthened, say the authors, colleges have become perhaps the central institution for civic incorporation of younger generations. But no comparable institution exists for young adults who do not attend college. Opportunities for sustained civic engagement by year-long programs such as City Year could provide an alternative opportunity for civic engagement for young adults from disadvantaged families, allowing them to stay connected to mainstream opportunities and to adults who could mentor and guide their way.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2010;"Flanagan, C., & Levine, P.";"Civic engagement and the transition to adulthood.";"The Future of Children, Vol. 20, No 1, pp. 159-179"
230;"Community Youth Development: Programs, Policies, and Practices focuses on positive methods for youth development that are rapidly supplanting the traditional deficit-oriented, problem-reduction approaches. Edited by eminent scholars Francisco A. Villarruel, Daniel F. Perkins, Lynne M. Borden, and Joanne G. Keith, this accessible volume provides practical tools and models for developing community-wide initiatives that strengthen protective factors, build competencies, and focus on thriving indicators. Examining the needs of multiple audiences, programs, and policies, each chapter contributes to an overall understanding of the ""how"" and ""why"" of community youth development. Designed for upper division undergraduate and graduate students in human development, family studies, and education, Community Youth Development: Programs, Policies, and Practices is also an invaluable resource for researchers, practitioners, and policy advocates for youth and community development.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2003;"Flanagan, C., & Van Horn, B.";"Youth Civic Development: A Logical Next Step in Community Youth Development";"Community Youth Development: Programs, Policies and Practices, pp. 273-296 (edited by F. A. Villarruel, D. F. Perkins, L. M. Borden, & J. G. Keith)"
231;"In this report, the authors link trends in civic participation to the changing nature of adult transitions, raise concerns about the social class divide in participation, and make suggestions about the contexts and ways in which civic opportunities might be addressed or nurtured.";"DevPsy";"Other";2009;"Flanagan, C., Levine, P., & Settersten, R.";"Civic engagement and the changing transition to adulthood";
232;"The topics that comprise this chapter fall under the umbrella of political socialization and refer to those practices whereby younger generations are incorporated as full members of the polity or public sphere of society (Flanagan & Gallay, 1995). Although individuals are guaranteed rights by virtue of their status as citizens, it is through the exercise of those rights that they assume membership and have a voice in defining the polity and through their civic engagement that citizens sustain their rights (Walzer, 1989). There has been an increasing interest of late in scholarship on young people's civic engagement, motivated in large measure out of concerns that it is on the decline. But this is not the first time that attention has been paid to the developmental roots of political theories, attitudes, and knowledge. In this chapter I first summarize three earlier approaches to this topic (political socialization, cognitive developmental, and generational theories). Following that section I synthesize the contemporary work, drawing from studies of youth participating in community-based organizations and service learning programs. In the concluding section I discuss elements of a new developmental theory.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2004;"Flanagan, C.A.";"Volunteerism, leadership, political socialization, and civic engagement.";"Handbook of adolescent psychology, 2nd ed.., pp. 721-745 (edited by R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg)"
233;"Take a cutting edge look at the civic engagement of young people. Increasingly recognized as an important feature of democratic functioning in communities, it has also become clear that the civic domain is indispensable as a context for understanding human development processes. This volume proposes the following central theses in relation to youth civic development: (a) It is rooted in the realities of young people’s everyday lives. (b) It is collectively constructed. (c) It raises questions about the principles, values, and relationships that bind people together in societies. (d) It raises questions about power and justice. Youth civic development pushes the field to focus on the social issues with which younger generations are grappling and the identities they are constructing—issues that also are shaped by structural inequalities and by the collective actions of youth. The volume builds on themes of agency and assets from the field of positive youth development and points to ways that the critical analysis and engagement of young people in their society can contribute to social change. This is the 134th volume in this series. Its mission is to provide scientific and scholarly presentations on cutting edge issues and concepts in child and adolescent development. Each volume focuses on a specific new direction or research topic and is edited by experts on that topic.";"DevPsy";"Book";2011;"Flanagan, C.A., & Christens, B.D.";"Youth Civic Development: Work at the Cutting Edge: New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development";
234;"The role of prejudice and ethnic awareness in the civic commitments and beliefs about the American social contract of 1,096 (53% female) adolescents (11-18 year olds, Mean = 15) from African-, Arab-, Latino-, and European-American backgrounds were compared. Ethnic awareness was higher among minority youth and discrimination more often reported by African- and Arab-Americans. Parental admonitions against discrimination were heard by all but African Americans, Latinos and those who reported prejudice heard that it could pose a barrier. Adolescents' beliefs that America is an equal opportunity society were negatively associated with experiences of discrimination and African-Americans were least likely to believe that the government was responsive to the average person. With respect to civic goals, all youth endorsed patriotism but ethnic minorities and ethnically aware youth were more committed to advocating for their ethnic group and European-Americans were less committed than were African Americans to improving race relations.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Flanagan, C.A., Syvertsen, A.K., Gill, S., Gallay, L.S., & Cumsille, P.";"Ethnic awareness, prejudice, and civic commitments in four ethnic groups of American adolescents.";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 38, No 4, pp. 500-518"
235;"Most teenagers are too young to vote and are off the radar of political scientists. Teenage Citizens looks beyond the electoral game to consider the question of how this overlooked segment of our citizenry understands political topics. Bridging psychology and political science, Constance Flanagan argues that civic identities form during adolescence and are rooted in teens’ everyday lives—in their experiences as members of schools and community-based organizations and in their exercise of voice, collective action, and responsibility in those settings. This is the phase of life when political ideas are born. Through voices from a wide range of social classes and ethnic backgrounds in the United States and five other countries, we learn how teenagers form ideas about democracy, inequality, laws, ethnic identity, the social contract, and the ties that bind members of a polity together. Flanagan’s twenty-five years of research show how teens’ personal and family values accord with their political views. When their families emphasize social responsibility—for people in need and for the common good—and perform service to the community, teens’ ideas about democracy and the social contract highlight principles of tolerance, social inclusion, and equality. When families discount social responsibility relative to other values, teens’ ideas about democracy focus on their rights as individuals. At a time when opportunities for youth are shrinking, Constance Flanagan helps us understand how young people come to envisage the world of politics and civic engagement, and how their own political identities take form.";"DevPsy";"Book";2013;"Flanagan, Constance";"Teenage Citizens. The Political Theories of the Young";
236;"Part of a special issue on revitalizing political socialization research. Political science and psychology have not shed much light on the developmental antecedents of political beliefs, attitudes, or engagement. A dialogue between the two disciplines could do a lot in addressing such questions. The writers discuss what political means in the context of adolescents' lives, with particular attention given to the position of minority youth in a majority polity. A brief summary of research on children's concepts of authority is used to demonstrate the relevance of a developmental perspective to research on human beings as political animals. Finally, calls for civic competence and social responsibility are made, and the potential of youth involvement in community service to realize these objectives is discussed.";"PolScience";"JArticle";1995;"Flanagan, Constance A. & Gallay, Leslie S.";"Reframing the meaning of ""political"" in research with adolescents";"Perspectives on Political Science, Vol 24, No. 1, pp. 34-41"
237;"This report examines the extent to which European citizens engage in participatory democracy, and the extent to which they believe that political decision-making can be influenced through their own actions and through those of non-governmental organisations (NGOs). The first section examines the respondents’ views of NGOs and similar associations, asking whether such groups have the power to influence local, national and EU decisionmaking. Respondents are also asked whether NGOs share their own interests and values, and whether European citizens need these types of organisations. In the second section, the discussion switches to the perceived effectiveness of various means of influencing political decision-making, especially voting in local, national and European elections. Respondents are also asked to consider whether joining an NGO is an effective way of exerting influence. The third and final section covers citizens’ engagement in political decision-making, examining whether respondents seek to express their views by signing petitions or by communicating through social media, for example. Finally, the discussion turns to the level of participation in NGOs and other associations, such as Trade Unions. This survey was carried out by TNS Political & Social network in the 27 Member States of the European Union between 14 February and 16 February 2013. Some 25,551 respondents from different social and demographic groups were interviewed by telephone in their mother tongue on behalf of the Directorate-General for Communication, in response to a request from the European Economic and Social Committee.";"PolScience";"Other";"#NULL!";"Flash Eurobarometer 373";"Europeans' Engagement in Participatory Democracy";
238;"This study is concerned with the participation of young people in European democratic life. When we speak of young people, we are actually referring to a diverse and highly heterogeneous group in society with a complex variety of identities and socio-economic as well as educational backgrounds. However, the distinction between who is considered youth and adult is also culturally determined and changes over time. In some countries, for example, young people are dependent on their parents for much longer than in other countries and this tendency is exacerbated in times of crisis. For the purpose of this study the focus is on young people in the age range 13-30, in accordance with the target audience of the Youth in Action Programme. Youth participation fosters a sense of citizenship and makes policy processes more transparent and accountable towards young people. At the same time, it helps young people build self-confidence, develop a sense of initiative and acquire and test skills that are relevant for the workplace, such as communication, negotiation or teamwork, in a practical environment. The conclusions and recommendations of this study are therefore not only relevant to the member states of the European Union, but equally to other countries in the wider Europe context (which would in practice include non-EU members of the Council of Europe). In its efforts to promote youth participation and to recognise young people's involvement in decision-making, the Commission promotes sharing its experience in youth policy with the EU's neighbouring countries in Europe.";"Policy";"Other";2013;"Flash Eurobarometer 375";"European Youth: Participation in Democratic Life";
239;"Political participation and democracy more broadly, have become central to the recent discourse of social scientists, practitioners and the public at large. Addressed variously under the headings of civil society, social capital, protest politics and governance, this debate has lent renewed currency to the age-old democratic question of how to ensure the effective involvement of citizens in the life and decision-making of their social and political communities.Young people seem to show considerable reluctance to engage in conventional democratic politics. At the same time, new forms of social and political involvement appear to emerge among young people, in both respects, developments in youth political participation may well indicate a more fundamental transformation of contemporary democracy over the years to come.This book provides an interdisciplinary panorama of conceptual, historical, sociological and institutional analyses of young people and their democratic involvement in Europe today. Resulting from the Council of Europe/European Commission partnership on youth research, this volume provides new perspectives to inform the efforts of scholars, practitioners and policy makers concerned with questions of young people and democracy.";"Policy";"Book";2005;"Forbig, Joerg";"Revisiting youth political participation: Challenges for research and democratic practice in Europe";
240;"This book provides an interdisciplinary panorama of conceptual, historical, sociological and institutional analyses of young people and their democratic involvement in Europe today.";"SocPhil";"Book";2005;"Forbrig, J.";"Revisiting Youth Political Participation: Challenges for research and democratic practice in Europe";
241;"This study expanded the citizen participation literature by examining the dynamic nature of citizen participation and the extent to which the factors associated with citizen participation may be moderated by resident leadership status. Longitudinal survey data collected from 542 residents in one small Midwestern city implementing a community change initiative provide some insight into the challenges surrounding the promotion of an active citizenry. Within this one community, citizenship behaviors of emergent resident leaders and residents uninterested in a leadership role were influenced, to some extent, by different factors and the importance of these factors shifted in only a 2 years time span. Future research is needed to determine if the dynamics uncovered in this study were due to the initiative or to the nature of citizen participation processes.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2013;"Foster-Fishman, P.G., Collins, C., & Pierce, S.J.";"An Investigation of the Dynamic Processes Promoting Citizen Participation";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 51, No 3-4, pp. 492-509"
242;"Although participatory action research has become an increasingly popular method with youth, involving them in problem identification, analysis, intervention, and/or feedback, few PAR projects tend to involve youth in all of these phases—particularly the data analysis phase. Yet involvement in the data analysis phase of a research effort can help to promote critical awareness of the targeted issues, potentially increasing the effectiveness of subsequent PAR stages. In addition, although many YPAR projects aim to promote the critical consciousness of their youth participants, some projects struggle to promote this awareness, often because the methods used are not well matched to the developmental needs of their participants. In this paper we present the ReACT Method, a PAR approach specifically designed to promote local knowledge production and critical consciousness by engaging youth in the problem identification, data analysis, and feedback stages of research. Given the lack of attention in the literature to the methods used for engaging youth in these processes, we provide detailed descriptions of the methods we developed to engage youth in problem identification and qualitative data analysis.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Foster-Fishman, P.G., Law, K.M., Lichty, L.F., & Aoun, C.";"Youth ReACT for Social Change: A Method for Youth Participatory Action Research";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 46, No 1, pp. 67-83"
243;"The decision to vote has puzzled scholars for decades. Theoretical models predict little or no variation in participation in large population elections and empirical models have typically accounted for only a relatively small portion of individual-level variance in turnout behavior. However, these models have not considered the hypothesis that part of the variation in voting behavior can be attributed to genetic effects. Matching public voter turnout records in Los Angeles to a twin registry, we study the heritability of political behavior in monozygotic and dizygotic twins. The results show that a significant proportion of the variation in voting turnout can be accounted for by genes. We also replicate these results with data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health and show that they extend to a broad class of acts of political participation. These are the first findings to suggest that humans exhibit genetic variation in their tendency to participate in political activities.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Fowler, James H., Baker, Laura A. & Dawes, Christopher T.";"Genetic Variation in Political Participation";"The American Political Science Review, Vol. 102, No. 2, pp. 233-248"
244;"This chapter explores critical youth engagement: how young people - especially those from low-income and immigrant communities - understand conditions of social inequity and negotiate these stresses psychologically and politically. Further, it examines the conditions under which they decide to take up civic engagement by confronting structural injustice and human rights violations collectively. We witness critical youth engagement among low-income urban youth through a youth participatory action research (YPAR) and youth organizing apporoach. The second half of the chapter describes and explores this methodology. We also consider what critical youth engagement and YPAR means for social research, especially for research on youth civic engagement across populations of youth from any background. We hope that our chapter provides a wide-angle research agenda that can capture the theoretical and empirical wingspan of critical youth engagement projects on youth, adults, institutions, social movements, and youth policy, over time.";"PolScience";"BookChap";2010;"Fox, M., Mediratta, K., Ruglis, J., Stoudt, B., Shah, S., & Fine, M.";"Critical Youth Engagement: Participatory Action Research and Organizing. In L. R. Sherrod, J. Torney-Purta and C. A. Flanagan (Eds.), Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in Youth, pp. 621-649";"Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in Youth, Ch. 23, pp. 621-649 (edited by L. R. Sherrod, J. Torney-Purta, & C. A. Flanagan)"
245;"The study reported here examined the developmental antecedents of conservative versus liberal ideologies using data from the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Study of Early Child Care and Youth Development and a follow-up study conducted when the sample was 18 years old. Specifically, we examined variation in conservative versus liberal ideologies at age 18 years as a function of parenting attitudes and child temperament during the first 5 years of life. Consistent with longstanding theories on the development of political attitudes, our results showed that parents’ authoritarian attitudes assessed when children were 1 month old predicted conservative attitudes in those children more than 17 years later. Consistent with the findings of Block and Block (2006), our results also showed that early childhood temperament predicted variation in conservative versus liberal ideologies.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Fraley, R.C., Griffin, Brian N., Belsky, J., & Roisman, G.I.";"Developmental Antecedents of Political Ideology: A Longitudinal Investigation From Birth to Age 18 Years";"Psychological Science, Vol. 23, No 11, 1425-1431"
246;"Young people's citizenship and the relationship between rights and responsibilities are studied. Previous discussions of young people's citizenship have concentrated on methods of encouraging young people to be ‘responsible citizens’. Little attention has been given to the interrelationship between rights and responsibilities. The debates which have taken place have tended to focus upon the ways in which rights should be linked to participation in certain civic and economic duties. Drawing on findings from British research which examined young people's perceptions and experiences of citizenship, it is shown how such a position fails to recognize the importance of rights for young people's willingness to be active and fully participating citizens. In the conclusion the importance of these findings for debates on the ‘underclass’ and ‘workfare’ are discussed, suggesting that certain rights are essential if the social participation and active citizenship of the young arc to be increased.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1998;"France, Alan";"""Why Should We Care?"": Young People, Citizenship and Questions of Social Responsibility";"Journal of Youth Studies 1 1 97-111"
247;"Across Europe and the western world debates on multiculturalism are shaping national and local policies on citizenship. How to reconcile the tensions between minority rights, cultural difference and the universal notion of citizenship in different nation states has become a central focus when considering how the inclusion of ethnic minority groups is being managed. At the heart of these discussions are concerns about the young and the processes of their inclusion as present and future citizens. In this paper we discuss how citizenship for young people from different ethnic groups is understood and constructed as a ?problem? in the UK, showing how issues of injustice, lack of recognition and problems of self-determination impact on feelings of membership and belonging. In the final section we discuss possible policy solutions and ways forward.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"France, Alan, Meredith, J. O., Sandu, Adriana";"Youth Culture and Citizenship in Multicultural Britain";"Journal of Contemporary European Studies 15 3 303-316"
248;"First published in Portuguese in 1968, Pedagogy of the Oppressed was translated and published in English in 1970. The methodology of the late Paulo Freire has helped to empower countless impoverished and illiterate people throughout the world. Freire's work has taken on especial urgency in the United States and Western Europe, where the creation of a permanent underclass among the underprivileged and minorities in cities and urban centers is increasingly accepted as the norm. With a substantive new introduction on Freire's life and the remarkable impact of this book by writer and Freire confidant and authority Donaldo Macedo, this anniversary edition of Pedagogy of the Oppressed will inspire a new generation of educators, students, and general readers for years to come";"SocPhil";"Book";1968;"Freire, P.";"Pedagogy of the Oppressed";
249;"This paper draws on the 2009/2010 British Election Survey to explore the political engagement of young people in Britain in the context of social change. Focusing on political involvement, attitudes and priorities, we examine contrasting generational perspectives in the context of an election centred on a range of issues that had the potential to stimulate the interest of younger voters. While clear generational differences in engagement exist, there are also age-related similarities in attitudes towards involvement. In terms of political priorities, differences suggest a conflict of interests in which generations construct political agendas in ways that reflect an interest in securing personal advantage of their own segment of the electorate at the expense of others. Further, there is a structural problem relating to young people's political participation stemming partly from a lack of effective representation and partly linked to a failure to appreciate the ways in which socio-economic changes have impacted on the lives of the younger generation.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2012;"Furlong, Andy, Cartmel, Fred";"Social Change and Political Engagement Among Young People: Generation and the 2009/2010 British Election Survey";"Parliamentary Affairs 65 1 13-28"
250;"Impatience with politics, weariness with political commitment, and individualisation are labels frequently used to characterise the political involvement of young people. Empirical analyses show a rather more complex picture. A basic willingness to become politically involved and to express one's political opinion is apparent: Indeed, many young people use numerous and varied opportunities to express themselves politically, however, this usually covers only occasional activities. Not surprisingly, participation in some traditional associations has become lower. On the other hand, affinity and commitment to new social movements remain fairly consistent. Participation patterns differ according to gender, education level, and the youth's place of origin (federal states of the former Federal Republic, or former GDR). These are some of the key results of the follow-up youth surveys carried out by the German Youth Institute. If the comparison between eastern and western Germans is seen in a European perspective, the complex interconnections between the institutionalised political cultures of nations and the participation patterns of young people become apparent";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Gaiser, W., & De Rijke, J.";"Trends in political participation of young people. Result for Germany and European member states";"Today's Children Are Tomorrow's Parents, Vol. 26, pp. 35-48"
251;"The level of satisfaction with everyday democracy was relatively high in the initial euphoria of German re-unification, particularly in the new Laender, but soon declined considerably. The 1990s showed that support for the democratic idea weakens when the discrepancy between the ideal and the reality of everyday politics becomes too wide. This is one of the key results of the recurrent youth surveys carried out by the German Youth Institute. For this reason, the authors focus on the question of how young people accept the democratic system and its procedural rules. The answers show that their opinions depend on their respective circumstances and the resulting assessment of social relations. This is why young people give different answers to the question of whether and to which extent the democratic system has proved its worth in the first decade of reunified Germany. Some are content, and others are critical or distanced democrats in ways typical for the western and for the eastern parts of Germany.";"Policy";"JArticle";2003;"Gaiser, Wolfgang, Gille, Martina, Krueger, Winfried, De Rijke, Johann";"Youth and democracy in Germany";"Journal of Youth Studies 6 3 295-317"
252;"After decades of neglect, civic education is back on the agenda of political science in the United States. Despite huge increases in the formal educational attainment of the US population during the past 50 years, levels of political knowledge have barely budged. Today’s college graduates know no more about politics than did high school graduates in 1950. Recent research indicates that levels of political knowledge affect the acceptance of democratic principles, attitudes toward specific issues, and political participation. There is evidence that political participation is in part a positional good and is shaped by relative as well as absolute levels of educational attainment. Contrary to findings from 30 years ago, recent research suggests that traditional classroom-based civic education can significantly raise political knowledge. Service learning—a combination of community-based civic experience and systematic classroom reflection on that experience—is a promising innovation, but program evaluations have yielded mixed results. Longstanding fears that private schools will not shape democratic citizens are not supported by the evidence.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2001;"Galston, W. A.";"Political knowledge, political engagement, and civic education ";"Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 4, pp. 217-234. "
253;"Today's young people are significantly less involved in and knowledgeable about civic life than were previous generations. Mr. Galston warns that this disengagement has severe ramifications for our society. But he is optimistic that the trend can be reversed by effective school-based civic education.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2005;"Galston, W.A.";"Civic Education and Political Participation";"Philosophy & Public Policy Quarterly, Vol. 25, No 1-2, pp. 18-22"
254;"The civic life of young adults is explored. Comparisons with young adults in the past are made. This issue is examined drawing information from a variety of disciplines.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Galston, W.A.";"Civic education and political participation";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 37, No 2, pp. 263-266"
255;"Many youth-serving organizations are engaging young people in youth organizing and/or in interventions to support specific identity development in response to a need for meaningful opportunities for older and diverse youth to be civically involved in their communities. In this paper, we explore differences in developmental outcomes and supports and opportunities among youth organizing, identity-support, and traditional youth development organizations. Survey and qualitative findings suggest significant differences, particularly in developmental outcomes such as civic activism and identity development. In addition, the youth organizing agencies are characterized by youth’s experience of higher levels of youth leadership, decision making, and community involvement in comparison with other agencies in the study. This research suggests that deliberate approaches to staffing and decision-making structures can influence youth outcomes";"DevPsy";"Other";2004;"Gambone, M.A., Yu, H.C., Sipe, C.L., & Lacoe, J.";"A comparative analysis of community youth development strategies (CIRCLE Working Paper 23).";
256;"In this article the author discusses the implications for democracy posed by news and news media in the digital age. The author argues that the theory that journalism allows the citizenry to be informed and participate in politics needs to be rethought. He explains that most citizens don't participate in discussing politics, because most of what they hear comes from journalists, commentators, panel talk shows, and journalist bloggers. Citizen participation is primarily limited to a few who are usually motivated by self-interest or by a social movement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Gans, Herbert J";"News and the news media in the digital age: implications for democracy";"Daedalus. Spring2010, Vol. 139 Issue 2, p8-17"
257;"Media Agoras: Democracy, Diversity, and Communication is a collection of essays presenting some of the most up-to-date perspectives on the study of the role media play in the construction of a more inclusive and respectful society. From theoretical debates on the role played by media in fostering participatory practices in the public sphere to more empirically based analyses of the media policy, production, content, and reception in relation to democratic possibilities and diversity, this book presents a critical overview of such crucial debates in contemporary European societies.";"Media";"Book";2009;"Garcia-Blanco, Iñaki, Van Bauwel, Sofie and Cammaerts, Bart, eds";"Media Agoras: Democracy, Diversity, and Communication";
258;"This paper contributes to the analysis of the role that social networks play in civic, social mobilization and solidarity of Spanish young people, considering whether social networks are responsible for active social commitment offline or if they just intensify an existing or previous tendency towards social participation. This research was undertaken by online questionnaire --Likert scale and multiple choice questions-- in collaboration with the Spanish social network Tuenti where more than 1,300 young people took part. The results show significant percentages of participation exclusively online although there were more than 80% of young people, in a way or another, involved in actions to which they were called by social networks. The study analyzes the forms of participation in solidarity actions and the influence of factors such as geographical, social or emotional proximity to causes on the degree of participation online and offline. The article shows that social networks have changed the meaning of participation. They are encouraging young people who were mobilized only in social networks, to take action, so it proposes in its conclusions the need to overcome the dichotomy that opposes online and offline activism and passivity.";"Media";"JArticle";2014;"Garcia-Galera, Maria-Carmen, del-Hoyo-Hurtado, Mercedes & Fernandez-Munoz, Cristobal";"Engaged Youth in the Internet. The Role of Social Networks in Social Active Participation";"Comunicar, Vol. 22, No. 43, pp. 35–43"
259;"Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Study, the authors examined relations between educational, civic, and occupational success in young adulthood and the duration and intensity of participation in organized activities during high school. They also examined these relations as a function of sponsorship (i.e., school- vs. community-sponsored organized activities). They found that youths who participated in organized activities for 2 years demonstrated more favorable educational and civic outcomes in young adulthood than those who participated for 1 year. More intensive participation was also associated with greater educational, civic, and occupational success in young adulthood--particularly among youths who participated in activities for 2 years. Educational attainment often mediated the relations between temporal measures of participation and young adult civic and occupational outcomes. With the exception of analyses examining occupational success, findings varied little as a function of sponsorship. Of note, analyses revealed that both temporal measures of participation were positively associated with young adult outcomes as many as 8 years after high school";"Media";"JArticle";2008;"Gardner, M., Roth, J., & Brooks-Gunn, J.";"Adolescents' participation in organized activities and developmental success 2 and 8 years after high school: do sponsorship, duration, and intensity matter?";"Developmental Psychology, Vol. 44, No 3, pp. 814-830"
260;"Both public opinion and experts who analyse voting statistics contend nowadays that young people are losing interest in politics. But should political participation be confined to electoral participation? Could the expression ?youth participation in political life? be confusing? At present, we observe young people mobilizing within organizations meant to influence decision-making and power centres, and we further see growing numbers of demonstrations targeting a wide array of issues?from high school students clamouring for the maintenance of cultural activities, to anti-globalization demonstrations. These movements necessarily suggest broadening the concept of political participation to include activities beyond electoral participation alone. Some authors see a new political generation taking shape in this enthusiastic involvement. This is the central hypothesis of this paper. To illustrate this hypothesis, the limitations of certain participation indicators will be challenged and new forms of involvement described.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Gauthier, Madeleine";"The inadequacy of concepts: the rise of youth interest in civic participation in Quebec [1]";"Journal of Youth Studies 6 3 265-276"
261;"The results of a nationwide study of the citizenship competences of adolescents in the Netherlands are presented from the perspective of democratic citizenship in this article. Citizenship competences are defined as the knowledge, skills, attitudes and reflection needed by young people in a democratic and multicultural society to adequately fulfil social tasks that are part of their daily lives. The Citizenship Competences Questionnaire was administered to 16,000 adolescents in either sixth or ninth grade. With the help of analyses of variance and partial correlations, background factors related to the students and the environment were analysed in conjunction with each other. The results showed significant differences in citizenship competences to depend upon the gender, age, cognitive level, socio-economic status and ethnic backgrounds of the adolescents in addition to the degree of urbanisation characteristic of their school environments. The findings are discussed in light of research previously conducted on the citizenship of young people.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Geijsel, Femke, Ledoux, Guuske, Reumerman, Rene, ten Dam, Geert";"Citizenship in young people's daily lives: differences in citizenship competences of adolescents in the Netherlands";"Journal of Youth Studies 15 6 711-729"
262;"The Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe proclaimed the year 2005 the 'European Year of Democratic Citizenship through Education', but the question is: What does the democracy-promoting citizen look like? This article focuses on the question of whether satisfied and supportive citizens or critical citizens have attitudes that promote democracy. The discussion of this question is based on empirical results from a survey of German citizens (N = 2,000), applying bivariate and multivariate methods. Political criticism is measured by indicators of dissatisfaction, attentiveness and system preference, five types of citizens are constructed: satisfied-attentive, satisfied-inattentive, dissatisfied-attentive, dissatisfied-inattentive citizens with a preference for a democratic system, and one type preferring nondemocratic systems. The article examines which of these types are more consistent with the 'ideal citizen'-defined as a citizen who participates, is well-informed, identifies with democracy and politics, has good internal efficacy and is willing to defend democracy. The data show that attentive citizens are more likely to promote democracy than inattentive ones. Attentive citizens are politically more knowledgeable, identify more strongly with the democratic system, feel more politically competent and are more willing to defend democracy. Political satisfaction or dissatisfaction has less of an influence on these dispositions.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Geissel, Brigitte";"Reflections and findings on the critical citizen: Civic education – What for?";"European Journal of Political Research, Vol. 47, No. 1, pp.34–63"
263;"Bulgarian migrants and university students in particular have recently fallen into the spotlight of British media, firmly positioned within fervent immigration debates. Drawing on Brewer?s concept of nested identities, this paper explores how Bulgarian university students in the UK manage four different identifications: national, European, migrant and student. Thus, the process of establishing nested identities is investigated on three different contextual levels: the transnational, regional and the everyday (at university and at the workplace). Paying particular attention to the factors that influence the process, this article also scrutinises its implications for Bulgarian students? values and perceptions. Utilising semi-structured interviews and participant observation with Bulgarian students, this paper will argue that the four identifications emerge as highly dynamic, context-specific and constantly negotiated relationships. Retrospectively, this article aims to contribute not only to current literature on Bulgarian migration but also to wider debates on transnational youth identities.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2015;"Genova, Elena";"To have both roots and wings: nested identities in the case of Bulgarian students in the UK";"Identities   42019"
264;"BOOK ABSTRACT: Texts of educators from different countries, participants of the VII International Seminar on Restructuring Curriculum, held by the Department of Education of Porto Alegre. They represent different realities and synthesize common concerns such as the need to think, imagine and build a democratic school in a society where the realization of citizens' rights to constitute a substantive reality for all.";"SocPhil";"BookChap";"#NULL!";"Gentili, P.";"Qual educação para qual cidadania? Reflexões sobre a formação do sujeito democrático";"In J. C. Azevedo, P. Gentili,  A. Krug & C. Simón (Eds.), Utopia e democracia na educação cidadã (pp. 143-156)"
265;"This article explores the relationship between citizenship education and European citizenship in the light of increasingly diverse European societies. It raises the question of whether nation-state models of citizenship need to be rethought to accommodate a supranationally conceptualized European citizenship and asks what kind of citizenship education complies with the demands of this new citizenship. In doing so, the article highlights the challenge of integrating a European dimension into citizenship education and reviews new European programs intended to promote citizenship among young people in particular. The article also presents data on young people’s knowledge about, and attitudes toward, the Europe Union. Finally, the article examines the rather meager evidence base of citizenship education in Europe by discussing recent comparative studies. It concludes that citizenship education in Europe, and the implementation of programs to develop it, require further scientific grounding.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Georgi, V. B.";"Citizens in the making: youth and citizenship education in Europe";"Child Development Perspectives,  Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 107-113"
266;"This paper examines young people's civic motivations in conjunction with their expected gratifications from, and evaluations of, civic websites. Fourty-six young people took part in this qualitative study, which included individual written evaluations as well as group reviews of the websites of four civic organisations (Fairtrade Foundation, Soil Association, Friends of the Earth, The Meatrix). The key finding of the study is that young people are willing to engage with civic websites as long as a series of ?terms and conditions? are met that would make that engagement meaningful to them, such as a link between the issue and the individual's lifeworld and the benefits of civic action. These conditions constitute a coherent paradigm of civic consumerism, although the evidence strongly suggests that this is due to a sense of civic loneliness and widespread scepticism about the relevance of collective action. Furthermore, the study highlights the importance of the emotional dimension of civic engagement, which recurred consistently in these young people's narratives. The implications and limitations of this paradigm of civic consumerism are examined, along with the ensuing challenge to the internet's democratic potential.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Gerodimos, Roman";"ONLINE YOUTH CIVIC ATTITUDES AND THE LIMITS OF CIVIC CONSUMERISM";"Information, Communication & Society 15 2 217-245"
267;"Social capital is increasingly conceptualised in academic and policy literature as a panacea for a range of health and development issues, particularly in the context of HIV. In this paper, we conceptualise social capital as an umbrella concept capturing processes including networks, norms, trust and relationships that open up opportunities for participation and collective action that allow communities to address issues of common concern. We specifically outline social capital as comprising three distinct forms: bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Rather than presenting original data, we draw on three well-documented and previously published case studies of health volunteers in South Africa. We explore how social contexts shape the possibility for the emergence and sustainability of social capital. We identify three cross-cutting contextual factors that are critical barriers to the emergence of social capital: poverty, stigma and the weakness of external organisations' abilities to support small groups. Our three case studies suggest that the assumption that social capital can be generated from the ground upwards is not reasonable. Rather, there needs to be a greater focus on how those charged with supporting small groups—non-governmental organisations, bureaucracies and development agencies—can work to enable social capital to emerge.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Gibbs A., Campbell C., Akintola O., & Colvin C.";"Social Contexts and Building Social Capital for Collective Action: Three Case Studies of Volunteers in the Context of HIV and AIDS in South Africa";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 25, No 2, pp. 110-122"
268;"The enlargement of the European Union in 2004 gave rise to moral panics concerning the likelihood of mass migration from the new eastern European member states to established member states in the west. A great deal of social and political science research has examined the ongoing impact of the enlargement, but there remains a gap in the literature regarding the ways in which members of ‘receiving’ populations reacted to these changes. The present paper reports findings from a qualitative interview study of 14-16 year-olds conducted in northern England. It focuses on how migrants from one particular country – Poland – were constructed by participants. Drawing on previous analyses of immigration and racist discourse, the study points to some ways in which Polish migrants and migration were constructed, and how complaints against ‘the Polish’ were formulated. The analysis focusses on four key issues: employment and the economy, language and culture, threat and intimidation, and physical stereotyping. It is suggested that constructions of ‘the Polish’ draw on the tropes of both ‘old’ and ‘new’ racism, and that attention to the use of deixical ingroup referents (‘us’, ‘we’, ‘our’) in contrast to the explicit labelling of the outgroup (‘the Polish’) can be understood in terms of the requirement to present complaints concerning migrant groups via appeals to assumed universal standards of behaviour and civility.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Gibson, S.";"Constructions of ""the Polish"" in Northern England: Findings From a Qualitative Interview Study";"Journal of Social and Political Psychology, Vol. 3, No 2, pp. 43-62"
269;"Pluralism The experiences of young people in developed societies such as Japan and the UK have undergone considerable change in the last 30 or so years. Our starting point is that such developments are associated with the globalization of institutions and an individualization of experience, which destabilizes life-course transitions and cultural transmission between generations. However, we continue to assert the importance of the national framework, defined by national cultures and territorial jurisdictions, in mediating global processes. Adapting Connolly's (2005. Pluralism . Durham, NC: Duke University Press) differentiation between types of politics in late modernity, we argue for a distinction to be made between being citizens and becoming citizens. Being a citizen involves integration into pre-existing collective identities such as nation-states which increasingly act to restrict membership to the citizen community. With this in mind, we compare the key sites of social recognition in Japan and the UK for young people and identify some fundamental barriers to citizenship. In addition, we discuss the ways in which conventional social and educational policy responses aimed at integrating young people into work and nation perpetuate their precarious relationship to citizenship. These processes are contrasted with becoming a citizen, which is dynamic, intimately connected to cultural learning and the creation of new civic virtues and sources of recognition.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Gifford, Christopher, Mycock, Andrew, Murakami, Junichi";"Becoming citizens in late modernity: a global-national comparison of young people in Japan and the UK";"Citizenship Studies 18 1 81-98"
270;"The present study examined how parental political attitudes, parenting styles, and classroom characteristics predict adolescents' political alienation, as feelings about the individual's ability to affect the political system's performance at the individual level. Participants were 463 families that included mothers, fathers, and their adolescent children in 6th, 8th, and 10th grades. Teachers reported on the classroom context. Multilevel analyses indicated several findings: parental and adolescent political attitudes supported a parent—adolescent transmission process, adolescents' perceptions of parental attitudes mediated the transmission process, authoritarian parenting style positively predicted adolescent political alienation, and classrooms comprised of teachers with clear educational goals were negatively related to adolescent political alienation. Results are discussed in terms of learning political alienation within family by parent—child transmission. Associations among adolescent political alienation, parenting style, and classroom climate are considered as interaction characteristics with authorities shaping adolescents' political attitudes.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Gniewosz, B., Noack, P., & Buhl, M.";"Political alienation in adolescence: Associations with parental role models, parenting styles, and classroom climate. ";"International Journal of Behavioral Development, Vol. 33, No 4, pp. 337-346"
271;"Where is Europe? How and since when it constitutes? What are its boundaries? How this continent has been unified, what did the cement yesterday, what brings together today? How did the Europe of Christendom, humanistic ideas, scientific inventions, political revolutions, democratic culture? But why is it often divided, with wars between nations, regions, European nations, or war against other Europeans? What assessment of colonization? How to explain the tragic twentieth century? Where we are now with the European Union? Which Europe do we remember, what kind of Europe should we build?";"DevPsy";"Book";2007;"Goff, J. L.";"L'Europe expliquée aux jeunes";
272;"The implications of Alexis de Tocqueville's theory of democracy for current debates about social citizenship and the welfare state are explored. Systematizing accounts of Tocqueville's views on public relief have been one-sided and have facilitated efforts by the New Right to appropriate his legacy to justify New Right policies. A closer reading of Tocqueville, attentive to both his marginal and more central works, reveals good reasons for opposing the reforms that critics of public assistance have proposed in Tocqueville's time and in our own. The historicist view that Tocqueville's social and economic thought was incoherent, backward-looking, and increasingly irrelevant following capitalist industrialization is also criticized. While Tocqueville's theory of democracy requires revision in important respects, its potential has not been exhausted. In fact, a reconstruction of Tocqueville's theory of democracy goes well beyond the discourse of the New Right, pointing instead to the possibility of reforming the welfare state in a creative and innovative way through social policies that are enabling rather than tutelary, universalistic rather than targeted, preventive rather than compensatory, and associative rather than atomizing";"EduHist";"JArticle";2001;"Goldberg, C. A.";"""Social Citizenship and a Reconstructed Tocqueville.""";"American Sociological Review 66 2 289-315"
273;"This article examines how gender shapes the development, involvement, and visibility of teenagers as political actors within their communities. Based on ethnographic research with two high school student movement organizations on the West Coast, the author argues that gender impacts the potential for young people's political consciousness to translate into public, social movement participation. Specifically, the gendered ways in which youth conceptualize and negotiate parental power influences whether or not, and in what ways, youth can emerge as visible agents of social change in their communities. For girl activists, there is more of a marked discontinuity between their political ideals and their political action because of their conflicts with parental power than for boys. This article considers the consequences of teens' relationships to parental power on their sociopolitical development, as well as the counter-effects posed by the feminist interventions of adult allies within youth movements.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Gordon, H.R.";"Gendered Paths to Teenage Political Participation";"Gender & Society, Vol. 22, No 1, pp. 31-55"
274;"This article draws from the experiences and narratives of teenage activists throughout the Americas in order to add a needed dimension, that of peer political socialization, to the larger political and civic socialization literature. The authors argue that although the existing literature emphasizes the roles and responsibilities of adults in shaping young people’s civic capacities, the roles that young people play in socializing each other for political engagement is underexplored. Based on two qualitative studies of teenage activists throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that teenage activists, who are largely left out of this literature, represent a different process by which youth engage in politics. We use teenagers’ narratives about their own youth-led political socialization to extend the existing theorizing on youth civic engagement, rethink some of its core tenets, and elucidate the roles that young people themselves play in the processes of political socialization.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Gordon, H.R., & Taft, J.K.";"Rethinking Youth Political Socialization Teenage Activists Talk Back";"Youth & Society, Vol. 43, No 4, pp. 1499-1527"
275;"McGarry (2012) in CSP presented significant aspects and dilemmas of European Union (EU) policy towards Roma. Developing points raised there, this article analyses French government statements and practices concerning Roma in the period from summer 2010 to late 2013 as a case study. It puts into relief the contrasts between EU emphasis on Roma as citizens with rights, and official French attitudes which are largely discriminatory. The frequency at the highest levels of the French state of widely-used anti-Roma clichés: ‘alien values’, ‘cultural difference’, threat to property, safety, and health, crime, etc. is highly problematic for the development of citizen rights in the face of both the principle and reality of free mobility within the EU. The change in government in France in 2012 did not end either the discriminatory discourse or the expulsions, which commentators think is due to French and European Parliamentary elections in 2014. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Gould, R. ";"Roma rights and Roma expulsions in France: Official discourse and EU responses.";"Critical Social Policy, Vol 35, No 1, pp. 24-44"
276;"A liberation psychology is needed to bridge the gap between psychology's focus on individual distress and broad social forces that foster such distress. We offer a model for bridging this gap by focusing on a specific area of psychology (psychological research on girls) and a specific social movement (feminist activism). Psychological research on girls and feminist activism share the common goal of improving the lives of girls and women. However, both have fallen short of this goal. This is due, in part, to the weaknesses associated with each endeavor and to the fact that the complementary strengths of each have remained isolated from the other. In this paper, we propose a common language and shared framework to integrate psychological research with feminist activism. First, we review the basic strengths and weaknesses associated with psychological research and feminist activism, with a particular focus on how they are distinct from one another. Second, we provide a taxonomic framework for integrating these two areas on the basis of the stress paradigm, with specific examples provided from our recent reviews of the literature and our own empirical work with adolescent girls. Finally, we conclude with recommendations for future work needed to integrate psychological research on girls with feminist activism toward the goal of building a liberation psychology in the United States.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Grant, K.E., Finkelstein, J.-A.S., & Lyons, A.L.";"Integrating psychological research on girls with feminist activism: A model for building a liberation psychology in the United States";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 31, No 1-2, pp. 143-155"
277;"Summary/comnents from review (Putney, Gail Jackson, 1966 Social Forces, Vol. 44, No. 4, pp. 1590-591): Professor Greenstein's study of political socialization is focused on the nature and source of children'spolitical information, feelings toward political authority, and partisan identification. The major source of the data was a questionnaire administered to New Haven, Connecticut fourth through eighth grade children in 1958. The study indicates that the child's conception of political authority has more affective than cognitive content. The children studied were convinced that the President of the United States and the Mayor of New Haven were important men, although they had only the vaguest notion of the functions these men performed. In simple terms, they were more aware of the status than of the role. Their responses to political authority were overwhelmingly positive, which the author attributes in part to the tendency of adults to shield children from sordid aspects of politics and in part to selective perception on the part of children, who see leaders as father figures. By the eighth grade the subjects had begun to lose their political euphoria. According to the author, however, this is late enough in the child's socialization that the cynicism which begins to form at this time never goes deep. "". . . when the adult is in conflict between his positive and negative assessments of political leaders, the longest held of these is most likely to influence his response"" (p. 53). The children could make only vague statements about the nature of political parties, differences between the major parties or even candidates. They knew, however, whether their family was Republican or Democratic and, therefore, what they were. Issue orientation was just beginning to develop by the eighth grade, whereas party identifications appeared much earlier and "". . . probably develop without much explicit teaching on the part of parents, more or less in the form of a gradual awareness by the child of something which is part of him. The process doubtless is similar to the development of ethnic and religious identifications"" (p. 73). There were differences in the political attitudes of upper-status and lower-status children, notably that those from the lower socio-economic status group were more deferential toward political leadership, and the children from the upper socioeconomic group showed more motivation toward political participation. Sex differences were more subtle, but the girls tended to be more apolitical. Professor Greenstein has made a major contribution toward an understanding of the stabilizing forces in American politics: early attachments to the existing major political parties and early positive attitudes toward political authority, contrasted to a later and lesser interest in issues. What the book does not explain is change. The chapter dealing with change is focused on the trend of children's heroes away from patriotic figures toward entertainers. But the author concludes that because the children were ""intense national partisans"" the change in heroes has little political implication. The data were gathered in the spring of 1958. This means that many of the children interviewed as sixth, seventh, and eighth grade pupils are now college students, and the erstwhile fifth graders are about to join them. Nothing in Professor Greenstein's conclusions suggests that many of these youngsters would grow up to picket, sit-in, teach-in or register Negro voters. What part of the political socialization process created the issueconscious political activists? There are some clues in the data. In the upper socio-economic group, those most likely to be in college today, party preference was expressed by 71 percent of the seventh graders but by only 49 percent of the eighth graders! Asked from whom they would seek voting advice, 88 percent of the upper-status fifth graders indicated one or both parents, whereas only 57 percent of the eighth graders gave this response. Among these upperstatus eighth graders, 16 percent wrote in ""Independent"" on political affiliation, 11 percent wrote in ""decide myself"" on the matter of voting advice, and another 11 percent indicated ""ask teacher"" rather than parents. These data suggest a shift away from identification with the political attitudes of the parents with the onset of adolescence. This is also the point at which issue orientation began to be apparent. The political behavior of these young adults may veer back to the pattern seen in the pre-adolescent period once they marry and enter the corporate ranks. If they drop their activism and return to partisan politics and deference toward political authority, Professor Greenstein's book documents a great deal of the reason why.";"ComPsy";"Book";1965;"Greenstein, Fred";"Children and politics";
278;"What is the significance of upsurge of protest and claims-making for how we understand citizenship in relatively new democracies? In Chile, some 20 years after a paradigmatically successful democratisation, student protests for a more equitable education system have re-politicised and transformed debates about what democracy and citizenship should mean. Claims are being staked not only for educational reform but also for a new model of citizenship based on rights and welfare, in contrast to neoliberal models of citizenship as individualisation and consumption. In raising consciousness as regards the costs of neoliberal democracy, the student protests are reviving the country's radical traditions and past practices of an engaged, political active youth movement.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2015;"Grugel, Jean, Nem Singh, Jewellord";"Protest, citizenship and democratic renewal: the student movement in Chile";"Citizenship Studies   42018"
279;"The aim of this study is to examine the relation between religiosity and civic competences required to practise democratic citizenship. We compare non-religious, Christian and Muslim adolescents in the Netherlands to see whether (a) there is a relation between religion and civic competences, and (b) whether this differs depending on religious denomination. In the public debate, the reconcilability of Islamic beliefs and democratic citizenship is often questioned, but the relation between the two lacks empirical support. Results from analyses on data of 364 adolescents in the Netherlands indicate that religious adolescents have more developed democratic competences than non-religious adolescents. This is the case both for Christian and Muslim adolescents. The strength of religiosity does not play a role in predicting civic competences. Importantly, no differences are found between the civic competences of Muslim and Christian youth.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Grundel, Malin, Maliepaard, Mieke";"Knowing, understanding and practising democratic citizenship: an investigation of the role of religion among Muslim, Christian and non-religious adolescents";"Ethnic & Racial Studies 35 12 2075-2096"
280;"This book maps out, from a variety of theoretical standpoints, the challenges generated by European integration and EU citizenship for community membership, belonging and polity-making beyond the state. It does so by focusing on three main issues of relevance for how EU citizenship has developed and its capacity to challenge state sovereignty and authority as the main loci of creating and delivering rights and protection. First, it looks at the relationship between citizenship of the Union and European identity and assesses how immigration and access to nationality in the Member States impact on the development of a common European identity. Secondly, it discusses how the idea of solidarity interacts with the boundaries of EU citizenship as constructed by the entitlement and capacity of mobile citizens to enjoy equality and social rights as EU citizens. Thirdly, the book engages with issues ofEU citizenship and equality as the building blocks of the EU project. By engaging with these themes, this volume provides a topical and comprehensive account of the present and future development of Union citizenship and studies the collisions between the realisation of its constructive potential and Member State autonomy";"SocPhil";"Book";2013;"Guild, E., Gortázar Rotaeche, C., & Kostakopoulou, D. (Eds.)";"The Reconceptualization of European Union Citizenship";
281;"The present study investigated how school climate, school connectedness and academic efficacy beliefs inform emergent civic engagement behaviors among middle school youth of color. These associations were examined both concurrently and longitudinally using a developmentally appropriate measure of civic engagement. Data were drawn from two subsamples of a larger study of social/emotional development in middle school (cross-sectional sample n = 324, longitudinal sample n = 232), M = 12 years old, 46 % female, 53 % male. Forty-two percent (42.2 %) of the sample self-identified as African American, 19.8 % as Multiracial or Mixed, 19.4 % as Latino, 11.6 % as Asian American or Pacific Islander, 11.6 % identified as Other, and 5.2 % as Native American. The study tested and found support for a latent mediation model in which more positive perceptions of school climate were positively related to school connectedness, and this in turn, was positively associated with civic engagement, school climate was also positively associated with academic-self-efficacy beliefs, but such beliefs did not mediate the climate-civic engagement association. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.";"Policy";"JArticle";2015;"Guillaume, C., Jagers, R., & Rivas-Drake, D.";"Middle School as a Developmental Niche for Civic Engagement";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 56, No 3, pp, 321-331"
282;"Despite considerable fiscal and structural support for youth service programs, research has not demonstrated consistent outcomes across participants or programs, suggesting the need to identify critical program processes. The present study addresses this need through preliminary examination of the role of program empowerment in promoting positive identity development in inner-city, African American youth participating in a pilot school-based service program. Results suggest that participants who experienced the program as empowering experienced increases in self-efficacy, sense of civic responsibility, and ethnic identity, over and above general engagement and enjoyment of the program. Preliminary exploration of differences based on participant gender suggests that some results may be stronger and more consistent for males than females. These findings provide preliminary support for the importance of theoretically grounded program processes in producing positive outcomes for youth service participants.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Gullan, R.L., Power, T.J., & Leff, S.S.";"The Role of Empowerment in a School-Based Community Service Program with Inner-City, Minority Youth";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 28, No 6, pp. 664-689"
283;"The crisis of the European Union showcases the asymmetry between transnational capacities for political action and social as well as economic forces unleashed at the transnational level. But recovering the regulatory power of politics by way of increased supranational organi- zation frequently arouses fears about the fate of national democracy and about the demo- cratic sovereign, threatened to be dispossessed by executive powers operating independently at the global level. Against such political defeatism this contribution uses the example of the European Union to refute the underlying claim that a transnationalization of popular sover- eignty cannot be achieved without lowering the level of democratic legitimation. It focuses on three components of every democratic polity – the association of free and equal legal persons, a bureaucratic organization for collective action, and civic solidarity as a medium of political integration – to argue that the new configuration they take at the European level does not in principle diminish the democratic legitimacy of the new transnational polity. The contribu- tion continues to argue, however, that the sharing of sovereignty between the peoples and citizens of Europe needs to be better reflected in a symmetrical relationship between Council and Parliament while political leadership and the media must contribute to a greater sense of civil solidarity.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Habermas, J. ";"The Crisis of the European Union in the Light of a Constitutionalization of International Law";"European Journal Of International Law 23(2): 335-348."
284;"The “global success” of nation states is currently brought into play by the new requirements of multicultural differentiation and globalization. After commenting on the common concepts of “state” and “nation” and discussing the formation of nation states, the author explains the particular achievement of the national state and the tension between republicanism and nationalism built into it. The challenges that arise from the multicultural differentiation of civil society and from trends towards globalization throw light on the limitations of this historical type.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1996;"Habermas, J. ";"The European Nation State. Its Achievements and Its Limitations. On the Past and Future of Sovereignty and Citizenship.";"Ratio Juris 9(2): 125-137."
285;"This paper focuses on the research question 'Who does not vote and why?' regarding national elections in 24 European countries. We analyse determinants of non-voting both on the individual and the societal level employing a multilevel design. On the micro level, the sociological determinants under consideration are education, cohort and gender. Regarding psychological or motivational factors, we include in the analyses political efficacy, political interest, political trust and satisfaction with politics. On the macro level, we analyse characteristics of the electoral system, including opportunities for 'direct democracy', maturity of democracy, disproportionality factor, and if the participation in elections is compulsory. The data source of the analyses is the European Social Survey 2006. A first main finding is the fact that the probability of non-voting is higher among people with a low level of education and among younger cohorts. The motivational factors have similar impacts on non-voting across all analysed societies. Lack of political efficacy, lack of political interest, lack of political trust and dissatisfaction with politicians and the political system increase the probability of non-voting. Regarding macro influences, countries with compulsory voting and 'old democracies' turn out to have a lower rate of non-voting, although these effects vanish when simultaneously modelled with the social psychological micro level indicators.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Hadjar, Andreas & Beck,  Michael ";"WHO DOES NOT PARTICIPATE IN ELECTIONS IN EUROPE AND WHY IS THIS? A multilevel analysis of social mechanisms behind non-voting";"European Socities, Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 521-42"
286;"This book sheds light on the question: Under what conditions do democratic attitudes and values take root in youth? Using a comparative perspective, Becoming Political describes alternative forms of education for democracy and points to consequences of various alternatives in diverse settings. This study of civic education and adolescent political attitudes contains rich descriptive information from interviews with students and teachers and classroom observations in England, Denmark, Germany, the Netherlands, and the United States. Such qualitative information gathered over the past decade complements findings from surveys administered to students ages fifteen through nineteen in fifty schools in the five countries. Chapters focus on civic education in the five countries, adolescent political attitudes and behaviors, gender and political attitudes, support for free expression for diverse views, and classroom climate and the investigation of controversial public policy issues. An appendix describes the varied political contexts in which youth in the five democracies are being politically socialized. The book will be of use to readers interested in social studies education, comparative education, and youth political socialization, as well as education for democracy.";"PolScience";"Book";1998;"Hahn, C. L.";"Becoming political: Comparative perspectives on citizenship education";
287;"This collection looks in detail at the wide range of youth subcultures from teds and skinheads to black rastafarians.";"EduHist";"Book";1975;"Hall, S., & Jefferson, T.";"Resistance through Rituals";
288;"Citizenship is best understood as signifying a field of struggle: an arena in which relations linking individuals to their wider community, social and political contexts are continually discussed, reworked and contested. This paper explores the current preoccupation with citizenship in Britain, and relates this specifically to the challenges this presents for the youth service. The idea of active citizenship, first promulgated by the Conservative government in its attempt to mitigate the then triumphal New Right ethic of individual self-interest, has been seized on by the new Labour government as a central component of 'Third Way' politics-as a means of renewing civil society. How this may be communicated to, and engendered in young people remains, however, as contested an issue as the idea of citizenship itself. The 'tacit learning' for citizenship which takes place within youth work practice holds much promise, but for exactly this reason is also problematic because it cannot demonstrably project outcomes which are clearly formulated and measurable.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2000;"Hall, Tom, Williamson, Howard, Coffey, Amanda";"Young People, Citizenship and the Third Way: A Role for the Youth Service?";"Journal of Youth Studies 3 4 461-472"
289;"The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the transformation process in a youth group's conception of itself and its role in assuming responsibility for alcohol, tobacco, and other drug use in the community. Building on a technology-based community program, an adult facilitator invited adolescents to collaborate on a youth-produced film that would encourage peers to adopt an ethic of social responsibility for one another. In this article, a framing metaphor is used to discuss the unique potential of film for enabling youth to redefine social issues (in this case, health and responsibility), the importance of an adult facilitator's role in providing alternative frames to the status quo, and the essential role that reframing plays in social change.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Hamilton, C., & Flanagan, C.";"Reframing social responsibility within a technology-based youth activist program";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 51, No 3, pp. 444-464"
290;"On the premise that representative government cannot properly function without the political participation of a large active segment of its constituents represented by permanent immigrants without citizenship, this article: 1) reviews some attempts to resolve such an anomalous situation, 2) suggests naturalization as an instrument to correct it and describes the naturalization rate and the reasons for the low propensity for naturalization in various North European countries, 3) surveys the phenomenon of dual citizenship, the reasons for its increase as well as its inconveniences and advantages, and 4) hypothesizes that future increases in dual citizenship will protect political rights and foster political integration.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";1985;"Hammar, T.";"Dual Citizenship and Political Integration";"International Migration Review, Vol. 19, No 3, pp. 438-450 "
291;"Multitude argues that some of the most troubling aspects of the new world order contain the seeds of radical global social transformation. The accelerating integration of economic, political and cultural powers in the world is actually a force for the good. No longer simply the silent, oppressed masses, the world's populations form a fluid and powerful network with the strength to bring about the most radical step in the liberation of humankind since the Industrial Revolution. This multitude, Hardt and Negri tell us, is the key to democracy on a global scale.";"SocPsy";"Book";2005;"Hardt, M. and Negri, A.  ";"Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire.  ";
292;"This article reviews the literature on community service and activism, particularly in youth, using the theoretical approach provided by an identity projects framework. This framework allows for an examination of the contextual and experiential factors that contribute to the emergence and maintenance of an identity project of service or activism. The contributors to project emergence may include: favourable social structures, collective crises, biographical availability, parental modelling, experiencing or witnessing injustice or suffering, inspiring stories, altruistic personality, religious values, and organisational affiliations. For many participants, these projects appear associated with intense experiences of belonging, stimulation, efficacy, and integrity. These experiences may be of great importance in reinforcing and expanding service or activism.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Harré, N.";"Community service or activism as an identity project for youth";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 711-724"
293;"This article focuses on explaining the variation in extra-parliamentary activities, such as signing petitions, demonstrating, displaying badge stickers and boycotting products in 20 European Union (EU) countries. The main questions this article will deal with are: first, how feelings of dissatisfaction with the government and feelings of being member of a discriminated group affect the level of extra-parliamentary participation, and second, how different welfare regimes condition the extend to which these groups chose to act. In a comparative multilevel design, using data from the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4 (2008), the article finds that satisfaction/dissatisfaction with the government is an important predictor alongside the institutional macro-level variable. The article combines a critical tradition, which suggests that political participation is motivated by a feeling of dissatisfaction with an institutional perspective in which certain institutional conditions are seen as enablers for citizens to actively participate in political life. Our results show that the overall level of extra-parliamentary activity in the Scandinavian countries is higher than in the other European welfare regimes and that the connection between dissatisfaction with the government and extra-parliamentary activity is stronger. The article concludes that the welfare state and the political system in the Scandinavian countries enable dissatisfied and discriminated groups of people to get engaged in extra-parliamentary activities to a greater extent than other EU countries.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Harrebye, Silas &  Ejrnæs, Anders";"European patterns of participation – How dissatisfaction motivates extra-parliamentary activities given the right institutional conditions ";"Comparative European Politics, Vol. 13, No. 2,  pp. 151–174"
294;"New technologies are often perceived as important resources in attracting young people to formal politics, but less is known about how young people use them to create participatory practice on their own terms. This article examines young women's less conventional technology-enabled political and social activity in order to understand how these are operating as emergent modes of participation in a new political environment. It explores young women's use of online DIY culture, blogs, social networking sites and related technologies to open up questions about what counts as politics, and what is possible as politics for young people, and young women in particular, at the present moment. It suggests that these activities represent new directions in activism, the construction of new participatory communities, and the development of new kinds of public selves, while also telling us important things about the limits of the kinds of conventional citizen subject positions offered to young women at this time.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2008;"Harris, Anita";"Young women, late modern politics, and the participatory possibilities of online cultures";"Journal of Youth Studies 11 5 481-495"
295;"This article addresses the changing nature of participation for young people. Our analysis is framed by the fragmentation of traditional institutions and the increasingly unpredictable nature of life trajectories. As a result, the identification of a crisis in young people’s engagement has become a recurrent theme in the literature, alongside a burgeoning interest in new forms of (sub)cultural participatory practices. We argue that there is further complexity in the reshaping of participation in times of social change, especially for a broad ‘mainstream’ of young people who are neither deeply apathetic about politics nor unconventionally engaged. Drawing on a research project with 970 young Australians, the article suggests that many young people are disenchanted with political structures that are unresponsive to their needs and interests, but that they remain interested in social and political issues and continue to seek recognition from the political system. At the same time, their participatory practices are not oriented towards spectacular antistate activism or cultural politics but take the form of informal, individualized and everyday activities.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Harris, Anita, Wyn, Johanna & Younes, Salem";"Beyond apathetic or activist youth ‘Ordinary’ young people and contemporary forms of participation";"Young, Vol 18, No. 1, pp. 9-32"
296;"Debates abound about low levels of engagement in mainstream civic life on the part of young Muslims from immigrant backgrounds living in non-Muslim majority countries. This paper investigates the emergent types of civic practice enacted by first or second generation Australian youth of major Muslim migrant communities, and suggests that in order to better understand the commonly identified problem of low levels of civic participation amongst this group it is necessary to situate the debate in broader conceptual frameworks regarding the shift towards ‘do-it-yourself’ citizenship on the part of the current generation. The paper argues for a focus on practices of youth cultural production and consumption, civic networks in everyday spaces, and work on the self as new forms of civic engagement, drawing on qualitative research with 80 young Muslims, who are outside both radical and mainstream formal associational practice.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2013;"Harris, Anita, Roose, Joshua";"DIY citizenship amongst young Muslims: experiences of the 'ordinary'";"Journal of Youth Studies 17 6 794-813"
297;"Civic competence and obstacles to its development are explored in urban youth. Our review suggests that urban youth lag behind suburban adolescents in civic knowledge and civic participation. These lags may be attributable to low levels of political participation among urban adults, educational failures, and a lack of childhood opportunities to join clubs and teams. A comparison of a small city and a neighboring suburban town illustrates both the intertwined obstacles that confront urban youth on the path to civic development and the difficulty that most urban centers face in improving opportunities for civic development. We conclude that urban youth's genuine interest in acquiring civic competence is frustrated by demographic factors largely outside the control of those living in America's cities.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2002;"Hart, D., & Atkins, R.";"Civic Competence in Urban Youth";"Applied Develomental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 227-236"
298;"This chapter reviews research on youth activism. This work contributes to an undrestanding of the nature of youth activism and its psychological, political and social roots. This review is supplemented with analyses of survery data collected from adolescents both within the USA and around the world.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2010;"Hart, D., & Gullan, R.L.";"The sources of adolescent activism: Historical and contemporary findings";"Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in Youth, pp. 67-90 (edited by L. R. Sherrod, J. Torney-Purta, & C. A. Flanagan)"
299;"Youth bulges, cohorts of 16- to 25-year-olds disproportionately large relative to the adult population, are linked with social upheaval in historical research. Limited civic knowledge and heightened civic participation in adolescence, resulting from socialization in communities with large populations of children, are hypothesized to be developmental precursors to the political activism characteristic of youth constituting bulges. In two studies with nationally representative samples, adolescents in communities with disproportionately large populations of children were found to have less civic knowledge than equivalent adolescents in communities without large populations of children. In both studies, civic participation was predicted by the interaction of a community's proportion of children and its poverty level. Similar patterns were identified in a third study using country-level data. Together, the findings demonstrate that the youthfulness of communities and countries influences civic development.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Hart, D., Atkins, R., Markey, P., & Youniss, J.";"Youth bulges in communities the effects of age structure on adolescent civic knowledge and civic participation.";"Psychological Science, Vol. 15, No 9, pp. 591-597"
300;"Fears that we are experiencing a crisis in citizenship have been increasingly directed towards youth. Popular political and government rhetoric has frequently positioned young people as a threat to the healthy functioning of citizenship and democracy. Policies have been implemented to educate them and control their behaviour, particularly in their local communities, in an attempt to foster them as citizens deemed appropriate to join adult society. This article provides evidence to the contrary, of young people who wish to be part of their local communities and incorporated in the development of relationships of mutual trust and respect. In this context it is argued that the New Labour government’s approach to renewing citizenship for the modern age is contributing to the alienation of young people from any sense of inclusive citizenship. It is put forward that if we are truly concerned with the engagement and empowerment of young people, what is needed is a broader definition of citizenship that enables them to participate as young citizens and respects their voices as an important part of a fair society. This, it is argued, would entail a departure from currently dominant conceptions of citizenship towards, instead, a cultural citizenship approach.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Hart, S.";"The ‘problem’ with youth: young people, citizenship and the community";"Citizenship Studies, Vol. 13, No. 6, pp. 641-657"
301;"Fears that we are experiencing a crisis in citizenship have been increasingly directed towards youth. Popular political and government rhetoric has frequently positioned young people as a threat to the healthy functioning of citizenship and democracy. Policies have been implemented to educate them and control their behaviour, particularly in their local communities, in an attempt to foster them as citizens deemed appropriate to join adult society. This article provides evidence to the contrary, of young people who wish to be part of their local communities and incorporated in the development of relationships of mutual trust and respect. In this context it is argued that the New Labour government's approach to renewing citizenship for the modern age is contributing to the alienation of young people from any sense of inclusive citizenship. It is put forward that if we are truly concerned with the engagement and empowerment of young people, what is needed is a broader definition of citizenship that enables them to participate as young citizens and respects their voices as an important part of a fair society. This, it is argued, would entail a departure from currently dominant conceptions of citizenship towards, instead, a cultural citizenship approach.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Hart, Stella";"The 'problem' with youth: young people, citizenship and the community";"Citizenship Studies 13 6 641-657"
302;"In this study, young people, described by teachers as being disaffected, were encouraged to become involved in a public forum to discuss issues regarding participation, learning and training at their school as well as their aspirations about the future. The young people discussed their learning and social experiences, and reflected on existing models of participation and student voices as they operated in their school. Through focus group discussions and interviews, the young people expressed concerns about participation in school matters and critiqued the curriculum as irrelevant to their aspirations and employment needs. The young people favoured a form of participation that involves and sustains informal ways of having a voice and creates possibilities for being genuinely listened to. The findings suggested that to enable young people’s participation in learning and other aspects of school life, the curriculum, learning and pastoral support and the school‐to‐training transition require re‐thinking. Finally, the results reinforced the view that inclusion and participation are not unproblematic, requiring a nuanced approach.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Hartas, D.";"Young people’s participation: is disaffection another way of having a voice?";"Educational Psychology in Practice, Vol. 27, No 2, pp. 103-115"
303;"This paper traces historical changes in the concept of citizenship, in order to show how it has shifted from a state enterprise to a form of self-organising, user-created, ludic association, modelled by online social networks in which  children  -  formally non-citizens  but crucial to  the  continuing  and  changing  discursive  practices  of  citizenship-formation  -  are  active agents. The implications of 'silly' citizenship for communication scholarship are considered.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Hartley, John";"Silly citizenship";"Critical Discourse Studies, 7:4, 233-248"
304;"Discussions of citizenship and citizenship education have been conducted largely within the worldview of stable, Western societies and have been based on psychological models that emphasize individual cognition. The concepts of citizenship that evolved in this context have become taken for granted. But during the past decade, different concepts of citizenship have arisen from emergent democracies, from societies in transition, from the dissolution of the left-right spectrum in Western society, and from a changing perspective in psychological theory that attends to language and to social and cultural context. These developments have implications for defining the goals of citizenship education and for formulating educational programs, particularly in relation to identity, positioning, narratives, and efficacy.";"Media";"JArticle";2004;"Haste, H. ";"Constructing the Citizen";"Political Psychology, Vol. 25, No. 3, pp. 413-439"
305;"In Western thought, the relationship between the moral and political domains has been dominated by a version of political philosophy which, based on the distinction between ‘public’ and ‘private’, argues that the moral is different from the political. In parallel, and related to this, has been a delineation of the ‘political’ as concerned with structural aspects of representative democracy, privileging electoral behaviour in particular. We challenge this distinction on the basis that it is not useful for addressing the motivational dimensions of political behaviour, which are crucial for crafting citizenship education. We explore the ways in which the concept of citizenship has become contested in the realities of the range of contemporary political engagement, and how current debates, for example that between liberals and communitarians, expose the underlying moral perspectives behind their theory and their prescriptions. Emerging from this we present an argument for three different modes of civic engagement, voting, helping and making one's voice heard, in which the moral and political play out differently. This model is explored through data from a study of British young people's involvement with civic issues and actions.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2006;"Haste, H., & Hogan, A. ";"Beyond conventional civic participation, beyond the moral‐political divide: young people and contemporary debates about citizenship";"Journal of Moral Education, Vol. 35, No. 4, pp. 473-493"
306;"In this unique examination of education for citizenship, Derek Heater covers two and a half millennia of history encompassing every continent. Education for citizenship is considered from its classical origins through to ideas of world citizenship and multiculturalism which are relevant today. The book reveals the constants of motives, policies, recommendations and practices in this field and the variables determined by political, social and economic circumstances, which in turn illustrate the reasons behind education for citizenship today. Sections covered include: * Classical origins * The age of rebellions and revolutions * Education for liberal democracy * Totalitarianism and transitions * Multiple citizenship education. A History of Education for Citizenship will be of interest to teachers and students of citizenship, particularly those concerned with citizenship education. It will also be of interest to those working in the field of politics of education and history of education.";"EduHist";"Book";2004;"Heater, D.";"A History of Education for Citizenship";
307;"Structured analytically, the book introduces the reader to all the facets of citizenship.";"EduHist";"Book";1999;"Heater, D.";"What is citizenship? ";
308;"We report longitudinal data in which we assessed the relationships between intelligence and support for two constructs that shape ideological frameworks, namely, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO). Participants (N = 375) were assessed in Grade 7 and again in Grade 12. Verbal and numerical ability were assessed when students entered high school in Grade 7. RWA and SDO were assessed before school graduation in Grade 12. After controlling for the possible confounding effects of personality and religious values in Grade 12, RWA was predicted by low g (β = − .16) and low verbal intelligence (β = − .18). SDO was predicted by low verbal intelligence only (β = − .13). These results are discussed with reference to the role of verbal intelligence in predicting support for such ideological frameworks and some comments are offered regarding the cognitive distinctions between RWA and SDO.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Heaven, P.C., Ciarrochi, J., & Leeson, P.";"Cognitive ability, right-wing authoritarianism, and social dominance orientation: a five-year longitudinal study amongst adolescents";"Intelligence, Vol. 39, No 1, pp. 15-21"
309;"Participation as an element of active citizenship in democracies is a key project of international and national educational policy. Institutionalized approaches for compulsory schools provide participatory access to all young European citizens. But does this picture depict the possibilities and practices of participation appropriately? Can this standard approach to participation be translated into action in view of diverse polities, policies, political cultures, institutions and practices of participation? The volume questions mainstream approaches of participatory citizenship education and critically investigates their assumptions, political contexts and educational outcomes. The book argues in favour of diff erence and controversy as the core of the political, and examines the prerequisites and limitations for a successful implementation of such a comprehensive international project.";"DevPsy";"Book";2013;"Hedtke, R., & Zimenkova, T.";"Education for Civic and Political participation: A Critical Approach";
310;"Although a lot of stock-taking research on citizenship education in European countries has already be done, some key features of citizenship education especially in transformation countries are not understood as yet. The authors briefly outline the state of the art and criticize its main shortcomings. As a result, they suggest a research agenda to enhance the knowledge about citizenship education with respect to its interconnectedness with processes of transformation and to its embeddedness into different political cultures, institutions and democracies. They propose to realise multi-level and multi-actor case studies which perceive citizenship education as an organisational issue, too.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Hedtke, R., Zimenkova, T., & Hippe, T.";"A Trinity of Transformation, Europeanisation, and Democratisation? Current Research on Citizenship Education in Europe";"Journal of Social Science Education, Vol. 6, No. 2, pp. 5-20 "
311;"The first two editions of Models of Democracy have proven immensely popular among students and specialists worldwide. In a succinct and far-reaching analysis, David Held provides an introduction to central accounts of democracy from classical Greece to the present and a critical discussion of what democracy should mean today. This new edition has been extensively revised and updated to take account of significant transformations in world politics, and a new chapter has been added on deliberative democracy which focuses not only on how citizen participation can be increased in politics, but also on how that participation can become more informed.  Like its predecessor, the third edition of Models of Democracy combines lucid exposition and clarity of expression with careful scholarship and originality, making it highly attractive to students and experts in the field. The third edition will prove essential reading for all those interested in politics, political theory and political philosophy. A companion website to Models of Democracy provides lecturer and student resources, including a study guide, an interview with the author and links to develop the reader′s understanding of the topics covered.";"EduHist";"Book";2006;"Held, David";"Models of democracy";
312;"From presentation of the book: This study of youth, citizenship and empowerment examines related topics including civic participation of young people in Europe, young adults and shared household living, the racialization of youth gangs, sexual violence against adolescent girls, and young people's values and their lifestyles. The book addresses issues of importance for young people as well as for social policy, and should be relevant to practitioners, youth leaders and academics. Comments/summary from review (Melrose, Margaret, 2002, Journal of Adolescence, Vol 25, No. 1, pp.135-136): This book grapples with the complex and contested concepts of ‘‘youth’’, ‘‘citizenship’’ and‘‘ empowerment’’. Divided into six sections, it draws on empirical studies of young people in various contexts across different European countries, the majority of studies, however, discuss the situation of young people in Finland and in the newly emerging states of central and Eastern Europe for example, Keralia, Slovakia, Romania and Ukraine. Part six widens the discussion to include the situation of young people in Asia, Africa and Latin America, in doing so it demonstrates the problematic character of each of the concepts under discussion. The ‘‘young’’ in South Africa, for example, can refer to anyone between the ages of 5 and 35. The editors acknowledge the ambiguity of ideas such as ‘‘youth’’ ‘‘citizenship’’ and ‘‘empowerment’’ and suggest that the evidence presented in the book proposes not one, but several models of ‘‘youth’’. The same could be said of ‘‘citizenship’’ and ‘‘empowerment’’. Although a range of approaches to these issues are presented by the contributors, the majority appear to reject Marshall’s conception of citizenship as constituted by civil, political and social rights (Marshall, 1950) - defined by the editors as a ‘‘citizenship for the modern world’’ - in favour of ‘‘active citizenship’’ which is regarded as a citizenship for the post-modern or globalised world. According to the editors, the active elements of citizenship for the connection to ‘‘empowerment’’. The idea of ‘‘empowerment’’, however, is not in itself consensually defined. One contributor, for example, appears to argue that young people are ‘‘empowered’’ by developing new forms of living arrangements while others argue that young people are ‘‘empowered’’ by participating as volunteers in their local communities. The discussions of citizenship and marginalisation do not touch on questions of the economic marginalization of young people, which in the U.K. at least, now prevents many young people from establishing autonomous households. The book provides some discussion of the rights and responsibilities of citizenship and of how young people might be educated for the responsibilities of citizenship. The introduction to part five argues that citizenship in the U.K. ‘‘is now conceived as a package of rights and responsibilities in which the two are balanced’’. At the same time, however, it is acknowledged that in the U.K. young people’s rights to welfare citizenship are increasingly dependent on them being ‘‘good citizens’’, i.e. participating in ‘‘workfare’’ schemes. This section acknowledges that in order to encourage citizenship values and altruism in the young there is a need to tackle poverty because ‘‘the poorer the young person, the less altruistic they are likely to be’’. Given that ‘‘citizenship studies’’ are of concern to governments across the EU, the book is timely. It should be of interest to policy makers as well as to academics, educators, practitioners and students who are concerned to explore the situation of young people who occupy radically different social, economic, political and geographical spaces.";"PolScience";"Book";2001;"Helve, Helena  & Wallace, Claire (eds.)";"Youth, citizenship and empowerment ";
313;"Over the course of the last decade, policy makers in Britain have become increasingly concerned about the apparent and persisting withdrawal by young people from the formal political process. In this article, the authors consider the results from a representative online national survey of 1025 British 18-year-olds conducted in 2011, including both those who voted at the 2010 General Election and those who did not. The findings reveal that young people do profess a commitment to the political process, although they consider that there are relatively few opportunities available for them to intervene effectively in formal political life. Our study also indicates that there is no uniform youth orientation to politics, and the data reveal that this generation's engagement with formal politics is complex and nuanced. Social class and educational history both appear to have a crucial bearing on political engagement, while views also differ according to ethnicity and – to a lesser extent – gender. The authors also consider the findings from 14 online focus groups with 86 young people who opted not to vote at the 2010 General Election. These findings enable us to consider what influenced these young people's patterns of (dis)engagement with politics.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2014;"Henn, M., & Foard, N.";"Social differentiation in young people's political participation: the impact of social and educational factors on youth political engagement in Britain";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 17, No 3, pp. 360-380"
314;"Over the course of the last decade, policy makers in Britain have become increasingly concerned about the apparent and persisting withdrawal by young people from the formal political process. In this article, the authors consider the results from a representative online national survey of 1025 British 18-year-olds conducted in 2011, including both those who voted at the 2010 General Election and those who did not. The findings reveal that young people do profess a commitment to the political process, although they consider that there are relatively few opportunities available for them to intervene effectively in formal political life. Our study also indicates that there is no uniform youth orientation to politics, and the data reveal that this generation's engagement with formal politics is complex and nuanced. Social class and educational history both appear to have a crucial bearing on political engagement, while views also differ according to ethnicity and ? to a lesser extent ? gender. The authors also consider the findings from 14 online focus groups with 86 young people who opted not to vote at the 2010 General Election. These findings enable us to consider what influenced these young people's patterns of (dis)engagement with politics.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Henn, Matt, Foard, Nick";"Social differentiation in young people's political participation: the impact of social and educational factors on youth political engagement in Britain";"Journal of Youth Studies 17 3 360-380"
315;"Conventional wisdom holds that young people in Britain are alienated from politics, with some claiming that this reflects a wider crisis of legitimacy that should be met by initiatives to increase citizenship. This article addresses these areas, presenting both panel survey and focus group data from first‐time voters. It concludes that, contrary to the findings from many predominantly quantitative studies of political participation, young people are interested in political matters, and do support the democratic process. However, they feel a sense of anti‐climax having voted for the first time, and are critical of those who have been elected to positions of political power. If they are a generation apart, this is less to do with apathy, and more to do with their engaged scepticism about ‘formal’ politics in Britain.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2002;"Henn, Matt, Weinstein, Mark, Wring, Dominic";"A Generation Apart? Youth and Political Participation in Britain";"British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol 4, No. 2, pp. 167 - 192"
316;"This study presents a new perspective on public attitudes towards the European Community. It contains an up-to-date review of the findings from public opinion surveys on this issue, but goes beyond straightforward description to provide a real understanding of European attitudes. A variety of social-psychological theories are used to test a model of the the structure underlying Community attitudes, based on samples of student respondents in four member states. The original data reported in the present study parallel the findings from much larger, representative and long-term surveys of public opinion. Thus Miles Hewstone is able to derive from his research a wide-range in analysis of cross-national differences in attitudinal support. The Community's impact on its citizens, and the likely trends in attitudes and voting behaviour. At a time when the entry of Spain and Portugal has further expanded the Community's membership such issues are particularly compelling. This clear and incisive study offers a number of new insights on this central area of contemporary politics and provides a framework for further research.";"PolScience";"Book";1986;"Hewstone, M. ";"Understanding attitudes to the European community: A social-psychological study in four member states.";
317;"Research on youth civic engagement often sees the everyday lives of young people as barriers to civic engagement. Recent qualitative approaches have drawn attention to the civic and political dimensions of young people's everyday lives. This is a crucial insight, but cannot -- by itself -- answer a key question: just how is it that everyday experience can be transformed into civic engagement? I argue that John Dewey's theory of experience makes two key contributions toward answering this question. First, Dewey's situational understanding of experience directs us to the concrete conditions of everyday life as the necessary groundwork and starting point for civic engagement. Second, his concept of reflective experience helps us understand how taken for granted assumptions about political and social life can be transformed into more active forms of engagement. I illustrate this argument by drawing on selected findings from a qualitative study of young people's experience in Public Achievement, a civic engagement initiative. Adapted from the source document.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Hildreth, R.";"John Dewey on experience: a critical resource for the theory and practice of youth civic engagement";"Citizenship Studies 16 7 919-935"
318;"Using a representative sample of Dutch natives, the current study examined the distinction between two dimensions of social dominance orientation [SDO-Dominance (SDO-D) and SDO-Egalitarianism (SDO-E)] and their relation with prejudice towards immigrant groups. Results showed that an empirical distinction between the two dimensions could be made. Furthermore, the relation between SDO and prejudice was fully mediated by hierarchy-enhancing (ethnic citizenship, assimilation) and hierarchy-attenuating myths (civic citizenship, multiculturalism), but in different ways for both SDO dimensions. Moreover, there were distinct paths between the SDO dimensions and ethnic prejudice for higher and lower identifiers. For higher identifiers, the relation between SDO-D and prejudice was fully mediated by the endorsement of hierarchy-enhancing myths. For lower identifiers, there was an association between SDO-E and prejudice that was predominantly mediated by the endorsement of hierarchy-attenuating myths.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Hindriks, P., Verkuijten, M., & Coenders, M.";"Dimensions of social dominance orientation: The roles of legitimizing myths and national identification";"European Journal of Personality, Vol. 28, No 6, pp. 538-549"
319;"This paper critically examines factors which, over time and context, are linked to civic involvement for individuals, age groups, and cohorts. We begin by critiquing current age- and cohort-related civic involvement canons and norms by extracting and evaluating rationales for why such activity in two particular periods of life—early adulthood and old age—is assumed to be good for individuals and for society. Then, employing elements of a life course perspective, we consider an alternative approach to civic involvement—one that emphasizes dynamic trajectories and the significant degree of variability within individuals, age groups and cohorts resulting in a very different set of assumptions about individual choice and activity. We close by discussing the utility of this alternative approach for research, policy, and practice regarding civic involvement.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Hirshorn, B.A., & Settersten, R.A.";"Civic involvement across the life course: Moving beyond age-based assumptions.";"Advances in Life Course Research, Vol. 18, No 3, pp. 199-211"
320;"Recent studies have examined how organizations attempt to engage young people with civic issues. In this article, we argue that this literature has neglected emotionality as a potentially salient trait of such attempts. We demonstrate this saliency though a case study comprising quantitative and qualitative content analyses of anxiety and enthusiasm appeals on the Dutch youth sites of Greenpeace and World Wildlife Fund. The quantitative content analysis indicates, among other things, that the selected sites contained a considerable amount of text (at least half) that, by design, exhibited an ostensible potential to elicit anxiety or enthusiasm and that these sites contained more messages with a potential enthusiasm appeal than messages with a potential anxiety appeal. The qualitative content analysis demonstrates that appeals playing on anxiety and enthusiasm were constructed in five main ways: anxiety appeals alluded to (1) empathy with animals and (2) people's self-interest, enthusiasm appeals alluded to (3) animals' coolness and cuddliness, (4) the entertainment aspects of environmentalist action, and (5) the awe-inspiring capacities of animals. We close by discussing a research agenda that may further an understanding of the role of emotionality in online texts aimed at engaging youth.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Hirzalla, Fadi, Van Zoonen, Liesbet";"Affective Political Marketing Online: Emotionality in the Youth Sites of Greenpeace and WWF";"International Journal of Learning and Media 2 1 39-54"
321;"John Hobson claims that throughout its history most international theory has been embedded within various forms of Eurocentrism. Rather than producing value-free and universalist theories of inter-state relations, international theory instead provides provincial analyses that celebrate and defend Western civilization as the subject of, and ideal normative referent in, world politics. Hobson also provides a sympathetic critique of Edward Said's conceptions of Eurocentrism and Orientalism, revealing how Eurocentrism takes different forms, which can be imperialist or anti-imperialist, and showing how these have played out in international theory since 1760. The book thus speaks to scholars of international relations and also to all those interested in understanding Eurocentrism in the disciplines of political science/political theory, political economy/international political economy, geography, cultural and literary studies, sociology and, not least, anthropology.";"SocPhil";"Book";2012;"Hobson, J. M.";"The Eurocentric Conception of World Politics: Western International Theory, 1760-2010";
322;"Pundits, parents, and scholars express concern about youth attention to late-night political comedy shows, such as The Daily Show, suggesting that such viewing is deleterious for an active, efficacious citizenry. Yet as civic participation declines among adults, it appears to be growing among adolescents. This study assessed the effects of television viewing on high school students' civic participation. Results demonstrate that viewing late-night TV and local TV news had a positive, significant effect on civic participation, and this relationship was mediated by political efficacy. Implications for the study of late-night TV and applications to research on political socialization are discussed.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Hoffman, L.H., & Thomson, T.L.";"The effect of television viewing on adolescents' civic participation: Political efficacy as a mediating mechanism.";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, Vol. 53, No 1, pp. 3-21"
323;"The aim of this article is to demonstrate the diversity of youth civic action by presenting several examples of what young citizenship concretely is and can be in the European Union (EU). This will be done by placing Theodore Marshall’s (1950) classical, modern formulation of citizenship in different contemporary contexts, and thus also going beyond the modern conception of citizenship. Contexts such as the globalizing world, new conditions for transitions into adulthoods, new forms of political participation of youth, and the transformation of politics (media politics) as well as consumption will be elaborated upon. In addition to Marshall’s triad — civic, political and social — media citizenship, consumer citizenship, cosmopolitan and global citizenship will be discussed as new types of civic virtue (late modern civic virtue). The genre of the article falls into the special category of reflectively open research texts with a touch of a criticism and politicization. The text is not based on any specific empirical corpus as research texts conventionally are.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Hoikkala, T.";"The diversity of youth citizenships in the European Union";"Young, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 5-24"
324;"How far is the European Union a vehicle for inclusion and empowerment of a new range of policy actors in education? This article explores the role of actors in policy formation through a case study. It examines European Union attempts since 2000 to develop indicators of ‘active citizenship’ and ‘education and training for active citizenship’. It is based on two main sources: policy documents on the development of indicators and benchmarks, and a case study of an exercise (2005-07) to develop such indicators, initiated by the European Commission’s Directorate General for Education and Culture. It shows that policy actors have attempted to take advantage of the Open Method of Coordination, often seen as a neo-liberal control mechanism, to ensure that citizenship remains on the policy agenda.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Holford, J.";"Hard Measures for Soft Stuff: citizenship indicators and educational policy under the Lisbon Strategy";"European Educational Research Journal, Vol. 7, No. 3, pp.331-343"
325;"This report grew out of two meetings held by the Spencer Foundation to inform its Civic Action and Civic Learning initiative. This initiative aims to strengthen work about how and why individuals and groups become committed to civic action. It begins with the assumption that civic action matters for citizenship, that there are concerns about current trends in interest and opportunities for participation in civic activities, that education for citizenship is an important charge of public schools and higher education, and that there is limited research addressing how to foster civic behavior. Through the Civic Learning and Civic Action initiative, Spencer intends to support research studies that examine the commitments, conditions, and contexts that stimulate and sustain civic action, as well as those that constrain or discourage it. Three sets of influences frame their perspectives for examining the connections between action and learning: influences of civic motivations and other psychological processes, influences of learning experiences and environments, and influences of social, political, cultural, historical, and other contextual influences on individual and group action. - See more at: https://gsn.nylc.org/links/1810#sthash.ohfkAZtg.dpuf";"EduHist";"Other";2009;"Hollander, E., & Burack, C.";"How young people develop long-lasting habits of civic engagement: A conversation on building a research agenda";
326;"Insurgent citizenships have arisen in cities around the world. This book examines the insurgence of democratic citizenship in the urban peripheries of São Paulo, Brazil, its entanglement with entrenched systems of inequality, and its contradiction in violence. James Holston argues that for two centuries Brazilians have practiced a type of citizenship all too common among nation-states--one that is universally inclusive in national membership and massively inegalitarian in distributing rights and in its legalization of social differences. But since the 1970s, he shows, residents of Brazil's urban peripheries have formulated a new citizenship that is destabilizing the old. Their mobilizations have developed not primarily through struggles of labor but through those of the city--particularly illegal residence, house building, and land conflict. Yet precisely as Brazilians democratized urban space and achieved political democracy, violence, injustice, and impunity increased dramatically. Based on comparative, ethnographic, and historical research, Insurgent Citizenship reveals why the insurgent and the entrenched remain dangerously conjoined as new kinds of citizens expand democracy even as new forms of violence and exclusion erode it. Rather than view this paradox as evidence of democratic failure and urban chaos, Insurgent Citizenship argues that contradictory realizations of citizenship characterize all democracies--emerging and established. Focusing on processes of city- and citizen-making now prevalent globally, it develops new approaches for understanding the contemporary course of democratic citizenship in societies of vastly different cultures and histories.";"DevPsy";"Book";2009;"Holston, James";"Insurgent Citizenship: Disjunctions of Democracy and Modernity in Brazil";
327;"This article investigates how media use differs across age groups- and whether this matters for people's inclination to participate politically. More specifically, the study investigates the impact of social media use for political purposes and of attention to political news in traditional media, on political interest and offline political participation. The findings, based on a four-wave panel study conducted during the 2010 Swedish national election campaign, show (1) clear differences in media use between age groups and (2) that both political social media use and attention to political news in traditional media increase political engagement over time. Thus, this study suggests that frequent social media use among young citizens can function as a leveller in terms of motivating political participation.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Holt, K., Shehata, A., Strömbäck, J., & Ljungberg, E.";"Age and the effects of news media attention and social media use on political interest and participation: Do social media function as leveler?";"European Journal of Communication, 28, 19-34."
328;"Migration and ethnic minority integration remain heavily contested issues in numerous European countries. Over the past decade, researchers and political commentators have observed an apparent retreat from multiculturalist policies related to a belief that multiculturalism has lost support among the majority public. Recently, however, based on analyses of the evolution of migrant integration policies, it has been demonstrated that multiculturalist policies were largely left in place. To investigate the effect of multiculturalist policies on public opinion, we use a multilevel analysis of three policy indicators (Multiculturalism Policy Index, Index of Citizenship Rights for Immigrants–Cultural diversity, and Migrant Integration Policy Index) and European Social Survey data in 20 European countries. Results show that multiculturalist policies, as measured by Multiculturalism Policy Index and Index of Citizenship Rights for Immigrants–Cultural diversity, and migrant integration policies more generally, as measured by Migrant Integration Policy Index, to some extent are associated with lower levels of anti-immigrant sentiments, while they do not affect public attitudes toward political institutions. Regarding political attitudes, especially respondents with higher education levels tend to respond in a more positive manner to multiculturalist policies than respondents with lower education levels.";"Media";"JArticle";2015;"Hooghe, M., & De Vroome, T.";"How Does the Majority Public React to Multiculturalist Policies? A Comparative Analysis of European Countries";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 59, No 6, pp. 747-768"
329;"Participation research routinely reveals a gender gap with regard to most forms of political engagement. In the recent literature, differences in the availability of resources and civic skills are usually invoked as an explanation for this pattern. This theory focuses primarily on adult behavior and has not as yet been investigated among young people, for whom we can assume that resources are distributed more equally. In this article, we examine gender differences in the anticipation of political participation among American fourteen-year-olds, building on the 1999 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement study (n = 2,811). First, the results show that girls at this age mention even more actions they intend to engage in than do boys, so clearly the gender gap with regard to the level of participation has not yet emerged at that age. Second, we observe distinct patterns with regard to the kinds of actions favored, with girls being drawn more towards social movement-related forms of participation than boys, and with boys favoring radical and confrontational action repertoires as compared to girls. The results are important for the reconceptualization of the concept of political participation as well as for theories that explain the gender gap.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Hooghe, M., & Stolle, D.";"Good girls go to the polling booth, bad boys go everywhere: Gender differences in anticipated political participation among American fourteen-year-olds";"Women & Politics, Vol. 26, No 3-4, pp. 1-23"
330;"The persistence of adolescents’ political attitudes and behaviors into adulthood is a perennial concern in research on developmental psychology. While some authors claim that adolescents’ attitudinal patterns will remain relatively stable throughout the life cycle, others argue that the answers of adolescents in political surveys have but a limited predictive value for their future attitudes and behaviors. In this article, we tackle this question on an aggregate level, by comparing survey data for 14, 18 and 18 to 30 year old respondents from eight European countries (n = resp. 22,620, 20,142 and 2800). We examine political trust, attitudes toward immigrants’ rights and voting behavior. The analysis suggests that country patterns with regard to political trust and attitudes toward immigrant rights are already well established by the age of 14. We find less indications for stability in the relation between intention to vote (for 14 and 18 years olds) and actual voting behavior (for young adults). The latent structure of the political trust scale was found to be equivalent for the three age groups we investigated. We close by offering some suggestions on why attitudinal stability seems stronger than behavioral stability.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Hooghe, M., & Wilkenfeld, B.";"The stability of political attitudes and behaviors across adolescence and early adulthood: A comparison of survey data on adolescents and young adults in eight countries.";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 37, Np 2, pp. 155-167"
331;"Various authors claim that citizenship norms are changing rapidly in advanced democracies, leading to a stronger emphasis on self-expressive engagement and a decline of notions of civic duty. In this article, we compare results from two comparative surveys of adolescents: the 1999 Civic Education Study and the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS). By using latent class analysis, we identify duty-based and engaged citizenship norms, both in 1999 and in 2009. As expected, the group supporting duty-based citizenship norms is clearly smaller in 2009 than in 1999, while the opposite is true for the group supporting engaged citizenship norms. In contrast to expectations, the empirical evidence also distinguishes additional normative concepts and shows that the distribution among countries is not according to the dynamics on value change as suggested in the literature, including a decline in engaged norms in Scandinavia and Western Europe.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Hooghe, Marc & Oser, Jennifer ";"The rise of engaged citizenship: The evolution of citizenship norms among adolescents in 21 countries between 1999 and 2009";"International Journal of Comparative Sociology, Vol 56, No. 1, pp.29-52"
332;"This report examines recent Eurobarometer surveys in light of the changes in young people’s modes of participation and perceptions of citizenship. All the surveys analysed took place in 2012, at a time when the economic crisis had already hit European societies. Young people have been affected disproportionately, with rising youth unemployment or cuts in education budgets. This is reflected in mass demonstrations by students and by the ‘outraged young’ (Hessel, 2011 in Sloam, 2013) as seen in several European countries. Therefore, it is useful to examine how a sample of young people is engaged in political participation under such circumstances.";"PolScience";"Other";2014;"Horvath, A., & Paolini, G.";"Political Participation and EU Citizenship: Perceptions and Behaviours of Young People";
333;"Both in European and national policymaking circles, there is a deep concernabout the gap between policymakers and citizens, political apathy and decreasing levels of social cohesion. Education has been seen as playing a crucial role in tackling this issue in particular through facilitating the learning of active citizenship (Lipset, Putnam and Hoskins, 2008). In this context, this article will describe from the position of the person leading the project on developing indicator on active citizenship and working at that time at the Centre for Research on Lifelong Learning at the European Commission, the approach of the European Union towards increasing the levels of value based participation in Europe. It will provide an explanation of how European Union policy is developed in this field with a focus on indicators used to monitor the progress. The article will then focus on the process of the development of indicators on active citizenship, in particular the development of two composite indicators which have been used in European Commission policy texts to monitor progress, firstly, the Active Citizenship Composite Indicator (Hoskins, Mascherini, 2009, Hoskins et al., 2006, European Commission, 2007) a measure of adult value based participation based on 61 indicators from the European Social Survey and, secondly, the Youth Civic Competence Composite Indicator (Hoskins et al., 2008, European Commission, 2008) a measure of youth knowledge, skills, attitudes and values towards active citizenship which has been developed from 84 indicators from the Iea 1999 Cived data. Finally the article will examine the complex relationship between youth competences and adult value based engagement by examining the correlations between these two sets of results.";"Policy";"JArticle";2009;"Hoskins, B.";"Monitoring active citizenship in the European Union: The process, the results and initial explanations";"CAMDO, Vol. XVII, No. 1,  pp. 1-16"
334;"The Participatory Citizenship in the European Union study has mapped the theory, policy, practices and levels of engagement across Europe into three reports, the Contextual Report, the Analytic Report and the Good Practice Report. Data was collected from the 27 EU member states by experts in the project consortium, working in collaboration with experts in the countries in the completion of a detailed country fiche and description of good practices. This was complimented with the analysis of European and international datasets and the most up to date literature in the field. This combined evidence base, of qualitative and quantitative empirical and theoretical findings, provides the foundations from which the study summary and policy recommendations are drawn for this report. The policy recommendations are oriented towards the Europe 2020 strategy for ‘smart, sustainable and inclusive growth’ overall and, more specifically, to those policies and actions that relate directly to citizenship (2013 European Year of Citizens, 2014 European Parliament elections, and 2014–2020 New Europe for Citizens’ programme). The report suggests a number of key recommendations concerning policies, practices and effective approaches towards overcoming barriers to Participatory Citizenship in Europe.";"EduHist";"Other";2012;"Hoskins, B., & Kerr, D.";"Final Study Summary and Policy Recommendations. Participatory Citizenship in the European Union Institute of Education. ";
335;"In the context of the European Union Framework of Key Competences and the need to develop indicators for European Union member states to measure progress made towards the ‘knowledge economy’ and ‘greater social cohesion’ both the learning to learn and the active citizenship competences have been highlighted. However, what have yet to be discussed are the links and the overlaps between these two competences. Based on the development of research projects on these two fields, this article will compare the two sets of competences, both qualitatively and quantitatively. It will describe how the values and dispositions that motivate and inform active citizenship and learning to learn are related to each other, both empirically and theoretically. Both these competences are tools for empowering individuals and giving them the motivation and autonomy to control their own lives beyond the social circumstances in which they find themselves. In the case of active citizenship, the ability to be able to participate in society and voice their concerns, ensure their rights and the rights of others. In the case of learning to learn to be able to participate in work and everyday life by being empowered to learn and update the constantly changing competences required to successfully manage your life plans. When measuring both these competences then certain values relating positively towards democracy and human rights are common in their development.";"Policy";"JArticle";2010;"Hoskins, B., Deakin Crick, R.";"Competences for Learning to Learn and Active Citizenship: different currencies or two sides of the same coin?";"European Journal of Education Vol. 45, No 1, pp. 121-137"
336;"In this article we revisit and re-analyse data from the 1999 IEA CIVED transnational study to examine the factors associated with the ways in which young people learn positive attitudes towards participation in, and knowledge and skills about democracy. Less formal learning, wherever it takes place, has recently been conceptualised as a process of social participation, and we explore its effects using Lave and Wenger’s and Wenger’s understanding of learning through communities of practice. This is then contrasted with the effect of the volume of civic education. The analysis shows that learning through social participation, both inside and outside school, and in particular through meaning-making activities shows a strong positive relationship with citizenship knowledge, skills and dispositions across a wide range of countries. Moreover, it demonstrates the usefulness of situated learning theory in the field of civic learning, and its applicability in large-scale, quantitative studies.";"Policy";"JArticle";2012;"Hoskins, B., Janmaat, J. G., & Villalba, E.";"Learning citizenship through social participation outside and inside school: an international, multilevel study of young people’s learning of citizenship";"British Educational Research Journal"
337;"This report provides a detailed investigation of participatory forms of citizenship across the 27 member states of the European Union (EU) covering policy, practice and engagement. Our findings show that across the EU the economic crisis has led to an increasing focus on internal politics rather than a broader European perspective. Policies in all areas have focused almost entirely on economic competitiveness. Policies regarding Participatory Citizenship have yet to be placed at the forefront of policy solutions to the economic crises and those policies which have emerged are situated in terms of the economic benefits. The consequence of the economic crises on the field of Participatory Citizenship has been cuts to funding. The effects have been felt at all levels, challenging the sustainability of policies and practices that have previously supported the participation and engagement of citizens in decision making. The effects of the economic crises on citizens can already be seen in terms of a loss of faith in political institutions with a dramatic reduction in trust in national and European institutions in particular in Spain, Ireland and Greece. Citizens across European countries are continuing to believe in the democratic process but consider that the current political leaders are not working for them. We could speculate that this lack of trust may well have implications for voter turnout in the European elections in 2014 if the issues of trust are not addressed. The findings of this study show that Participatory Citizenship, economic competitiveness and social cohesion are interrelated factors that may well mutually reinforce each other. Thus countries that have the characteristics of being highly competitive tend also to be highly participatory with high levels of social cohesion, for example, the Nordic countries. We can posit from this evidence that focusing only on the short term economic imperative may miss the broader and long-term perspective. Strategies that include innovative participatory and social cohesive elements that move beyond job related skills could prove a useful balance, particularly for young people in periods of high youth unemployment.";"EduHist";"Other";2012;"Hoskins, B., Kerr, D., Abs, H., Janmaat, G., Morrison, J., Ridley, R., Sizmur, J.";"Analytic Report: Participatory Citizenship in the European Union, Institute of Education report for EU";
338;"This report provides a detailed investigation of participatory forms of citizenship across the 27 member states of the European Union (EU) covering policy, practice and engagement. Our findings show that across the EU the economic crisis has led to an increasing focus on internal politics rather than a broader European perspective. Policies in all areas have focused almost entirely on economic competitiveness. Policies regarding Participatory Citizenship have yet to be placed at the forefront of policy solutions to the economic crises and those policies which have emerged are situated in terms of the economic benefits. The findings of this study show that Participatory Citizenship, economic competitiveness and social cohesion are interrelated factors that may well mutually reinforce each other. Thus countries that have the characteristics of being highly competitive tend also to be highly participatory with high levels of social cohesion, for example, the Nordic countries. We can posit from this evidence that focusing only on the short term economic imperative may miss the broader and long-term perspective. Strategies that include innovative participatory and social cohesive elements that move beyond job related skills could prove a useful balance, particularly for young people in periods of high youth unemployment. Effective learning strategies The findings consistently point towards the fact that situated forms of learning of citizenship tend to be the most effective in facilitating all dimensions of participatory forms of citizenship. Situated learning means that the learning takes place in an environment relevant to the content. In a school this means that learning citizenship is effective when situated in a real life civic context, such as influencing decisions that have real consequences for and influence on the lives of students and the how the school is run.";"EduHist";"Other";"#NULL!";"Hoskins, B., Kerr, D., Abs, H.J., Janmaat, J.G., Morrison, Jo, Ridley, R., & Sizmur, J.";"Participatory Citizenship in the European Union Institute of Education";
339;"Addressing the European Union monitoring of civic competence, this article presents a composite indicator of civic competence and four domain indicators. The data used are from the 1999 IEA Civic Education study of 14-year-olds in school. The results demonstrate the complexity of the various influences on the development of civic competencies across countries rather than support for a single or unidirectional theoretical explanation. The nation's years of democracy play both a positive and a negative role on different aspects of civic competence, while citizenship education has better than expected consequences in some countries. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.";"Policy";"JArticle";2011;"Hoskins, Bryony Louise, Barber, Carolyn, van Nijlen, Daniel, Villalba, Ernesto";"Comparing Civic Competence among European Youth: Composite and Domain-Specific Indicators Using IEA Civic Education Study Data";"Comparative Education Review, Vol. 55, No 1, pp. 82-110"
340;"This article develops a composite indicator to monitor the levels of civic competence of young people in Europe using the IEA ICCS 2009 study. The measurement model combines the traditions in Europe of liberal, civic republican and critical/cosmopolitan models of citizenship. The results indicate that social justice values and citizenship knowledge and skills of students are facilitated within the Nordic system that combines a stable democracy and economic prosperity with a democratically based education systems in which teachers prioritise promoting autonomous critical thinking in citizenship education. In contrast, medium term democracies with civic republican tradition, such as Italy and Greece gain more positive results on citizenship values and participatory attitudes. This is also the case for some recent former communist countries that retain ethnic notions of citizenship. In a final step we go on to argue that the Nordic teachers' priority on developing critical and autonomous citizens perhaps facilitates 14 years olds qualities of cognition on citizenship and the values of equality but may not be the most fruitful approach to enhance participatory attitudes or concepts of a good citizen which may be better supported by the Italian teachers' priority on civic responsibility.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Hoskins, Bryony, Saisana, Michaela, Villalba, Cynthia";"Civic Competence of Youth in Europe: Measuring Cross National Variation Through the Creation of a Composite Indicator";"Social Indicators Research, Vol. 123, No 2, pp. 431-457"
341;"This article traces the use of the terminology of culture within European policy and practice, in particular focusing on intercultural learning in European Youth work. It explores the effectiveness of the use of culture in addressing discrimination at an individual and structural level, using empirical examples. The article concludes that practice that focuses almost entirely on interpersonal skills at the individual level has limited influence in creating structural change.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Hoskins, Bryony, Sallah, Momodou, ";"Developing Intercultural Competence in Europe: The Challenges.";"113-25. United Kingdom, 2011."
342;"In this chapter I review the social psychological underpinnings of identity, emphasizing social cognitive and symbolic interactionist perspectives and research, and I turn then to key themes of current work on identity-social psychological, sociological, and interdisciplinary. I emphasize the social bases of identity, particularly identities based on ethnicity, race, sexuality, gender, class, age, and (dis)ability, both separately and as they intersect. I also take up identities based on space, both geographic and virtual. I discuss struggles over identities, organized by social inequalities, nation-alisms, and social movements. I conclude by discussing postmodernist conceptions of identities as fluid, multidimensional, personalized social constructions that reflect sociohistorical contexts, approaches remarkably consistent with recent empirical social psychological research, and I argue explicitly for a politicized social psychology of identities that brings together the structures of everyday lives and the sociocultural realities in which those lives are lived.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2000;"Howard, J.A.";"Social Psychology of Identities";"Annual Review of Sociology, Vol. 26, pp. 367-393 "
343;"Over the past decade, the empirical study of national citizenship policies has emerged as a fast-growing area of research. This article contributes to that literature by focusing on the question of continuity and change in the 11 ‘historically restrictive’ countries within the 15 ‘older’ member-states of the European Union. It explains why six of the countries have liberalised their citizenship policies since the 1980s, whereas five have not. The article develops an explanation that focuses on the politics of citizenship. The main finding is that, while citizenship liberalisation is more likely to occur with a leftist government, the most important factor is the relative strength of far-right parties, which can serve to mobilise latent anti-immigrant public opinion, and thereby ‘trump’ the pressures for liberalisation.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Howard, M.M.";"The Impact of the Far Right on Citizenship Policy in Europe: Explaining Continuity and Change";"Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 36, No 5, pp. 735-751"
344;"Examined how the European Community (EC) is perceived using questionnaire data from 136 Scottish and 204 Andalucian college students. European identification was adopted as a function of the salience of regional identities. Using the concept of comparative identity (M. Ros et al, see record 1989-15477-001) it is argued that disidentification with the nation-state (i.e., Britain and Spain) measures the salience of regional identities. Results supported predictions that such identities would be more salient in Scotland than in Andalucia and that the EC would be judged as a function of this comparative identity, so that in Scotland (but not in Andalucia) a European identification would be associated with social change beliefs (e.g., beliefs concerning the need for changing aspects of the region's relationship with the nation). The author concludes that comparative identity describes the interplay between the different levels of nested identities. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2013 APA, all rights reserved)";"Policy";"JArticle";1997;"Huici, C., Ros, M., Cano, I., Hopkins, N., Emler, N., & Carmona, M.";"Comparative identity and evaluation of socio-political change: Perceptions of the European Community as a function of the salience of regional identities.";"European Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 27, No 1, pp. 97-113"
345;"Drawing from a variety of disciplines, this article reviews ""cosmopolitanism"", its definitions, construct and relation to youth. Furthermore, it reviews cultural citizenship, communication and identity formation. All these concepts are explored in relation to online as well as offline programs and campaigns.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Hull, G.A., Stornaiuolo, A., & Sahni, U.";"Cultural citizenship and cosmopolitan practice: Global youth communicate online.";"English Education, Vol. 42, No 4, 331-367"
346;"The European Union (EU) has identified active citizenship as an essential life skill and universities as key strategic partners in its development. However, little progress has been made toward identifying adequate indicators for active citizenship, despite this being a key item for educational reform. This study assesses predictors of socially responsible leadership within an Eastern European undergraduate student population. The predictors include: a psychological sense of community, self-reported learning gains, faculty-student and student life staff-student interaction, leadership development program, formal student leader position, student council involvement, volunteer program involvement, students' place of residence, gender, age, class, group identification, ethnic minority status, European Union citizen status, and international student status. Usable responses were collected from 421 students, for a response rate of 76%. Utilizing hierarchical multiple regression analyses to control for student demographic variables, community-level and program-level predictors were analyzed for their contribution to students' scores on the Socially Responsible Leadership Scale-Revised Version II. Much of the leadership literature assesses leadership development solely on the basis of program participation, missing the larger institutional learning culture of the institution. The findings revealed that a psychological sense of community, a variable unique to research of the leadership development of undergraduate students, was found to be a powerful predictor of socially responsible leadership. Students who had a higher sense of belonging, mattering, emotional connection, and interdependence within the campus community were more likely to be engaged in creating positive social change for others. The findings of this study also reveal that learning gains in critical thinking, interpersonal skills, and understanding the problems facing one's community are perhaps more important to the development of socially responsible leadership than the development of specific leadership skills. Having accounted for a psychological sense of community and learning gains, much of the power of the remaining variables for predicting variation in socially responsible leadership disappears. Contrary to the findings of other studies, involvement in a formal student leader position was found to be negatively predictive of socially responsible leadership. Discussion of the findings, limitations of the study, and recommendations for further research are provided. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)";"DevPsy";"Other";2008;"Humphreys, M.-J. ";"Predictors of socially responsible leadership: Application of the social change model to an Eastern European undergraduate population.";"Dissertation Abstracts International, Section A: Humanities and Social Sciences, Vol. 68(11-A), pp. 4627."
347;"Media are thought to exert social control over dissenters by discouraging political expression and oppositional activities during periods of conflict. With the rise of the Internet, however, people play an increasingly active role in their media interactions, potentially reducing this media influence and increasing dissenters' likelihood of speaking out and taking action. To understand what spurs some dissenters to become politically active, we conceptualize the perceived discrepancy between mainstream media portrayals and an individual's own views as ""media dissociation."" This study, then, explores if people who are alienated from mainstream media engage in information gathering and discussion via the Internet, and whether these online behaviors lead to political participation aimed at social change. A Web-based survey of political dissenters conducted during the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq (N = 307) provides the case study data used to test relationships among media dissociation, Internet use, and antiwar activism. Structural equation modeling revealed that the more the individuals surveyed felt their views differed from mainstream media portrayals, the more motivated they were to use the Internet as an information source and discussion channel. These effects of media disassociation appear to be channeled through Internet behaviors, which then facilitate antiwar political action.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Hwang, Hyunseo, Schmierbach, Michael, Paek, Hye-Jin, de Zuniga, Homero Gil, Shah, Dhavan";"Media Dissociation, Internet Use, and Antiwar Political Participation: A Case Study of Political Dissent and Action Against the War in Iraq";"Mass Communication & Society. Fall2006, Vol. 9 Issue 4, p461-483"
348;"Political, economic, technological and cultural changes have taken place all over the globe, changes which have transformed the meanings of citizenship and citizenship education. This volume represents an effort to analyze the implications of these changes.";"Media";"Book";1998;"Ichilov, O.";"Citizenship and citizenship education in a changing world";
349;"In the debate on social capital, it is usually assumed that membership in voluntary associations is highly beneficial for the formation of civic values among the association’s affiliates. Despite these theoretical expectations, comparative studies have so far found only a weak statistical relationship between associational involvement and tolerance in Western democracies and a nonsignificant or even negative relationship in the case of Eastern and Central European countries. In this article, the author further investigates the negative relationship between associational involvement and attitudes of social and political tolerance, the “dark side” of social capital. The author shows that when members of voluntary associations build particularized trust rather than generalized trust, this decreases their already low levels of social tolerance. Such situations are especially common in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe. Associational involvement also has negative effects on political tolerance. Associations are social contexts within which processes of interpersonal influence and political mobilization take place. This results in the reinforcement of civic as well as uncivic orientations of associational members.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2010;"Iglic, H.";"Voluntary Associations and Tolerance: An Ambiguous Relationship";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 53, No 5, pp. 717-736"
350;"This articles reviews idealism, in relation with youth. Historical incidents are explored, as they are theorized to have influenced the political behavior of people and especially youth.";"SocPsy";"BookChap";2002;"Inayatullah, S.";"Youth dissent: Multiple perspectives on youth futures";"Youth Futures: Comparative Research and Transformative Visions, pp. 19-30 (edited by J. Gidley & S. Inayatullah)"
351;"Examines the kind of ""Europeanness"" that has developed recently among younger Europeans who seem favorably disposed toward unification. Is the new Europe to function as a state or is it to look ""outward"" toward broader international organization? These competing possibilities were tested in West Germany, France, the Netherlands, and the United Kingdom from 1964 to 1965. Four potentially related content areas were included within the analysis: Europeanness, a broader internationalism, authoritarianism, and civism. The last two proved to have only moderate and culturally limited bearing on the question. Civism was stronger in France, while there was some tendency toward authoritarianism in West Germany. The predominant tendency is for those who support European unification to support favorable Atlantic ties and global integration.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1970;"Inglehart, Ronald";"The New Europeans: Inward or Outward-Looking?";"International Organization 24 1 129"
352;"The Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study, conducted by the National Foundation for Educational Research (NFER) on behalf of the Department for Education and Skills (DfES), aims to identify, measure and evaluate the extent to which effective practice in citizenship education develops in schools. The study began in 2001 and will conclude in 2009. The report sets out the findings from the second longitudinal survey and visits to ten case-study schools. Reported findings include: (1) Analysis suggests that the main change in approach to citizenship education in schools has been an increased focus on curriculum aspects of citizenship education provision, (2) Schools continue to use a variety of citizenship delivery models, with a marked increase in the use of dedicated timeslots and in the use of assembly time, (3) Teachers were more likely in 2005, than in 2003, to believe that citizenship education was best approached as a specific subject and through extra-curricular activities, (4) School leaders and teachers were more familiar with a range of key documents related to citizenship education in 2005 than in 2003, (5) Students were more aware of citizenship in 2005 than in 2003, (6) Descriptions of citizenship education that encompassed ""active"" components, such as voting and politics, were relatively uncommon amongst students, although a sizeable proportion identified the importance of belonging to the community, (7) Although traditional teaching and learning methods continued to dominate in citizenship and other subjects, a range of more active methods were also used, (8) There was a substantial increase in the proportion of schools with an assessment policy for citizenship education in 2005, and the use of formal assessment methods was more widespread than in 2003, (9) Teachers received more training in citizenship in 2005 than in 2003, although demand for further training in relation to subject matter, assessment and reporting and teaching methods remains, and (10) Challenges to citizenship education were felt, by school leaders and teachers, to include time pressure, assessment, the status of citizenship and teacher subject expertise. The cumulative practice from the case-study schools identifies four measures that were important in enhancing the active citizenship opportunities and experiences for students in those schools: (1) Build and maintain a strong sense of belonging to the school community, with links to belonging to the local community, (2) Develop an ongoing, active focus in the delivery of citizenship education, (3) Assist students to participate in decision-making processes in school and beyond, on a regular basis, and (4) Provide sufficient training and development in relation to active citizenship for teachers and students.";"SocPhil";"Book";2006;"Ireland, E., Kerr, D., Lopes, J., & Nelson, J.";"Active Citizenship and Young People: Opportunities, Experiences and Challenges in and beyond School Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study: Fourth Annual Report. ";
353;"It is perhaps too generous to call it ‘an unfinished project’. For it barely started. The ‘project’ in question here is ‘citizenship after orientalism’ that began its life with anticolonial struggles in the twentieth century and intensified in the years immediately after the second world war. The succession of liberation movements that shaped the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries in the Americas can be seen as the first wave of decolonization that articulated not only a new image of man, but also of citizen. (The Haitian revolution of 1791–1804 always remaining the originary moment of decolonization.) Despite successive declarations of independence in the Americas, it can hardly be accepted that the first wave brought emancipation from colonial domination. Nonetheless, anticolonial struggles inaugurated manifold projects of undoing, recovering, and reinventing political vocabularies and institutions with which to govern autonomous polities. Similarly, the second wave of anticolonial struggles in Africa and Asia in the twentieth century unleashed a variety of projects that still define contemporary politics of dependence and colonialism. The reference to ‘unfinished projects’ is then not accidental here. As Arthur reminds us in Unfinished Projects, decolonization and deorientalization constitute defining moments of the intellectual and political history of the long twentieth century to which we arguably still belong (2010, p. xxviii). What marks this long century is that despite anticolonial struggles, decolonizing, and equally importantly deorientalizing, western political thought has barely begun. To put it differently, Fanon’s project announced in The Wretched of the Earth that ‘For Europe, for ourselves, and for humanity, comrades, we must turn over a leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot a new man [and, we must add, a new woman, together understood as a new citizen]’ (Fanon 1963, p. 316) has barely begun.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Isin, Engin F.";"Citizenship after orientalism: an unfinished project";"Citizenship Studies 16 42130 563-572"
354;"Throughout the twentieth century the figure of citizenship that has been dominant since the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries has begun to change. We have witnessed the emergence of new rights including ecological, sexual and indigenous rights as well as blurring of the boundaries between human and civil, political and social rights and the articulation of rights by (and to) cities, regions and across states. We have witnessed the birth of new ‘acts of citizenship’: both organized and spontaneous protests to include situationist and carnivalesque forms. We have also witnessed the emergence of ‘activist’ international courts (and judges), as well as new media and social networking as sites of struggles. How subjects act to become citizens and claim citizenship has thus substantially changed. This article interprets these developments as heralding a new figure of citizenship, and begins the important task of developing a new vocabulary by which it can be understood.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Isin, Engin F.";"Citizenship in flux: The figure of the activist citizen";"Subjectivity 29 1 367-388"
355;"This book examines theories of how citizenship is mediated between lived experiences and formal entitlements in order to map out, confine, extend, name, and enact the boundaries of belonging to a polity. The authors introduce the concept ""acts of citizenship"" as an alternative way to investigate citizenship. This concept constitutes a significant departure from the way in which citizenship studies has been orientated over the last decade.The authors argue that to investigate acts of citizenship in a way that is irreducible to either status or practice, while still valuing this distinction, requires a focus on those moments when regardless of status and substance, subjects constitute themselves as citizens. Their investigation into acts of citizenship involves a sustained engagement with interdisciplinary thought, drawing from new developments not only in politics, sociology, geography and anthropology but also psychoanalysis, philosophy and history. It also requires crossing genres from science to art to philosophy to grasp the complex ways in which subjects articulate themselves into citizens.The book assembles together deep traditions in social and political thought to provide a focused examination of acts of citizenship in this new way. It also addresses key historical and contemporary issues that are of vital importance to citizenship studies today, using the vantage points of aesthetics, justice, ethics and the political. Its theoretical and analytical chapters are supplemented with shorter essays providing illustrative examples of 'acts'.";"SocPhil";"Book";2008;"Isin, Engin F., Nielsen, Greg Marc";"Acts of citizenship";
356;"This essay takes stock of our editorial collaboration in the past decade and outlines those ideas that we find most promising and approaches that are most fruitful in investigating citizenship. We offer it as an agenda, not so much a dogmatic sequence of principles as an ethos toward conceiving democratic citizenship as a cosmopolitan virtue. We propose a cosmopolitan mobility tax and a cosmopolitan goods and services tax to illustrate how that cosmopolitan virtue must find a practical expression.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Isin, Engin F., Turner, Bryan S.";"Investigating Citizenship: An Agenda for Citizenship Studies";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 42141"
357;"Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is an orientation to research that places value on equitable collaborations between community members and academic partners, reflecting shared decision making throughout the research process. Although CBPR has become increasingly popular for research with adults, youth are less likely to be included as partners. In our review of the literature, we identified 399 articles described by author or MeSH keyword as CBPR related to youth. We analyzed each study to determine youth engagement. Not including misclassified articles, 27 % of percent of studies were community-placed but lacked a community partnership and/or participatory component. Only 56 (15 %) partnered with youth in some phase of the research process. Although youth were most commonly involved in identifying research questions/priorities and in designing/conducting research, most youth-partnered projects included children or adolescents in several phases of the research process. We outline content, methodology, phases of youth partnership, and age of participating youth in each CBPR with youth project, provide exemplars of CBPR with youth, and discuss the state of the youth-partnered research literature.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Jacquez, F., Vaughn, L.M., & Wagner, E.";"Youth as Partners, Participants or Passive Recipients: A Review of Children and Adolescents in Community-Based Participatory Research (CBPR)";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 51, No 1-2, pp. 176-189"
358;"This chapter explores two key-factors that incluence youth outcomes, namely care and control, as performed by parents and the child's environment. Empirical data from research on children in hospital settings is utilized.";"ComPsy";"BookChap";2008;"James, A., Curtis, P., & Birch, J.";"Care and Control in the Construction of Children's Citizenship";"Children and Citizenship, Ch. 7, pp. 85-96 (edited by J. Williams & A. Invernizzi)"
359;"Theorising Identity, Nationality and Citizenship: Implications for European Citizenship Identity. This paper reviews theoretical approaches to the key concepts of ‘identity’ and ‘citizenship’ exploring their implications for the possibilities of European citizenship and European identity. In many circumstances and for many people, ‘being European’ is more likely to be an abstract categorising of self and/or others rather than a strongly felt sense of common identity and belonging. In reviewing theoretical discussion of ‘identity’, this paper reasserts the value of a social constructionist position that people have one self but many identities, some more ‘primary’ than others. This approach goes beyond the conclusion that, while neither local nor national identity is necessarily ‘primary’, local identity is more likely to be ‘primary’, to offer clues about the conditions required for supra-national identities such as European or ‘global identity’ to become ‘primary’. Discussions of processes creating identification with others and a sense of ‘belonging’, social categorisation and processes of group membership, ‘othering’ and boundary work, are briefly reviewed before turning to the debate over ‘agency’ and ‘structure’ that runs through discussions of identity. This provides a reminder that different national contexts offer access to different resources with which to build local, national and European identities and that within one nation-state, not all have the same degrees of freedom to create identities. The article concludes with debate concerning whether and in what circumstances being a citizen moves from membership of an abstract category to becoming an important aspect of sense of self. At the moment, it is privileged minorities who have the resources and connections that encourage freely travelling across Europe who are the most likely to be ‘European’. For European citizenship to be a more significant aspect of many people’s personal identities, local circumstances and the everyday social interactions would have to refer to and celebrate the European Union in a way that they do not at the moment. There are very few scenarios for this happening, a some of them negative, associated with the growth of ethnic citizenship and ‘fortress Europe’. The more positive possibilities of young people international movements that concern themselves with political and social rights typically celebrate more abstract principles of fairness and justice, perhaps promoting ‘global’ rather than ‘European’ citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Jamieson, L.";"Citizenship Identity";"Sociologia, Vol. 34, No 6, pp. 507-532"
360;"This paper compares the civic attitudes of migrant and native youth in five West European countries, and explores the effect of citizenship education on the civic orientations of migrant children. Use is made of data from the IEA Civic Education survey. This survey involved a large study among 14-year-olds in 28 countries. The paper finds that migrant youth generally are at least as supportive of civic values as the ethnic majority. They do not embrace the civic notions of patriotism, institutional trust and gender equality to the same extent as the dominant group, though. Differences between the two groups on gender equality and to some degree also on institutional trust disappear, however, when social background variables are controlled for. It is concluded that differences between the allochtonous and autochthonous groups in the espousal of civic values are mostly a reflection of social differences and that migrant cultures are not obstructing the adoption of these values. This contradicts the conservative notion that civic values are specific to Western cultures and therefore incompatible with migrant cultures of other origins. It is further concluded that ethnic minority youth are likely to benefit more from citizenship education than the majority group.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Janmaat, J. G.";"The Civic Attitudes of Ethnic Minority Youth and the Impact of Citizenship Education";"Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 34, no. 1, pp. 27-54"
361;"This paper compares the civic attitudes of migrant and native youth in five West European countries, and explores the effect of citizenship education on the civic orientations of migrant children. Use is made of data from the IEA Civic Education survey. This survey involved a large study among 14-year-olds in 28 countries. The paper finds that migrant youth generally are at least as supportive of civic values as the ethnic majority. They do not embrace the civic notions of patriotism, institutional trust and gender equality to the same extent as the dominant group, though. Differences between the two groups on gender equality and to some degree also on institutional trust disappear, however, when social background variables are controlled for. It is concluded that differences between the allochtonous and autochthonous groups in the espousal of civic values are mostly a reflection of social differences and that migrant cultures are not obstructing the adoption of these values. This contradicts the conservative notion that civic values are specific to Western cultures and therefore incompatible with migrant cultures of other origins. It is further concluded that ethnic minority youth are likely to benefit more from citizenship education than the majority group.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Janmaat, Jan Germen";"The Civic Attitudes of Ethnic Minority Youth and the Impact of Citizenship Education";"Journal of Ethnic & Migration Studies 34 1 27-54"
362;"Due to changing social conditions active citizenship becomes a dynamic process rather than a standard, clear-cut set of rights and responsibilities. Furthermore, childhood presents itself more and more as an ambivalent social phenomenon. On the one hand, children are seen as autonomous individuals, on the other hand, as objects of protection. Nevertheless, today children can be seen as active citizens. Their ability to learn and play allows them to give active meaning to their environment. Accepting playful and ambivalent forms of citizenship, child participation presents itself no longer as an utopia, but as a fact.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Jans, M.";"Children as citizens: Towards a contemporary notion of child participation.";"Childhood, Vol. 11, No 1, pp. 27-44"
363;"This article starts from a conceptual clarification of the notions social integration and social cohesion as a prerequisite for the reorientation of citizenship education. Turning away from uncritically reproduced assumptions represented in mainstream ‘deficiency discourse’, the article first focuses on sociological conditions for the rise of active citizenship and its role in the revitalization of the public sphere. Next a number of educational objectives are deduced from competencies needed and learning processes taking place in practices of active citizenship. Finally, the article argues for the adoption of a lifelong learning perspective, relating formal citizenship education to informal and non‐formal experiences of active citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Jansen, T., Chioncel, N., & Dekkers, H.";"Social cohesion and integration: learning active citizenship";"British Journal of Sociology of Education, Vol. 27, No 2, pp. 189-205"
364;"Community-based prevention programs strive to foster the composition of positive life stories, in part, by promoting active participation in community settings. This article used life narratives of youth to explore the experience of community participation and showed how such participation influenced their lives. Youth aged 18–19 years who participated in Better Beginning, Better Futures (n=62), a community-based prevention program, when they were aged 4–8 years, recounted stories of their lives that showed significantly higher levels of participation in community programs and greater personal impacts of that involvement compared with youth who were not involved in Better Beginnings (n=34). Qualitative analysis of a subsample of these youth (n=34) revealed individual and community characteristics that were instrumental in fostering positive outcomes of community participation. The findings indicated both the utility of using a narrative approach to evaluate community-based prevention programs and the value of community participation for children and youth.";"Policy";"JArticle";2010;"Janzen, R., Pancer, S.M., Nelson, G., Loomis, C., & Hasford, J.";"Evaluating community participation as prevention: life narratives of youth";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 38, No 8, pp. 992-1006"
365;"Organized youth programs can serve as a context in which youth are connected to resource-bearing adults in the community who promote the development of social capital. This article explores the process of how this happens and what types of resources are gained by youth. Qualitative interviews were conducted with adolescents in three youth programs over a three- to four-month period. Two key findings emerged. First, relationships with community adults were found to develop in stages, with youth moving from a stage of suspicion and distrust, to a stage of facilitated contact, to a stage of meaningful connection. Second, these relationships provided youth with access to adult resources, such as information, assistance, exposure to adult worlds, support, and encouragement. The three programs facilitated this process of social capital development by linking youth to suitable adults, structuring youth–adult activities around common goals, and coaching youth on these interactions.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Jarrett, R.L., Sullivan, P.J., & Watkins, N.D.";"Developing social capital through participation in organized youth programs: Qualitative insights from three programs";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 33, No 1, pp. 41-55"
366;"This Working Paper presents an overview of findings from research that addresses whether, and to what extent, gender is salient in the development of norms of citizen behavior and key precursors to citizen engagement. A variety of data is used to illuminate the complexity of gender's relationship to citizen engagement among today's youth. The bulk of the analysis, however, is drawn from the National Citizen Engagement Study (NCES). Across some key indicators, the story is about the same regardless of sex. Young women and men appear to be receiving the same cues about politics, elected officials, and the political process. They are also responding in much the same way--i.e., tuning out and doing little. However, young women are also demonstrating their distinctiveness in ways that are both hopeful and potentially worrisome. Thus, the picture to emerge is one that cannot be easily summarized by either sameness or difference.";"ComPsy";"Other";2005;"Jenkins, K.";"Gender and Civic Engagement: Secondary Analysis of Survey Data (CIRCLE Working Paper 41).";
367;"In  understanding  the  political  development  of  the  pre-adult  one  of  the  central  questions  hinges  on  the  relative  and  differentiated  contributions  of  various  socializing  agents.  The  question  undoubtedly  proves  more  difficult  as  one  traverses  a  range  of  polities  from  those  where  life  and  learning  are  almost  completely  wrapped  up  in  the  immediate  and  extended  family  to  those  which  are  highly  complex  social  organisms  and  in  which  the  socialization  agents  are  extremely  varied.  To  gain  some  purchase  on  the  role  of  one  socializing  agent  in  our  own  complex  society,  this  paper  will  take  up  the  specific  question  of  the  transmission  of  certain  values  from  parent  to  child  as  observed  in  late  adolescence.  After  noting  parent-child  relationships  for  a  variety  of  political  values,  attention  will  be  turned  to  some  aspects  of  family  structure  which  conceivably  affect  the  transmission  flows.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1968;"Jennings, Kent M & Niemi, Richard G.";"The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child";"The American Political Science Review, Vol 62, No. 1, pp.169-184."
368;"This article contributes to the development of a critical social theory of youth empowerment which emphasizes collective efforts to create sociopolitical change. It draws upon analysis of four youth empowerment models, and upon findings from a participatory research study which identified key dimensions of critical youth empowerment: (1) a welcoming, safe environment, (2) meaningful participation and engagement, (3) equitable power-sharing between youth and adults, (4) engagement in critical reflection on interpersonal and sociopolitical processes, (5) participation in sociopolitical processes to effect change, and (6) integrated individual- and community-level empowerment. It concludes with discussion of the measurement of outcomes, and the challenges and opportunities for empowerment in youth organization.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2006;"Jennings, L.B., Parra-Medina, D.M., Hilfinger Messias, D.K., & McLoughin, K.";"Toward a critical social theory of youth empowerment";"Journal of Community Practice, Vol. 14, No 1-2, pp. 31-55"
369;"This book shows how specific agents shape the political character of adolescents, how response to these agents varies according to sex, race, and other factors, and how political learning changes through the life-cycle and across generations.";"ComPsy";"Book";2015;"Jennings, M.K., & Niemi, R.G.";"Political character of Adolescence: The Influence of Families and schools.";
370;"Conclusions about the impact of the Internet on civic engagement have been hampered by the unavailability of before and after measures, a shortage of varied and multiple indicators of attitudes and behaviors regarding engagement, and insufficient attention to generational differences. This article seeks to address these weaknesses by employing a quasi-experimental design that draws on the 1982 and 1997 waves of a panel study that began with a national sample of the high school class of 1965 and that also includes that generation's lineage successor. Comparisons between those using and not using the Internet demonstrated that the digital divide, the original pre-Internet gap in civic engagement, remained in place or increased slightly over time. Taking into account pre-Internet levels of civic engagement and key socioeconomic characteristics indicates that Internet access has positive effects on several indicators of civic engagement. Comparisons of civic engagement among Internet users according to how much they employ the Internet for political purposes revealed modest bivariate associations and very little independent effect at the multivariate level. The connection between the Internet and civic engagement differed across the two generations in some respects, explained in part by intergenerational divergence in the intersection between the stage of individual political development and incorporation of the Internet into a person's media repertory.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Jennings, M.K., & Zeitner, V.";"Internet use and civic engagement: A longitudinal analysis";"Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 67, No 3, pp. 311-334"
371;"Immigrant parents (first generation) and adolescents (second generation) from El Salvador and India (N = 80) took part in interviews on civic engagement. The immigrants were almost unanimous in regarding civic engagement as important. They also were engaged themselves, more so at the community than the political level. One third of immigrants were engaged in community activities that specifically had a cultural focus or occurred through cultural organizations, and the comparable number for political activities was 25%. Cultural motives (i.e., a cultural or immigrant sense of self) were twice as likely to be mentioned as sources of engagement rather than disengagement. Qualitative analyses of these cultural motives revealed seven engagement themes (e.g., cultural tradition of service) and three of disengagement (e.g., ethnic exclusion).";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Jensen, L.A.";"Immigrants' cultural identities as sources of civic engagement.";"Applied Development Science, Vol. 12, No 2, pp. 74-83"
372;"This article deploys the concept of citizenship regime to describe the citizenship norms and practices of the European Union (EU). The EU is, and has been since 1957, involved in building citizenship practices. The goal of the article is to reanimate discussions of European citizenship and to recapture them from the almost exclusive control of political philosphy and a focus on the standard liberal democratic model. Instead, it presents the European citizenship regime for what it is: a set of norms and practices in motion. Its characteristics are captured by analysing four dimensions of any citizenship regime: the responsibility mix: acquired rights and duties, governance, and belonging. On each dimension, current citizenship practices of Union citizenship are briefly described. When this is done, the EU is observed to be adjusting its borders and boundaries of citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Jenson, Jane";"The European Union’s Citizenship Regime. Creating Norms and Building Practices";"Comparative European Politics, No. 5, Vol 1., pp. 53–69"
373;"This booklet has been produced by the members of the Life Long Learning working group which forms part of the CiCe network. One of our tasks was to develop a proposal for a European project to promote intercultural learning, which built on previously completed work at the European level – projects funded through Erasmus, Grundtvig and Socrates programmes. We developed a proposal that cut across these boundaries and this booklet sets out the model that lay at the heart of the proposal and aims therefore to distil some of the ‘lessons learned’ from other European projects into a coherent proposal for educational action. As such we offer it for discussion and critique as part of our on-going review and refinement of the ideas we are developing.";"PolScience";"Book";2011;"Jerome, L., Aktan, E., Rone, S., Sousa, F. d., & Verkest, H.";"Proposal for a Lifelong Learning Citizenship Education Project";
374;"Young people’s civic engagement over the transition to adulthood is often sporadic, interspersed with life transitions, and patterned differently across people. Understanding covariates of patterns of civic engagement, and changes in these patterns, could enhance efforts to promote young adults’ civic engagement. Using two time points of data from the Young Entrepreneurs Study (N= 2,364, 61.9% female, 60.9% European American), we identified four profiles of civic engagement: Low Initiative, Moderately Involved, Highly Involved, and Organizers. Profile membership was moderately stable, and stability rates were similar regardless of changes in participants’ education status. Participants’ initial levels of contribution ideology were related to stability in profile membership, participants with higher initial levels of contribution ideology were more likely to be classified in the Highly Involved profile at both waves. Implications for future research and applications are discussed.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Johnson, S.K., Agans, J.P., Weiner, M.B., & Lerner, R.M.";"Profiles of Civic Engagement across Educational Transitions: Stability and Change.";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 81-93"
375;"There is a lack of research on assessing how society views youth voice and participation in youth programs. Youth taking on leadership roles and interacting with adults have shown success in establishing positive youth-adult relationships. This article introduces the Involvement and Interaction Rating Scale, a new measure that assesses the perceptions and experiences of youth and adult participants working together in various community-based efforts. The scale serves as a means to empower participants by enabling them to evaluate their own experiences to determine the quality of these experiences and acknowledge areas that need strengthening.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Jones, K.R., & Perkins, D.F.";"Determining the quality of youth-adult relationships within community-based youth programs";"Journal of Extension, Vol. 43, No 5"
376;"In a spirit of stocktaking and identifying frontiers of research, this article reviews recent changes of citizenship in three dimensions: status, rights, and identity. With respect to status, it is argued that access to citizenship has been liberalized. On the rights dimension, there has been a weakening of social rights and rise of minority rights. Citizenship identities today are universalistic, which limits states' attempts to counter the centrifugal dynamics of ethnically diversifying societies with unity and integration campaigns.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Joppke, Christian";"Transformation of Citizenship: Status, Rights, Identity";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 37-48"
377;"According to previous research conducted mainly in the United States, psychological needs pertaining to the management of uncertainty and threat predict right-wing conservatism, operationally defined in terms of resistance to change and acceptance of inequality. In this study, we analyze data from 19 countries included in the European Social Survey (ESS) to assess two sets of hypotheses: (1) that traditionalism (an aspect of resistance to change) and acceptance of inequality would be positively associated with right (versus left) orientation, and (2) that rule-following (an aspect of the need for order), high need for security, and low need for openness to experience would be associated with right (versus left) orientation, adjusting for quadratic effects associated with ideological extremity. In addition, we determine the extent to which the pattern of relations among needs, values, and political orientation was similar in Eastern and Western European contexts. Results from regression and structural equation models indicate that traditionalism and, to a lesser extent, rule-following predict right-wing conservatism in both regions, whereas acceptance of inequality predicts right-wing orientation in the West only. Although openness to experience was associated with preferences for greater equality in both regions, it was associated with left-wing orientation in Western Europe and right-wing orientation in Eastern Europe. Needs for security, conversely, were associated with right-wing orientation in Western Europe and left-wing orientation in Eastern Europe. Thus, we find evidence of both universal and context-specific effects in our analysis of the cognitive and motivational antecedents of left-right political orientation.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Jost, J.T., Liviatan, I., & Shrout, P.A.";"Psychological Needs and Values Underlying Left-Right Political Orientation: Cross-National Evidence from Eastern and Western Europe";"Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 71, No 2, pp. 175-203"
378;"In Ill Fares The Land, Tony Judt, one of our leading historians and thinkers, reveals how we have arrived at our present dangerously confused moment. Judt masterfully crystallizes what we've all been feeling into a way to think our way into, and thus out of, our great collective dis-ease about the current state of things.  As the economic collapse of 2008 made clear, the social contract that defined postwar life in Europe and America - the guarantee of a basal level of security, stability and fairness -- is no longer guaranteed, in fact, it's no longer part of the common discourse. Judt offers the language we need to address our common needs, rejecting the nihilistic individualism of the far right and the debunked socialism of the past. To find a way forward, we must look to our not so distant past and to social democracy in action: to re-enshrining fairness over mere efficiency.  Distinctly absent from our national dialogue, social democrats believe that the state can play an enhanced role in our lives without threatening our liberties. Instead of placing blind faith in the market-as we have to our detriment for the past thirty years-social democrats entrust their fellow citizens and the state itself.  Ill Fares the Land challenges us to confront our societal ills and to shoulder responsibility for the world we live in. For hope remains. In reintroducing alternatives to the status quo, Judt reinvigorates our political conversation, providing the tools necessary to imagine a new form of governance, a new way of life.";"SocPsy";"Book";2010;"Judt, T.";"Ill Fares the Land";
379;"Levels of civic engagement are assumed to vary according to numerous social and psychological characteristics, but not much is known about online civic engagement. This study aimed to investigate differences and similarities in young people’s offline and online civic engagement and to clarify, based on Ajzen’s theory of planned behavior (TPB), associations between motivation for civic engagement, peer and parental norms, collective efficacy, and civic engagement. The sample consisted of 755 youth (native German, ethnic German Diaspora, and Turkish migrants) from two age groups (16–18 and 19–26, mean age 20.5 years, 52 % female). Results showed that ethnic group membership and age moderated the frequency of engagement behavior, with Turkish migrants taking part more than native Germans, who were followed by ethnic German Diaspora migrants. Analyses based on TPB showed good fit for a model relating intention for offline and online civic engagement to motivation for civic engagement, peer and parental norms, and collective efficacy. Ethnic group moderated the findings for offline civic engagement and questioned the universality of some model parameters (e.g., peer and parental norms). This study showed the utility of the TPB framework for studying civic engagement but also reveals that the predictive utility of peer and parental norms seems to vary depending on the group and the behavior under study. This study highlights the importance of including minority samples in the study of civic engagement in order to identify between-group similarities and differences.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2013;"Jugert, P., Eckstein, K., Noack, P., Kuhn, A., & Benbow, A.";"Offline and online civic engagement among adolescents and young adults from three ethnic groups";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 42, No 1, pp. 123-135"
380;"Through ethnographic fieldwork among young global justice activists based in Barcelona, Paris, Mexico City, and San Francisco, this article examines an emerging political praxis we call alter-activism. We argue that alter-activism represents an alternative mode of (sub-)cultural practice and an emerging form of citizenship among young people that prefigures wider social changes related to political commitment, cultural expression, and collaborative practice. Alter-activism specifically involves an emphasis on lived experience and process, a commitment to horizontal, networked organisation, creative direct action, the use of new information and communication technologies (ICTs), and the organisation of physical spaces and action camps as laboratories for developing alternative values and practices. Although observers tend to associate these attributes with global justice movements generally, we contend they are more precisely linked to youthful movement sectors and are particularly visible among alter-activists. Moreover, rather than a complete break, alter-activism expands on many of the features associated with past youth movements, although it is more highly globalised, more profoundly networked, more open and collaborative, and more deeply shaped by new technologies than its predecessors.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Juris, Jeffrey Scott, Pleyers, Geoffrey Henri";"Alter-activism: emerging cultures of participation among young global justice activists";"Journal of Youth Studies 12 1 57-75"
381;"This article discusses the particularity of young people's politics as it unfolds in the practice of everyday life. By exploring a conflict concerning the use of a public park in the City of Oulu, Finland, we discuss how young people may participate in struggles over urban space trough politics that is not based on voice but voicelessness. This political engagement can be understood as a form of nonparticipatory politics that is easily left unnoticed--politics that shirks civic involvement, customary participatory practices and articulated resistance. We deem it important to acknowledge such action as political for two reasons. First, voiceless politics is a weapon of the weak: It is used when other political agencies are not feasible e. Viewing non-participation as apolitical will only further marginalize those who practice politics in such ways. Second, it is important to find ways of acknowledging nonparticipatory action because, while not commonly understood as politics, it is not easily bypassed in political struggles either. By distinguishing political aspects from young people's urban behaviors, instead of hearing their presence as mere noise, provides tools for bringing their politics to the public agenda and thus developing more democratic urban spaces.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Kallio, Kirsi, Häkli, Jouni";"Young people's voiceless politics in the struggle over urban space";"GeoJournal 76 1 63-75"
382;"The article focuses on developing links between Higher Education Institutions (HEIs) and those Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) that are concerned with social understanding, tolerance and respect for human rights, in developing the citizenship education/developing identities curriculum in higher education. Scholars from Ireland, Lithuania, Finland and Poland share ideas about the cooperation between HEI and NGO in developing curriculum for education for Active Citizenship. Some general conclusions are based on the results of case studies.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Kallioniemi, A., Zaleskienė, I., Lalor, J., & Misiejuk, D.";"Towards active citizenship: Cooperation between universities and NGO in developing curriculum";"Socialinis Ugdymas, Vol. 12, No 23, pp. 5-20"
383;"Based on the Positive Youth Development theory, this article reviews key-themes that were brought up during the Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence. These themes include, among others, the sociopolitical development of youth, youth volunteerism, the civic participation of youth, and youth citizenship.";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Karakos, H.L., & Wray-Lake, L.";"Sociopolitical Development and Positive Youth Development: Emerging Themes from the 2014 Youth Civic Engagement Preconference from the Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence.";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 155-158"
384;"The essays in this book explore the interconnections between democracy, education and the moral life. Rarely are all three engaged and integrated at once so that issues in political and moral theory apply directly to critical issues in education. The authors discuss such questions as the responsibility of education and its institutions to cultivate socially responsible and critically literate democratic citizens, the challenge of cultivating democratic patriotism in teaching American history, the relationship between inclusion and exclusion in democratic education, the role of blogs in enhancing democratic learning, the development of moral sensibility in students and its significance for democratic citizenship. The authors are among the leading educational theorists whose philosophical expertise is combined with a concrete knowledge of the practice of education.";"DevPsy";"Book";2008;"Katz, M. S., Verducci, S., & Biesta, G.";"Education, Democracy, and the Moral Life";
385;"Political election campaigns often function as test sites for new communication technologies and strategies. Prior to the Swedish national election 2010, the Swedish public was dominated by a discourse on the revolutionising potential of new media for political campaigning and restyling of democracy. In particular, the participatory potential of social media was celebrated. 'Confronting' the main claims of prominent Swedish social media handbooks with the perceptions of one important voter segment, namely students, this paper aims to present major contradictions characterising the present discourse on democracy 2.0 showing a tremendous gap between the potential voters and their actual practices.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Kaun, A., Carina Guyard ";"Divergent views – social media experts and young citizens on politics 2.0";"International Journal of Electronic Governance, 4(1,2), 104-120"
386;"The book gives an intriguing insight into how young people in Estonia, twenty years after the establishment of democracy, perceive their own role as citizens. It does so in a theoretical framework that stresses the embeddedness of the civic experiences in a media-dominated environment, thus closely linking civic and media experiences. Based on the analysis of both qualitative interview data and a relatively new method of using the internet as a complementary tool for engaging with open-ended diaries, the study explores the extent to which young citizens experience the media as being interwoven with their everyday lives and, in fact, constitutive of their social reality as citizens. With its particular focus on young Estonians, i.e. on a generation that has been brought up in a context of rapid political, economic and social change and that is well-known for its fascination with new communication technologies, the book is a valuable contribution to the growing international research on media and civic experiences.";"Media";"Book";2013;"Kaun, Anne";"Being a Young Citizen in Estonia: An Exploration of Young People's Civic and Media Experiences";
387;"The article concerns civic experiences beyond or prior to civic action. Approaching questions of civic culture and democracy by way of the rather broad notion of civic experience, the author suggests that democratic values and processes involving citizensÕ participation should be understood as deeply anchored in the lifeworld. The article establishes a view in which civic culture is understood from a holistic perspective as an experience. At the same time, the author is interested in the ways in which media are involved in that process, without assuming their predominance in fostering civic engagement and public connection. Drawing mainly on 20 solicited, open-ended online diaries with young adults from Narva, Tartu, and Tallinn in Estonia and the European Social Survey Round 5, the article proposes civic experience as a helpful notion to overcome the generic divide between utopian and dystopian views on the relationship between media and civic culture.";"Media";"JArticle";2012;"Kaun, Anne";"Mapping civic experiences in Estonia";"Communications, Vol. 37, No. 3, pp. 253–274"
388;"This article explores the role of social media platforms in transnational activism by examining the case of Avaaz.org, an international advocacy organization aiming to bring people-powered politics to global decision-making. Focusing on the Avaaz website, its channel on YouTube, its page on Facebook and its profile page on MySpace, the article investigates the affordances of these platforms for identity-building, bonding, and engagement. The empirical data is derived from features analysis of the selected web platforms, as well as textual analysis of the comments posted by users. The findings show that while social media platforms make individual voices more visible, their design helps Avaaz to maintain a coherent collective voice. In terms of bonding, platforms allow individual activists to communicate with the organization and to spread its message to their existing social networks, but opportunities for private interpersonal communication with other Avaaz supporters are limited.";"Media";"JArticle";2012;"Kavada, A";"Engagement, bonding, and identity across multiple platforms: Avaaz on Facebook, YouTube, and MySpace";"MedieKultur, 52, 28-48"
389;"The relationship between the EU institutions and its citizens is once again foremost in the minds of European policymakers and commentators. Recent referenda on European institutional reform have been rejected by the citizens of France, the Netherlands and, most recently, Ireland, thus re-igniting debates across Europe about the quality of European democracy and the limits and possibilities of European integration. Educational reforms and initiatives are often suggested as means of fostering stronger ties between political institutions and their citizens. This article therefore considers how European policies for fostering citizenship through education have fared thus far, focusing in particular on two questions: what sort of citizenship has been offered by European education policies, and how have these policies sought to construct a sense of community amid the diverse peoples of Europe? These questions are examined from a socio-historical perspective, which illustrates that European institutions have long sought to harness education as a means of fostering European citizenship. However, this process also illustrates that European education policies have evolved over time from an ethnocentric ?national? model of citizenship education towards a post-national model in which the citizens of Europe are united not (only) by a common culture or history, but also civic values, educational skills, and a shared future. This post-national model, the author suggests, avoids many of the pitfalls of the national model of educating citizens, but nonetheless creates a new set of challenges for the citizens and institutions of Europe.";"Media";"JArticle";2009;"Keating, A.";"Educating Europe's citizens: moving from national to post-national models of educating for European citizenship";"Citizenship Studies, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp.135-151"
390;"Citizenship education has been the subject of growing attention in policy and academic circles over the past 20 years. Citizenship education curricula have typically focused on national institutions, issues, and ties. Citizenship education has been closely bound up with the legitimacy of the nation‐state, and alternative institutions and citizenships thus present a significant challenge not only to the contents of national curricula, but also to the traditional purpose and assumptions of citizenship education. The articles in this special issue seek to explore how nation‐states have responded to this challenge by exploring, from a comparative perspective, the ways in which one supra‐national, regional citizenship (namely European citizenship) has been defined in the citizenship education curricula of states from across Europe. This Introduction describes the supra‐national policy developments that have led European states to consider reforming their citizenship education curricula.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Keating, A.";"Citizenship education curricula: the changes and challenges presented by global and European integration";"Journal of Curriculum Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 145-158"
391;"There has been a resurgence of interest in cosmopolitan theories of citizenship over the past two decades, as academics and policy-makers have sought to understand and conceptualise citizenship affiliations that transcend the nation-state. As part of these debates, a number of theories have been developed to try to explain the emergence of cosmopolitan dispositions, and in particular, why some citizens develop these dispositions and others do not. This article seeks to refine these theories by testing their assumptions on a youth sample, by drawing on the findings of the wider youth socialisation literature, and by comparing the relative merits of different ?sources? of cosmopolitanism (namely cognitive engagement, contact with cultural Others, learning a foreign language, and exposure to discussions about international issues in the public and the private sphere). To do so, the analysis draws on data from the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) and its survey of young people aged 14. Using these data, this article will show that each of these theories are positively associated with cosmopolitan sources, but that the strength of these relationships is variable and that not all sources of cosmopolitan dispositions are equal. Based on these findings, this article will argue that schools can play an important role in cultivating cosmopolitan dispositions at this particular life stage.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2015;"Keating, Avril";"Are cosmopolitan dispositions learned at home, at school, or through contact with others? Evidence from young people in Europe";"Journal of Youth Studies   42024"
392;"This study describes the civic and political behavior of the American public, with a special focus on youth ages 15 to 25. Using an extensive national telephone survey of 3,246 respondents, the authors describe what citizens are doing, and how often they are doing it. They look at a panorama of 19 core activities--ranging from voting to volunteering to signing petitions--and at many other political attitudes and behaviors. The report describes these activities, who is doing them, and how they vary by age group. Findings include: (1) Younger cohorts trail their elders in attentiveness to public affairs and in electoral participation, but hold their own in community-related and volunteer activities that give voice to their concerns, (2) There are two distinct modes of engagement--civic and political--and many choose to walk only one road, with evidence for a wide generation schism in the choice Americans make, (3) Young people respond to school-based initiatives and other invitations to involvement, and (4) Members of the Generation DotNet cohort are more willing than older Americans to see government play a larger role in their lives and the life of the country, and are significantly more accepting of homosexuality and more positive toward immigrants.";"SocPhil";"Other";2002;"Keeter, S., Zukin, C., Andolina, M., & Jenkins, K.";"The civic and political health of the nation: A generational portrait";
393;"The inclusion of minorities in the civic affairs of society is critical. Research indicates many of today's youth are less likely to engage in meaningful civic activities and more likely to experience social exclusion because of disparities in educational settings, economic disadvantages, and health disparities. This phenomenon is more likely to occur in communities overcome by crime, drug dealing, and other indicators of diminished quality of life, where there is greater anonymity and suspicion among neighbors and less trust. Social trust is a significant trait for adulthood because social trust promotes individuals' actively engaging in society and seeing themselves as valued members of their communities. Secondary data from the CIRCLE National Youth Survey, comprising 1,000 youths between ages 15 and 25 years, show that youth who trust in others and trust in government are more likely to participate in community service, voting, and political volunteerism, even among young minorities.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Kelly, D.C.";"In preparation for adulthood: Exploring civic participation and social trust among young minorities";"Youth and Society, Vol. 40, No 4, pp. 526-540"
394;"The family system, or the caregiving environment, facilitates the socialization of youth into society. This article explores the influence of parents' civic behavior within the caregiving environment on the prosocial civic behaviors of their late adolescent and young adult children. Using secondary data from the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement National Youth Survey, this exploratory study examines behaviors among 1,000 youths ages 15 to 25 years. Parents' voting behaviors and parent—child political communication were significant measures related to youths' value of voting and performance of service (volunteering). The findings suggest that an altruism-rich, caregiving environment is a significant familial context to promote and sustain civic engagement among youths.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Kelly, D.C.";"Parents' influence on youths' civic behaviors: The civic context of the caregiving environment.";"Families in Society, Vol. 87, No 3, pp. 447-455"
395;"Although the term 'participation' is widely used in discussing community development strategies, there has been relatively little said about the characteristics of 'participatory relationships', i.e. the interactions between community developers and those who stand to benefit from community development initiatives. There is seen to be a need for case studies which attempt to understand the relational and communicative processes involved in participatory development. The paper presents an analysis of the participatory dynamics of a community health development project. The principal source of data is interviews conducted with thirteen selected participants in the project. Analysis of interview data using a structured hermeneutic method led to a description of the meaning of participation for each of the participants interviewed. Further interpretation led to the identification of a number of modes of participation in the project as a whole. For each mode of participation descriptions were developed of how it was perceived by others not participating from that mode. An attempt was made to understand the dynamics of the project in terms of the relationship between the different modes of participation and in terms of the discrepancies between how participants saw themselves and how others saw them. Finally, these problems were discussed at a general theoretical level and suggestions were made about how such problems might be alleviated.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1996;"Kelly, K.J., & Van Vlaenderen, H.";"Dynamics of participation in a community health project";"Social Science and Medicine, Vol. 42, No 9, pp. 1235-1246"
396;"This paper will argue that a major problem for young people today is that they increasingly cause adults anxiety. This anxiety translates into a raft of interventions and strategies and programmes that target young people. These imaginings reflect and constitute a range of anxieties about the dangers posed by some young people, or to some young people, and how these risks might be economically and prudently managed. These institutionalized relationships of mistrust can have a range of often negative consequences (intended or otherwise) for individuals and populations of young people. I argue that Foucault's work on disciplinary, sovereign and governmental forms of power provides a generative framework for analysing what I refer to as the institutionalized mistrust, surveillance and regulation of contemporary populations of young people.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Kelly, Peter";"Growing Up as Risky Business? Risks, Surveillance and the Institutionalized Mistrust of Youth";"Journal of Youth Studies 6 2 165-180"
397;"Citizenship education has recently re-emerged as an important issue, both in policy and in practice. As the nation state undergoes rapid transformation at the end of the 20th century, both Eastern and Western states have focused attention on using the school curriculum as a medium for sustaining cohesion and unity within society. But, as we approach the 21st century, is the possibility of a common citizenship a reality?, This book is designed to provide educators with access to ideas and information that will help them to understand current citizenship- education initiatives across a number of countries. It provides a theoretical rationale in which to consider those issues, illustrates how such issues are being worked out in practice in a number of countries, and provides assistance for policy makers, teacher educators and teachers who are responsible for making decisions about the context of citizenship education programmes for schools.";"SocPhil";"Book";1997;"Kennedy, K. J. ";"Citizenship Education and the Modern State";
398;"Active citizenship' is currently a popular term in citizenship education policy discourse. Despite this policy interest, there is no agreement about the meaning of ?active citizenship?. This article draws on data from the IEA Civic Education Study to explore how students themselves construct ?active citizenship?. The results show that students have quite sophisticated conceptions of citizenship responsibilities although their attitudes are gendered. They seem committed to political obligations rather than social obligations and they do not seem inclined to take advantage of their political rights or become involved in protest activities of any kind.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2007;"Kennedy, Kerry J.";"Student Constructions of 'Active Citizenship': What Does Participation Mean to Students?";"British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 55, No 3, pp 304-324"
399;"This study examined the association between adolescents' religious development, social integration, and risk-taking behaviors. Religious development was tracked along 4 trajectories from sophomore to senior year in high school: low religiosity (sophomore)-low religiosity (senior), low-high, high-low, and high-high. Civic integration was measured by participation in civic activities (e.g., working on a political campaign, demonstrating for a cause), participation in extracurricular activities, and willingness to perform volunteer service. Risk-taking behaviors included alcohol use and marijuana use. For the most part, civic integration was positively associated with the stable or upward religious developmental trajectories, whereas alcohol and drug use were associated with low and downward trajectories.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Kerestes, M., Youniss, J., & Metz, E.";"Longitudinal Patterns of Religious Perspective and Civic Integration";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 1, pp. 39-46"
400;"This article makes a contribution to the debate on the 'cooperative, competitive citizen' by detailing the outcomes of a recent study on the theory, policy and practices of participatory citizenship in Europe, commissioned by the European Commission (EC). It underlines the discussion of how to balance citizen collaboration and competition needs to include the concept of participatory citizenship along with a European dimension. It provides strong evidence that the current economic crisis is distorting the interrelationship between participatory citizenship, social cohesion and economic competitiveness in policy-making in EU member states with increasing emphasis on the latter (the competitive citizen) at the expense of the former (the collaborative citizen). It details how the impact of this policy shift is already clearly visible through evidence of major funding cuts on projects and programmes that promote participatory citizenship. It also provides evidence that the current economic crisis has shaken the trust and confidence of citizens across Europe, including young people, in politicians and political institutions. Though people continue to have a strong belief in the principle of democracy and in the values that underpin participatory citizenship, they increasingly lack trust in current politicians and political institutions. However, it also highlights a number of strategies, based on evidence, for strengthening policy, practices and citizen engagement in participatory citizenship in Europe and also evidence of the value of promoting participatory citizenship in society. It shows how the key role of learning and education in building civic competence among people, particularly young people, and also that involvement with volunteering enhances political engagement. Finally, in the context of a growth strategy (such as EU 2020) to alleviate the economic crisis, the Study also highlights that participatory citizenship, economic competitiveness and social cohesion are interrelated and mutually reinforcing. Thus, countries with characteristics of being highly competitive also tend to be highly participatory with high levels of social cohesion, for example, the Nordic countries.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Kerr, D.";"Participatory citizenship in Europe: The effects of the economic crisis on policy, practice and citizen engagement across EU member states";"Citizenship Teaching & Learning, Vol. 8, No 2, pp. 249-264"
401;"The International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) studied the ways in which countries prepare their young people to undertake their roles as citizens. ICCS was based on the premise that preparing students for citizenship involves helping them develop relevant knowledge and understanding and form positive attitudes toward being a citizen and participating in activities related to civics and citizenship. These notions were elaborated in the ICCS assessment framework (Schulz, Fraillon, Ainley, Losito, & Kerr, 2008). Regional contexts are important aspects of civic and citizenship education because they help us understand how people are differentially influenced to undertake their roles as citizens. Along with its regional module for Europe, ICCS included regional instruments for Asia and Latin America to supplement the data obtained from the international survey. This report from ICCS focuses on the 24 countries that participated in the study’s European regional module. It is based on the European ICCS student instrument that investigated specific European issues related to civic and citizenship education. The report also includes relevant data from the international student instruments that pertained to those countries. Readers should view this European report in the context of the international reports on the findings from ICCS (Schulz, Ainley, Fraillon, Kerr, & Losito, 2010a, 2010b). The European module investigated students’ civic knowledge in a European context as well as their attitudes, perceptions, and behaviors in relation to European civic issues, institutions, and policies. More specifically, it considered European citizenship and identity, intercultural relations in Europe, free movement of citizens in Europe, European policies, institutions, and participation, and European language learning. This report examines variations across European countries in these measures and the associations of these measures with selected student characteristics. The findings reported in this publication are based on data gathered from random samples of more than 75,000 students in their eighth year of schooling in more than 3,000 schools from 24 European countries. These student data were augmented, where relevant, by data from over 35,000 teachers in those schools and by further contextual data collected from school principals and the study’s national research centers. [...]";"Policy";"Other";2010;"Kerr, D., Sturman, L., Schultz, W., & Burge, B.";"ICCS 2009 European Report: civic knowledge, attitudes, and engagement among lower-secondary school students in 24 European countries";
402;"How can the European Union engage and connect with the people it aims to represent? What initiatives and schemes have been used to engage EU citizens? To what extent can such procedures be considered a move forward towards a more participative and democratic Europe?This collection of internationally recognised specialists in European integration and innovative democratic practices seek to answer these key questions, explore European citizens'thoughts and opinions about the EU and evaluate the governing elite's attempts to engage with the public. It offers critical analysis of EU justifications and strategies for implementing Deliberative Citizens Involvement Projects and focuses on some of the major participative experiences trialled and implemented by EU institutions. By comparing these different attempts to increase and bolster the participation of EU citizens and evaluating their impact the book offers valuable and original material on the civic involvement of EU citizens and the legitimacy of the EU decision making process.";"EduHist";"Book";2013;"Kies, R., & Nanz, P.";"Is Europe Listening to Us?: Successes and Failures of EU Citizen Consultations";
403;"Turnout in the 2001 UK general election sunk to a post-war low of just 59%. It is clear that, at this election, even fewer young, first-time voters participated. Over the past decade, journalists and youth-oriented interest groups have highlighted an apparent growth in young people's non-interest in politics. There are many explanations that have been offered to account for this phenomenon. Drawing from both political science and youth studies, this article identifies four broad explanations to understanding young people's non-participation: youth focused, politics focused, alternative value' and generational approaches. It is recommended that popular explanations based on young people's apathy or their alternative interest in environmental and identity politics cannot by themselves explain non-participation. Instead, more consideration should be given to young people's changing transition journeys to adult statuses and, in particular, the extent to which the cues to encourage participation have disappeared.";"Policy";"JArticle";2002;"Kimberlee, R.H.";"Why don't British young people vote at general elections?";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 5, No 1, pp. 85-98"
404;"Turnout in the 2001 UK general election sunk to a post-war low of just 59%. It is clear that, at this election, even fewer young, first-time voters participated. Over the past decade, journalists and youth-oriented interest groups have highlighted an apparent growth in young people's non-interest in politics. There are many explanations that have been offered to account for this phenomenon. Drawing from both political science and youth studies, this article identifies four broad explanations to understanding young people's non-participation: youth focused, politics focused, alternative value' and generational approaches. It is recommended that popular explanations based on young people's apathy or their alternative interest in environmental and identity politics cannot by themselves explain non-participation. Instead, more consideration should be given to young people's changing transition journeys to adult statuses and, in particular, the extent to which the cues to encourage participation have disappeared.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Kimberlee, Richard H.";"Why Don't British Young People Vote at General Elections?";"Journal of Youth Studies 5 1 85-98"
405;"This study examines the role of agenda setting in affecting voter turnout using panel data of adolescents in Arizona, Florida, and Colorado from 2002 and 2004. Specifically, a model is developed probing the multiple influences of interactive civic instruction, media attention, and discussion on the following sequence of outcomes: perceived issue importance, opinion strength, political ideology, and finally voter turnout. The results suggest that agenda setting serves as a critical intrinsic process in political socialization contributing to the crystallization of political predispositions, which lead to electoral participation. The implications of the findings are discussed.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Kiousis, S., & McDevitt, M.";"Agenda Setting in Civic Development Effects of Curricula and Issue Importance on Youth Voter Turnout.";"Communication Research, Vol. 35, No 4, pp. 481-502"
406;"Agenda-setting theory, a conceptual framework used to trace how issue salience is established among policy makers, media, and the public, has yet to be applied to political socialization. This study extends agenda-setting theory by conceptualizing it as a process of political development. In an analysis of adolescent involvement during the 2002 U.S. elections, data are reported from a quasi-experimental field study of the effects of the Kids Voting USA campaign intervention on students in Arizona, Colorado, and Florida. A model of agenda setting among adolescents is built by investigating the influence of school intervention exposure, news attention, discussion, and information integration on salience, opinion strength, and finally strengthened political predispositions (partisanship and ideology). Findings suggest that agenda setting provides a valuable perspective for understanding how adolescents come to decide what issues are important to them.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Kiousis, S., McDevitt, M., & Wu, X.";"The genesis of civic awareness: Agenda setting in political socialization.";"Journal of Communication, Vol. 55, No 4, pp. 756-774"
407;"The idea of a set of skills, usually called civic skills, which are required to effectively participate in civic and political life, is integral to many concepts of political participation. This literature search is designed to investigate what is known about civic skills empirically and theoretically including how they are defined and measured, and what relationship they have to political participation. This literature review began with the work most familiar to political scientists, Verba, Schlozman and Brady's ""Voice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics"" (1995). which defines civic skills and incorporates them into a larger conceptual framework on political participation. From political science, the author moved to the education field, where civic skills-related literature is dispersed in the civic education and service learning arenas. A third set of research focused on experimental programs including service learning and youth development. The author explored psychology literature, looking at authors whose work has crossed between developmental psychology and political socialization as related to skill development. The author notes that there is dispersion of literature with very little cross-over, disparate fields seem to be doing important work, with significant overlap in findings and observations, but most authors stay largely focused on their own disciplinary predecessors, not venturing deeply into other disciplines to inform their work. Kirlin concludes with several observations about the state of knowledge concerning civic skills and a menu of questions for further research attention, including: (1) Lack of definition, (2) Need for better understanding of the process of how to measure emerging civic skills, (3) Concepts about how civic skills relate to broader questions of civic engagement, and political participation between disciplines, (4) Lack of literature and understanding of such complex skill acts as learning to work with others to achieve a common good, (5) Exploration of the rationale for placement of civic skills within specific age groupings, (6) Better understanding of skill transfer and causal relationships, (7) Importance of organization structure, (8) Consideration of civic skills in complete context, rather than in a vacuum, and (9) Encouraging as well as understanding factors in political participation.";"DevPsy";"Other";2003;"Kirlin, M.";"The Role of Civic Skills in Fostering Civic Engagement (CIRCLE Working Paper 06).";
408;"Multiracial youth activism groups, based in working class and poor neighborhoods, seek to improve social conditions by organizing grassroots campaigns. Campaigns such as these, which require sophisticated planning, organizing, and advocacy skills, are noteworthy not just for their political impact, but also because of the insights they provide about learning environments outside of school. In this study I adopted Rogoff's (2003) theory of guided participation as a lens through which to analyze adult approaches to working with youth and how these approaches relate to opportunities for youth to participate in social action. Drawing on 2 years of ethnographic fieldwork in 3 multiracial activism groups, I found that adults managed tensions between youth empowerment principles and the task demands of campaigns in 3 distinct ways: facilitation, apprenticeship, and joint work. This analysis is relevant to educators who wish to support youth participation in mature social practices and researchers interested in elective learning environments.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Kirshner, B.";"Guided participation in three youth activism organizations: Facilitation, apprenticeship, and joint work";"Journal of the Learning Sciences, Vol. 17, No 1, pp. 60-101"
409;"Recent studies have documented the potential of youth activism for influencing political change toward socially just ends. This special issue builds on such research by focusing on youth activism as a context for learning and development. What kinds of learning opportunities are generated through working on social action campaigns? How do adults support youth's participation in ways that foster youth engagement and leadership? In addition to previewing the articles in this issue, this introduction proposes and describes four distinctive qualities of learning environments in youth activism groups: collective problem solving, youth—adult interaction, exploration of alternative frames for identity, and bridges to academic and civic institutions. It concludes by highlighting directions for future research.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Kirshner, B.";"Introduction: Youth activism as a context for learning and development";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 51, No 3, pp. 367-379"
410;"Research on adolescence has begun to recognize the centrality of ecological context in human development. Ecological approaches, however, need to pay greater attention to the political context of young people's lives, both in terms of how youth interpret their sociopolitical world and how they participate in changing it. Research on youth organizing among African American and Latino youth offers insights about these dimensions of sociopolitical development. Youth organizing enables young people growing up in difficult circumstances to identify the social origins of problems and take action to address those problems. Emerging research suggests that youth organizing has the potential to contribute to youth development, community development, and broader social movements. Youth organizing challenges social constructions of adolescents as apathetic or self-involved and offers an alternative to deficit-based orientations toward youth of color.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Kirshner, B., & Ginwright, S.";"Youth Organizing as a Developmental Context for African American and Latino Adolescents";"Child Development Perspectives, Vol. 6, No 3, pp. 288-294"
411;"Students, if organised into representative student governments or movements, can be a highly influential agency shaping higher education policy. This article introduces the Special Issue on student power in a global perspective, which addresses the question of how students are organised in different world regions and what role they play in higher education policymaking within universities or at the national level. The article discusses conceptual considerations in the study of student governments and movements and reviews the contemporary trends in student organising globally.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Klemenčič, Manja";"Student power in a global perspective and contemporary trends in student organising";"Studies in Higher Education 39 3 396-411"
412;"Faced with increasing and diverse migratory pressures in the post Cold War period, European states have created an increasingly complex system of civic stratifications with differential access to civil, economic and social rights depending on mode of entry, residence and employment. Now at the beginning of the twenty-first century, expansion and contraction of rights have occurred within a managerialist approach which, though recognising the need for immigration, applies an economic and political calculus not only to labour migration but also to forms of migration more closely aligned to normative principles and human rights, such as family formation and reunification and asylum. At the same time, states are demanding affirmation of belonging and loyalty, leading to greater emphasis on obligations in the practice of citizenship. The first part of the paper traces the evolution of a managerialist regime and its consequences for the reconfiguration of spaces of citizenship. The second section examines the development of new contracts of settlement and the management of diversity as the state reasserts its national identity and sovereignty.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Kofman, Eleonore";"Citizenship, Migration and the Reassertion of National Identity";"Citizenship Studies 9 5 453-467"
413;"In much of the youth empowerment literature, researchers focus on the relationship between youth and adults involved in empowerment programs while neglecting the broader social framework in which these relationships and the program itself functions. Utilizing an ecological model, the current research examines the tensions that surfaced in attempts to create an empowering setting in an after-school PAR program with fifth-graders. Challenging assumptions about youth, structural challenges, and conflicting theories of change are highlighted. Results examine the role of sociocultural context as PAR researchers attempt to create a setting in which students gain skills to become change agents within their school. The study suggests that youth empowerment is a context dependent process that requires attention to a multiplicity of factors that influence possibilities for empowerment via second order change.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"Kohfeldt, D., Chhun, L., Grace, S., & Langhout, R.D.";"Youth Empowerment in Context: Exploring Tensions in School-Based yPAR";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 47, No 1, pp. 28-45"
414;"The Treaty of Maastricht and even more so the sceptical public response to the further deepening of European integration triggered a new approach to civil society. This contribution explores why the concept of civil society became so prominent in Brussels and why such high expectations were placed in the democratic strengthening of Europe by involving civil society in EU governance and by starting a civil dialogue. The main part of the contribution presents the findings of an empirical investigation demonstrating and explaining how much aspirations differ from reality. At the end of the contribution the democratic potential of civil dialogue is compared with expectations regarding the European Citizens’ Initiative.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Kohler-Koch, B.";"Post-Maastricht Civil Society and Participatory Democracy";"Journal of European Integration, Vol. 34, No 7, pp. 809-824"
415;"From international press coverage of the French government’s attempt to prevent Muslims from wearing headscarves to terrorist attacks in Madrid and the United States, questions of cultural identity and pluralism are at the center of the world’s most urgent events and debates. Presenting an unprecedented wealth of empirical research garnered during ten years of a cross-cultural project, Contested Citizenship addresses these fundamental issues by comparing collective actions by migrants, xenophobes, and antiracists in Germany, Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Switzerland. Revealing striking cross-national differences in how immigration and diversity are contended by different national governments, these authors find that how citizenship is constructed is the key variable defining the experience of Europe’s immigrant populations. Contested Citizenship provides nuanced policy recommendations and challenges the truism that multiculturalism is always good for immigrants. Even in an age of European integration and globalization, the state remains a critical actor in determining what points of view are sensible and realistic—and legitimate—in society.";"Policy";"Book";2005;"Koopmans, R., Statham, P., Giugni, M., & Passy, F.";"Contested citizenship: Immigration and cultural diversity in Europe.";
416;"The contemporary rise of popular support for fascism is investigated in this article through an examination of Golden Dawn's remarkable appeal to a section of Greek youth. This leads to the problematization of mainstream explanatory and interpretive discourses that attribute Golden Dawn's electoral and political attractiveness almost exclusively to anger and a will to punish the political system which is regarded as being responsible for the country's collapse and the harsh consequences of austerity and recession. Drawing upon the findings of ethnographic research on Golden Dawn and its young voters’ and supporters’ ideology and political activism conducted as part of the MYPLACE project, we argue that Golden Dawn's young voters and supporters are much more than angry youth. Their choice to support a fascist political agenda and practice cannot be reduced solely to an emotional reaction to the crisis but rests on wider ideological and political affinities and links that have been building over the previous two or three decades. In this sense, the contemporary rise of fascism in Greece appears as not merely a straightforward and simple outcome of the crisis but the complex result of previous socio-political transformations, sharpened, magnified and accelerated by the current systemic crash.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Koronaiou, Alexandra, Lagos, Evangelos, Sakellariou, Alexandros, Kymionis, Stelios, Chiotaki-Poulou, Irini";"Golden Dawn, austerity and young people: the rise of fascist extremism among young people in contemporary Greek society";"The Sociological Review 63 S2 231-249"
417;"Despite assessments that European Union citizenship, in the Treaty on European Union, was insufficient to induce real institutional change, institutional change has occurred. As an institutional designer and agent of change, the ECJ made tactical interventions in the period 1993-2003 which resulted in incremental-transformative institutional change. The ECJ's phased approach in-between Treaty revisions has strengthened the constitutional importance of European citizenship and the market citizenship template has been superseded by an understanding of European citizenship that privileges citizen status over economic activity. Three phases may be distinguished in this process: judicial minimalism (1993-1997), signalling intentions (1998-2000) and engineering institutional change (2001-2003). An institutional constructivist approach to the judicial institutionalisation of Union citizenship highlights the role of ideas, cognitive templates and norms, in explaining the longitudinal process of its institutional development. It also shows that institutional change is a more complex phenomenon than is generally portrayed. In searching for conceptual tools that explain European judges' decisions not only to bring about qualitative institutional change, but also to ground ""a change"" in such a way that future extension is possible, it is argued that a multivariable model entails some promising lines of inquiry into the subject.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Kostakopoulou, Dora";"Ideas, Norms and European Citizenship: Explaining Institutional Change";"The Modern Law Review, Vol. 68, No. 2, pp. 233-67"
418;"Public space, especially online, is now offered more than ever before. Still, the role of public media production in youth cultures has not been very much noticed in civic pedagogic settings. This analysis provides insights into the relations between youth, civic participation and media publicity in the context of youth work. It is based on a three years follow up study of the Youth Voice Editorial Board in Finland, among youngsters aged 13-17 years.";"PolScience";"BookChap";2009;"Kotilainen, Sirkku";"Promoting Youth Civic  Participation with Media  Production: The Case of Youth Voice Editorial Board";
419;"Media culture is a firm part of youth cultures today. Media can also be seen as one empowering technology in the information society alongside traditional school and government. What kind of civic identities are young people constructing in contemporary media culture? This article discusses media-saturated youth and audience agency, drawing on Dahlgren's ideas of civic culture. Relying on empirical data from two case studies in Finland, we will introduce a typology of civic identities, which the young construct as members of the public in relation to media. Our first case study is a youth civic website called Vaikuttamo.net and the second is the Youth Voice Editorial Board, which consists of a group of young people producing news for mainstream media. Our research supports various earlier observations that young people are firmly engaged, though to a lesser extent, in the formal political realm. We particularly want to emphasize the role of the local media and the expressive potential of young people. The media should be noted as a public forum where cultural and political modes of expression and participation can be mixed Ð not only in global online media, but also in more traditional local media such as television and newspaper. The research shows that young people are also willing to enter generational public discussions about civic issues instead of keeping to their own forums of media publicity.";"Media";"JArticle";2009;"Kotilainen, Sirkku & Rantala, Leena ";"From seekers to activists. Characteristics of youth civic identities in relation to media";"Information, Communication & Society, Vol. 12, No. 5, pp. 658-677"
420;"This article analysis the development of youth civic participation in East Central Europe. This article focuses on models and structures of young people's public involvement during the communist regimes in the region, it then proceeds with a study of their transformation in post-communism and finishes with a discussion of the barriers in front of young people's influence over the course of their countries transitions to democracy. Under the one-party regimes in East Central European countries youth participation in education, work and leisure was guaranteed by the communist party-state and provided for by the monopolistic concentration of resources in the centrally planned economy. Gradually in all countries in the Soviet block the confrontation between the authorities and the youth strive for independence and self-expression led to an authentic politicization of youth protest. In the 1980's some truly political youth groups were formed directly opposing the repressive governments. The general growth of independent youth movements joined the mobilization of other groups to topple down the communist regimes.";"Media";"JArticle";2002;"Kovacheva, Siyka";"Development of Young People's Civic Participation in East Central Europe";"Sociologia - Slovak Sociological Review  3 209-222"
421;"The relationship between political legitimacy, citizenship, & sovereignty is examined to provide an understanding of politics at the end of the 20th century. Several objections to the liberal assertion that the consent of the people is an adequate measure of political legitimacy are raised, specific attention is dedicated toward exploring consent theory's failure within the contexts of political representation & citizenship. Differences between classical republicanism's & accountability theory's conceptualizations of political representation are then discussed, the inability to create a unified theory of representation is deemed highly problematic. It is subsequently asserted that citizenship is the state's ascription of status upon an individual, not an individual choice. Plato's (1973) use of symbolic representation to develop a coherent political community is then discussed to illustrate the problems of relying upon conventional political thought in analyzing modernity. It is claimed that contemporary political theory should incorporate psychological & social psychological thought in order to understand how cognition & emotion influence political behavior. The argument's implications for a human rights perspective toward defining ""the people"" are also considered. 34 References. J. W. Parker";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2001;"Kratochwil, Friedrich";"The Politics of Place and Origin: An Enquiry into the Changing Boundaries of Representation, Citizenship and Legitimacy";"International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 1 1 143-165"
422;"Almost all shapes of adolescent risky and deviant behaviour take place in the context of peer-relations. The present study examined the role of parents and peer-relations with respect to two indicators of deviant political development. In the fall 1998, directly after the German parliamentary elections, 1309 East German adolescents were asked about their voting for a right-wing extremist party and their readiness to use violence in political action. Friend0s voting was a strong predictor of individual voting for a right-wing extremist party, particularly when the friend was the best friend with a reciprocal nomination, and when the friends frequently communicated about political themes. In addition, voting behaviour and willingness to use violence were associated with membership in peer groups who met frequently. Finally, the violencedisposed adolescents spent more of their spare time with peers and less with their parents. Similarities of our results with the findings of research on deviant behaviour in non-political areas support the idea that deviant political behaviour could be an expression of a problematic life situation.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Kuhn, H. P.";"Adolescent voting for right-wing extremist parties and readiness to use violence in political action: parent and peer contexts";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol 27, No. 5, pp.561-581."
423;"The role of children and young people in war has received much attention, though their political activism after war's end is rarely discussed. Political liberalisation generally widens participatory opportunities for youths 18 years and older. But citizenship is defined by more than the right to vote every few years, citizens must also be granted voice and agency. This paper analyses the relation between youth political citizenship and peacebuilding. After developing a framework for the analysis of youth political citizenship in post-war societies, we identify differences between the experiences of rural/urban and male/female youth, drawing on case studies of Guatemala and Timor-Leste. We argue that the neglect of young people's current needs and future livelihoods is a recipe for renewed conflict.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2015;"Kurtenbach, Sabine, Pawelz, Janina";"Voting is not enough: youth and political citizenship in post-war societies";"Peacebuilding 3 2 141-156"
424;"According to recent studies, young people are interested in politics in a broad sense but are disengaged with electoral politics. The falling turn-outs in European Parliament elections, especially among young people, are creating problems with the legitimacy of our political governance system. The authors suggest six pragmatic measures to address the disengagement of young people from electoral politics. The measures presented are designed to support a bottom-up approach towards building lasting interest in electoral politics among young people, while keeping in mind the changes in youth values and possible ways to participate in politics.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Kyranakis, Konstantinos, Nurvala, Juha-Pekka";"Bringing politics to the youth: how to generate interest in electoral politics";"European View 12 2 263-269"
425;"Prior to graduating from high school, the vast majority of youth in the United States will take part in at least one community service activity. Although it is frequently assumed that community service is inherently beneficial to those that take part, the activities and processes of youth service programs tend to be unsystematic and vary widely. In addition, empirical assessment of youth service programs is inconsistent and often lacks methodological rigor. The present paper addresses these concerns in a preliminary evaluation of both the process experience and the outcomes of a theoretically grounded school-based community service program for urban adolescents. The evaluation focuses on identifying key components of a youth community service program, assessing whether the program was experienced as it was intended, and providing preliminary data on participant outcomes. Findings indicate that the program was experienced as both empowering (i.e., guided by student initiative, preferences, and strengths) and promoting a sense of community (i.e., encouraged cooperation and collective decision making). Results also suggest that taking part in the community service program increased youths' self-reported empathy and intent to be involved in future community action, as compared to a group of matched controls. Implications and recommendations for developing and evaluating service-learning or community service programs in the schools are discussed.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Lakin, R., & Mahoney, A.";"Empowering youth to change their world: Identifying key components of a community service program to promote positive development";"Journal of School Psychology, Vol. 44, No 6, pp. 513-531"
426;"Despite the fact that young people's experiences of public space have received substantial scholarly and public attention, there is only a small body of research concerning narratives of youth delinquency that focuses on the interlinking production of space and identity by young people living outside high-crime areas. To broaden this research I analyse three complementary narratives of groups of young men from working-class families who live in the same area (two adjacent neighbourhoods) of Zurich, Switzerland, in which they position themselves with regard to delinquent youth cliques that are mainly involved in low-level violence. Looking at their different strategies of co-producing that area and subjectivities, I discuss how and at which spatial moments intersections between such social categories as nationality, deviant behaviour and age become significant. In addition, I point out that their strategies provide insights into how young people regard their position in wider social discourses such as the transition from school to work, and the rights of second-generation migrants. I, therefore, argue that ?hanging out? in neighbourhoods is about far more than micro-scale youth geographies and that the neighbourhood is also an important resource that helps young men who do not belong to delinquent youth cliques to construct their identities.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Landolt, Sara";"Co-productions of neighbourhood and social identity by young men living in an urban area with delinquent youth cliques";"Journal of Youth Studies 16 5 628-645"
427;"Objectives: This narrative systematic review explored (1) how neighbourhood interventions promote positive youth development (PYD) and (2) the role of context for these interventions. We asked: How do neighbourhood interventions become effective in promoting PYD for adolescents aged 12-18 years? Methods: Articles (n = 19) were analyzed using a framework integrating standards of health promotion evaluation and elements of the ecological systems perspective. Results: First, results highlight the key characteristics of interventions that promote PYD. An intervention's atmosphere encouraging supportive relationships and an intervention's activities aiming to build skills and that are real and challenging promoted PYD elements including cognitive competences, confidence, connection, leadership, civic engagement, and feelings of empowerment. Secondly, this review identified facilitators (e.g. partnerships and understanding of the community) and constraints (e.g. funding and conflicts) to an intervention's integration within its context. Conclusions: Results regarding interventions' characteristics promoting PYD confirm findings from past reviews. Our findings indicate that context is an important element of effective interventions. This review encourages future evaluations to analyze the role of context to build a better understanding of its role.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Lapalme, J., Bisset, S., & Potvin, L.";"Role of context in evaluating neighbourhood interventions promoting positive youth development: A narrative systematic review";"International Journal of Public Health, Vol. 59, No 1, pp. 31-42"
428;"In the current economic order, the basic duty of citizens is to find placements in the internationalising labour market. Internationalism has been a common educational objective throughout Europe. Previously associated as a feature of middle-class subjectivities and academic educa- tion, it is implemented in the agenda of vocational education as well. In this article, I analyse how vocational students in the Finnish educational context of social services and health care see their future in the presumed internationalising labour market. The analysis is based on three years’ ethnographic fieldwork in one vocational institute of social services and health care. The dataset consists of field notes, the interviews of students and teachers, and documents produced by the institution and organisa- tions involved, and in this article five case studies are presented in order to make visible the multiple ways in which young people make sense of their placements in the global labour market. This analysis suggests that the imagined futures of the vocational students are mainly tied with the local context. However, the global labour market is involved and in some cases actively mobilised with their subject formations, and makes the negotiating between individual desires, resources, dependences and inter- dependences in everyday life even more complex than it used to be.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Lappalainen, Sirpa";"Locality, mobility and labour market citizenship: reflections of Finnish vocational students in social services and health care";"Pedagogy, Culture & Society 22 3 425-445"
429;"This article examines the unfolding of experiences in youth programs that differed in the degree of youth and adult influence over program activities. In-depth qualitative data were obtained over a three- to four-month cycle of activities in two “youth-driven” and two “adult-driven” programs for high-school–aged youth. All had been identified as high quality, and in all of the programs, the adults were sensitive and respectful to the youth. Rather than finding that one approach was categorically better than the other, our analyses suggested that each provided distinct developmental experiences, and that each presented somewhat different day-to-day challenges to the adults. In the youth-driven programs, the youth experienced a high degree of ownership and empowerment, and they reported development of leadership and planning skills. In the adult-driven programs, the adults crafted student-centered learning experiences that facilitated youth's development of specific talents. Across both approaches, youth also gained self-confidence and benefited from the adults' experience in other ways. The article highlights balancing techniques that adults in both programs used for keeping youth's work in the program on track while keeping youth invested.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Larson, R., Walker, K., & Pearce, N.";"A comparison of youth-driven and adult-driven youth programs: Balancing inputs from youth and adults";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 33, No 1, pp. 57-74"
430;"Identification with Large Scale Social Categories: A Social Psychology Perspective. This paper reviews social psychology approach to the study of group identities based on social identity and self-categorization theories. These are discussed with respect to multiple category memberships and identification with large scale social categories such as nation and Europe. The assumption about hierarchical relations between nested categories is criticised and it is argued that the perceptualist approach to social categorization should be combined with approaches taking into account the role of language and discourse in the processes of identification. Finally, some methodological implications are outlined.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Lasticova, B.";"Identification with large scale social categories: A social psychology perspective";"Sociologia, Vol. 38, No 6, pp. 546-561"
431;"A volume on participation that proposes to ""read"" politics through the conceptual instruments of community psychology: group of belonging, social action and empowerment, network interventions, conflicts and social representations, community development and sense of community. Alongside, research on youth who are distancing themselves from politics and from participation: a profound fracture, built on thoughts, beliefs and values through which young people give meaning to the political reality and according to which they distance themselves, more or less. An examination of the systems of meanings and values that guide youth social action and their disengagement from active participation. Reviews and research aimed at understanding the image of politics and the dimension of lack of interest towards politics in the form of fabula, perceived and experienced as power control and substitution of the common good with the private interest. Mythicized leaders and stories of ordinary political engagement in electoral competitions close a volume that seeks to examine the social representation of politics and the capacity for promoting a participative methodology.";"SocPsy";"Book";2001;"Lavanco, G. (Ed.)";"Oltre la politica: Psicologia di comunità, giovani e partecipazione";
432;"During the 1980s the government of the time mooted the need for active citizenship which was associated with education for citizenship. The re-emergence of citizenship education as an important part of the curriculum has meant that notions underpinning the idea, including the meaning of active citizenship, are once again under scrutiny.This article examines different understandings of citizenship and how they give rise to different beliefs about what the rights and responsibilities of the citizen should be. It then discusses the present government's understandings of active citizenship and their intention to create a socially inclusive society, shifting from a rights-based paradigm of citizenship to one based on mutual obligation. It concludes by examining how those intentions might translate into the school context, drawing from recent research in three secondary schools in the UK.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2001;"Lawson, H.";"Active citizenship in schools and the community";"The Curriculum Journal, Vol. 12, No 2, pp. 163-178"
433;"Over the last few years there has been a renewed interest in questions of citizenship and in particular its relation to young people. This has been allied to an educational discourse where the emphasis has been upon questions concerned with ‘outcome’ rather than with ‘process’– with the curriculum and methods of teaching rather than questions of understanding and learning. This paper seeks to describe and illuminate the linkages within and between these related discourses. It advocates an inclusive and relational view of citizenship-as-practice within a distinctive socio-economic and political, and cultural milieu. Drawing upon some empirical insights from our research we conclude that an appropriate educational programme would respect the claim to citizenship status of everyone in society, including children and young people. It would work together with young people rather than on young people, and recognise that the actual practices of citizenship, and the ways in which these practices transform over time are educationally significant.";"Policy";"JArticle";2006;"Lawy, R., & Biesta, G.";"Citizenship-as-practice: the educational implications of an inclusive and relational understanding of citizenship";"British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 54, No. 1, pp. 34-50"
434;"argues that undocumented workers not only take non-existent rights as citizens, they also help us reformulate an alternative ""cultural"" processing of citizenship that both uses and challenges the conventional scripts of ""citizens"" in political theory.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2006;"Lee, Charles T.";"Tactical Citizenship: Domestic Workers, the Remainders of Home, and Undocumented Citizen Participation in the Third Space of Mimicry";"Theory & Event  9 3 "
435;"By analyzing data from a national panel survey of adolescents (ages 12-17) and their parents conducted around the 2008 general election, this study explores the varied roles communication plays in socializing youth into democratic citizenship. In particular, we propose and test a communication mediation model of youth socialization, in which interdependent communication processes located in the family, schools, media, and peer networks combine to cultivate communication competence, a set of basic communication skills and motives needed for active and informed participation in public life. Analysis of our panel data indicates that participation in deliberative classroom activities and democratic peer norms contribute to civic activism among youth. These peer and school influences, however, are found to be largely indirect, working through informational use of conventional and online news media, and expression and discussion of political ideas outside of classroom and family boundaries. In particular, our findings highlight strong online pathways to participation, centering on news consumption and political expression via digital media technologies, suggesting the key role of the Internet in this dynamic.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Lee, N.J., Shah, D.V., & McLeod, J.M.";"Processes of Political Socialization A Communication Mediation Approach to Youth Civic Engagement";"Communication Research, Vol. 40, No 5, 669-697"
436;"The findings on the association between Social Networking Sites and civic engagement are mixed. The present study aims to evaluate a theoretical model linking the informational use of Internet-based social media (specifically, Facebook) with civic competencies and intentions for future civic engagement, taking into account the mediating role of civic discussions with family and friends and sharing the news online. Participants were 114 Italian high school students aged 14–17 years (57 % boys). Path analysis was used to evaluate the proposed theoretical model. Results showed that Facebook informational use was associated with higher levels of adolescent perceived competence for civic action, both directly and through the mediation of civic discussion with parents and friends (offline). Higher levels of civic competencies, then, were associated with a stronger intention to participate in the civic domain in the future. Our findings suggest that Facebook may provide adolescents with additional tools through which they can learn civic activities or develop the skills necessary to participate in the future.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Lenzi, M., Vieno, A., Altoè, G., Scacchi, L., Perkins, D.D., Zukauskiene, R., & Santinello, M.";"Can Facebook Informational Use Foster Adolescent Civic Engagement?";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 55, No 3-4, pp. 444-454"
437;"The pathways through which the neighborhood can influence civic development in adolescence are not fully understood. The present study aims to develop an integrative model linking neighborhood social connectedness (neighborhood intergenerational closure, neighborhood trust and reciprocity, social relationships with neighbors and neighborhood friends) and different components of youth civic engagement (local and global civic responsibility, civic competencies, civic behaviors), taking into account the mediating effects of attachment to the neighborhood and non-parental adults' network. Participants were 403 early- and middle-adolescents (47.9% males), randomly selected, coming from a mid-sized Italian city. The theoretical model proposed in the current study was partially validated. Neighborhood social connectedness is associated with higher levels of civic engagement in adolescence, and adolescents' network of adults and their levels of attachment to the neighborhood mediate this association. The results offer important implications for future research and prevention programs that aim to impact social systems to nurture adolescents' civic engagement.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Lenzi, M., Vieno, A., Pastore, M., & Santinello, M.";"Neighborhood social connectedness and adolescent civic engagement: An integrative model";"Journal of Environmental Psychology, Vol. 34, pp. 45-54"
438;"Research on youth civic engagement focuses on individual-level predictors. We examined individual- and school-level characteristics, including family affluence, democratic school social climate and perceived neighborhood social capital, in their relation to civic engagement of 15-year-old students. Data were taken from the 2006 World Health Organization Health Behaviour in School-aged Children survey. A sample of 8,077 adolescents in 10th grade from five countries (Belgium, Canada, Italy, Romania, England) were assessed. Multilevel models were analyzed for each country and across the entire sample. Results showed that family affluence, democratic school climate and perceived neighborhood social capital positively related to participation in community organizations. These links were stronger at the aggregate contextual than individual level and varied by country. Canadian youth participated most and Romanian youth least of the five countries. Gender predicted engagement in two countries (girls participate more in Canada, boys in Italy). Findings showed significant contributions of the social environment to adolescents' engagement in their communities.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Lenzi, M., Vieno, A., Perkins, D.D., Santinello, M., Elgar, F.J., Morgan, A., & Mazzardis, S.";"Family Affluence, School and Neighborhood Contexts and Adolescents' Civic Engagement: A Cross-National Study";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 50, No 1-2, pp. 197-210"
439;"Civic engagement, defined as involvement in community life, is influenced by reciprocal relationships between individuals and contexts and is a key factor that contributes to positive youth development. The present study evaluates a theoretical model linking perceived democratic school climate with adolescent civic engagement (operationalized as civic responsibility and intentions for future participation), taking into account the mediating role of civic discussions and perceived fairness at school. Participants were 403 adolescents (47.9 % male) ranging in age from 11 to 15 years old (mean age = 13.6). Path analysis results partially validated the proposed theoretical model. Higher levels of democratic school climate were associated with higher levels of adolescent civic responsibility, the association was fully mediated by civic discussions and perceived fairness at school. Adolescents’ civic responsibility, then, was positively associated with a stronger intention to participate in the civic domain in the future.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Lenzi, M., Vieno, A., Sharkey, J., Mayworm, A., Scacchi, L., Pastore, M., & Santinello, M.";"How School can Teach Civic Engagement Besides Civic Education: The Role of Democratic School Climate";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 54, No 3-4, pp. 251-261"
440;"How do we know if American children and adolescents are doing well in life? What vocabulary do American parents, teachers, policy makers, and often young people themselves use to describe a young person—a person in the first two or so decades of life—who is showing successful development?";"ComPsy";"BookChap";2006;"Lerner, R.M., Alberts, A.E., Jelicic, H., & Smith, L.M.";"Young people are resources to be developed: Promoting positive youth development through adult-youth relations and community assets";"Mobilizing Adults for Positive Youth Development, pp. 19-39 (edited by E. G. Clary & J. E. Rhodes)"
441;"The 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development (PYD), a longitudinal investigation of a diverse sample of 1,700 fifth graders and 1,117 of their parents, tests developmental contextual ideas linking PYD, youth contributions, and participation in community youth development (YD) programs, representing a key ecological asset. Using data from Wave 1 of the study, structural equation modeling procedures provided evidence for five firstorder latent factors representing the “Five Cs” of PYD (competence, confidence, connection, character, and caring) and for their convergence on a second-order PYD latent construct. A theoretical construct, youth contribution, was also created and examined. Both PYD and YD program participation independently related to contribution. The importance of longitudinal analyses for extending the present results is discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Lerner, R.M., Lerner, J.V., Almerigi, J.B., Theokas, C., Phelps, E., Gestsdottir, S., Naudeau, S., Jelicic, H., Alberts, A., Ma, L., Smith, L.M., Bobek, D.L., Richman-Raphael, D., Simpson, I., DiDenti Christiansen, E., & Von Eye, A.";"Positive Youth Development, Participation in community youth development programs, and community contributions of fifth-grade adolescents findings from the first wave Of the 4-H study of Positive Youth Development.";"Journal of Early Adolescence, Vol. 25, No 1, pp. 17-71"
442;"Within contemporary developmental science, models derived from relational developmental systems (RDS) metatheory emphasize that the basic process of human development involves mutually-influential relations, termed developmental regulations, between the developing individual and his or her complex and changing physical, social, and cultural contexts, represented as individual context relations. When relations are mutually beneficial, they are termed adaptive developmental regulations. Civic ngagement develops within the context of adaptive developmental regulations. Individuals’ positive engagement with, and contributions to, family, community, and civil society constitutes their contributions to the individual context exchanges marking positive integration between people and society. We discuss the development of civic engagement using RDS-based metatheory and review methodological issues raised by studying the development of civic engagement within RDS-based models. We conclude by discussing potential implications of civic engagement development theory for future research and applications aimed at promoting individual thriving and freedom, liberty, and social justice.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Lerner, R.M., Wang, J., Champine, R.B., Warren, D.J., & Erickson, K.";"Development of civic engagement: Theoretical and methodological issues";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 69-79"
443;"Young mothers are often socially and economically marginalized, and tend to be discussed as one homogenous, high-risk, deficit-based group. They are frequently excluded from youth participatory action research and youth leadership research, which leaves little space for considering them as engaged citizens or leaders. To contribute to filling this gap, I created and implemented, in collaboration with a group of 11 young mothers, a policy-focused participatory research project called Engage for Change. My objectives included generating youth-based research evidence for informing public policy, exploring intersectionality as a theoretical foundation for participatory research with young mothers, and better understanding the impacts of participatory research on young mothers' leader and collective efficacy. In this article, I describe the implementation of Engage for Change, highlighting the work of participating young mothers. I explore intersectionality as a theoretical foundation, and consider the leader and collective efficacy development of participants, with the goal of: 1) contributing to the sparse literature on participatory research with young mothers, 2) suggesting that intersectionality is a useful theoretical foundation for participatory research with young mothers, and 3) highlighting participants' leader and collective efficacy, while acknowledging persistent systemic exclusions they face in exercising leadership and engagement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Levac, L.";"Is this for real?' Participatory research, intersectionality, and the development of leader and collective efficacy with young mothers";"Action Research, Vol. 11, No 4, pp. 423-441"
444;"Despite growing attention to both public engagement in policy development, and youth civic engagement, the engagement of young women and young mothers receives little attention. This article proposes guidelines for engaging with young women in provincial public policy development via their participation in public engagement initiatives. Developed in the context of a small Canadian province, the guidelines are based on an existing public engagement framework, modified to consider young women's identities and engagement strategies. The guidelines are presented relative to the context, process, tools, and outcomes of public engagement initiatives. In presenting the guidelines, this article grapples with paradoxes of young women's engagement, including the role of policy and policy discourses in creating and governing their identities, the role of public engagement in upholding and dismantling neoliberal policy agendas, and the challenges and benefits of reconciling appropriate conceptualisations of young women with a positivistic, masculine engagement framework.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Levac, Leah R. E.";"Complicating the public: enabling young women's participation in public engagement initiatives";"Journal of Youth Studies 16 3 334-357"
445;"This chapter reviews the relevance of normative philosophy, as well as other philosophical perspectives, to youth civic engagement.";"SocPhil";"BookChap";2010;"Levine, P., & Higgins-D'Alessandro, A.";"Youth Civic Engagement: Normative Issues";"Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in Youth, pp. 115-137 (edited by L. R. Sherrod, J. Torney-Purta, & C. A. Flanagan)"
446;"Young people's engagement in political discussions with parents and friends represents a significant component of the political socialization process and can be seen as an activity where they learn some very basic democratic skills. Based on data from qualitative interviews and a questionnaire survey, this article explores how young people experience political discussions in their everyday life. Our data indicate that young people who feel that their father, mother or friends, respectively, hold more distant political views are less likely to engage in political discussions with each of them. These findings support previous studies in political communication suggesting that people tend to avoid social situations where political disagreements are likely to appear. Furthermore, the results show that there are significant gender differences when analysing the role of the parents as political discussion partners.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Levinsen, Klaus, Yndigegn, Carsten";"Political discussions with family and friends: exploring the impact of political distance";"The Sociological Review 63 S2 72-91"
447;"The present article attempts to shed light on the direct and indirect contribution of personal resources and community indices to Sense of Cohesion among activists engaging in community volunteer work. The sample comprised 481 activists. Based on social systems theory, three levels of variables were examined: (1) inputs, which included personal resources (self-esteem, sense of mastery, and sense of coherence), (2) throughputs, which included community indices (organizational commitment, leadership competence, and representation), and (3) outputs, i.e., change in the community which enhances community cohesion. Path analysis revealed interesting results: organizational commitment, representation, and leadership competence fully mediated between self-esteem and community cohesion, and sense of coherence had a direct positive association with organizational commitment. Moreover, sense of mastery and sense of coherence contributed directly to community cohesion. The Discussion presents an analysis of these findings.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Levy, D., Itzhaky, H., Zanbar, L., & Schwartz, C.";"Sense of cohesion among community activists engaging in volunteer activity";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 40, No 6, pp.735-746"
448;"The European Union is generally perceived as endorsing universalistic and multi-cultural values. However, social identity and self-categorization theories predict that, when certain conditions are  met, a negative relation between ingroup identification and tolerance towards outgroup members should be observed. We argue that the creation of the status of ‘Citizen of the Union’ in Maastricht may contribute to meeting those conditions and therefore to increase intolerance towards resident foreigners. If that is the case, a paradoxical situation could emerge, in which people’s levels of tolerance towards foreigners would contradict group values. We examined the relations between values associated with Europe, European and national identification, and tolerance towards foreigners through a survey study with a—non-representative—sample of undergraduate French-speaking Belgian students. Results show that Europe was generally associated with humanistic values. But they also reveal that strong European identifiers tended to express more xenophobic attitudes than weak European identifiers, whilst national identification was not related with such attitudes.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Licata, L., & Klein, O.";"Does European Citizenship Breed Xenophobia? European Identification as a Predictor of Intolerance Towards Immigrants";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 12, No 5, pp. 323–337"
449;"The research reported in this paper reinforces the fertility of the cognitive developmental paradigm suggested by Piaget and Kohlberg (Lourenço & Machado, 1996). Our findings support their argument that role-taking opportunities are a necessary condition for moral development, as well as Sprinthall’s argument that guided reflection is also necessary. We should no longer ask which of the two conditions are important for effective moral education. Both require each other to be optimally effective for developing self-sustaining moral competencies. For educators the real question is, how to combine these methods and how to adapt them to various age groups and levels of development. At a low level of moral development, a child may need more guided reflection than role-taking opportunities but already then the latter seem important. The more persons are developed, it seems, the less do they depend on externally guided reflection, but can rely on their own critical self-assessment, that is, the more does their moral development become “self-sustaining.” Our findings show that university students profit much from opportunities for taking real responsibilities. Their moral development seems to gain also considerably from the availability of external advice and guidance, though perhaps not as much as adolescents and children do";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2000;"Lind, G. ";"The importance of role-taking opportunities for self-sustaining moral development. ";"Journal of Research in Education Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 9-15."
450;"A synthesis of rights and participatory approaches to citizenship, linked through the notion of human agency, is proposed as the basis for a feminist theory of citizenship. Such a theory has to address citizenship's exclusionary power in relation to both nation-state 'outsiders' and 'insiders'. With regard to the former, the article argues that a feminist theory and politics of citizenship must embrace an internationalist agenda. With regard to the latter, it offers the concept of a 'differentiated universalism' as an attempt to reconcile the universalism which lies at the heart of citizenship with the demands of a politics of difference. Embracing also the reconstruction of the public-private dichotomy, citizenship, reconceptualized in this way, can, it is argued, provide us with an important theoretical and political tool.";"EduHist";"JArticle";1997;"Lister, R. ";"Citizenship: Towards a Feminist Synthesis. ";"Feminist Review 57: 28."
451;"Citizenship has been described as a ?momentum concept?. One important development over the past decade has been the various ways in which scholars and activists have developed citizenship's inclusionary potential. The first part of the article explores these developments in general terms with regard to the values underpinning inclusive citizenship, the implications of the notion of cultural citizenship, and the theorization of differentiated forms of citizenship, which nevertheless appeal to universalist principles. These principles provide the basis for the citizenship claims of people living in poverty, a group largely ignored in citizenship studies. Other lacunae have been disability and, until recently, childhood. The second part of the article discusses how citizenship studies has reworked the concept in a more inclusionary direction through the development of a multi-tiered analysis, which pays attention to the spaces and places in which lived citizenship is practised. It focuses in particular on the intimate and domestic sphere, with particular reference to debates around care and citizenship, and on the interconnections between the intimate/domestic and the global, using ?global care chains? and ecological citizenship as examples.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Lister, Ruth";"Inclusive Citizenship: Realizing the Potential";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 49-61"
452;"The citizenship literature includes remarkably few empirical studies. In this article we report on how young people in a British city perceive citizenship and their own transitions as citizens. Of five models which emerged, the most dominant was 'universal status', followed by 'respectable economic independence', 'constructive social participation' and, less frequently, 'social-contractual' and 'right to a voice'. The extent to which the young people identified themselves as citizens reflected these models and their own life experiences. They drew clear distinctions between what it means to be a 'good' and a 'first class' citizen and had greater difficulty articulating their rights than their responsibilities. Overall, their responses drew on fluid understandings of citizenship but pointed more towards communitarian than liberal or civic-republican citizenship paradigms. They also underlined how everyday understandings of citizenship can have both inclusionary and exclusionary implications.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2003;"Lister, Ruth, Smith, Noel, Middleton, Sue, Cox, Lynne";"Young People Talk about Citizenship: Empirical Perspectives on Theoretical and Political Debates";"Citizenship Studies, Vol. 7, No 2, pp. 235-253"
453;"A social anxiety currently pervades the political classes of the western world, arising from the perception that young people have become disaffected with liberal democratic politics. Voter turnout among 18-25 year olds continues to be lower than other age groups and they are less likely to join political parties. This is not, however, proof that young people are not interested in politics per se but is evidence that they are becoming politically socialized within a new media environment. This shift poses a significant challenge to politicians who increasingly have to respond to a technologically mediated lifestyle politics that celebrates lifestyle diversity, personal disclosure and celebrity. This book explores alternative approaches for engaging and understanding young people’s political activity and looks at the adoption of information and ICTs as a means to facilitate the active engagement of young people in democratic societies. Young Citizens in a Digital Age presents new research and the first comprehensive analysis of ICTs, citizenship and young people from an international group of leading scholars. It is an important book for students and researchers of citizenship and ICTs within the fields of sociology, politics, social policy and communication studies among others.";"SocPhil";"Book";2007;"Loader, B.D.";"Young citizens in the digital age: Political engagement, young people and new media.";
454;"Young people are increasingly less deferential and more individualized, self-actualizing and/or critical. Networking young citizens are far less likely to become members of political or civic organizations such as parties or trades unions, they are more likely to participate in horizontal or non-hierarchical networks, they are more project orientated, they reflexively engage in lifestyle politics, they are not dutiful but self-actualizing, their historical reference points are less likely to be those of modern welfare capitalism but rather global information networked capitalism and their social relations are increasingly enacted through a social media networked environment. Our objective is not to provide yet another generalization about all young people being characterized as a type. Rather, we believe that it is a useful analytical device by which to assess the evidence for cultural change. This does not represent an all-encompassing discontinuity with previous dutiful models. Networked young citizens may live conterminously with other dutiful citizens and indeed share some of each other's attributes on occasions. Networked citizenship can be seen as fluid and always under construction within regulatory norms and structuring processes. Networking young citizens are shaped by different individual lived experiences that will not be the same for everyone. Consequently issues of inequality and power come into play. Networks and networking do not imply a power vacuum where all are equal. Instead, the benefits accrued by access to social and cultural capital through particular networks foreground the need to differentiate between social networks. Networks exhibit new regulatory norms of exclusion as well as inclusion. It also requires us to consider what kinds of capacities are required by young people for effective networked citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Loader, Brian D., Ariadne Vromen, Michael A. Xeno";"Introduction. The networked young citizen: social media, political participation and civic engagement. ";"Information, Communication & Society 17, 143-150"
455;"The university campus has often been seen as an important site for the politicization of young people. Recent explanations for this have focused attention upon the role of the student union as a means to enable a ‘critical mass’ of previously isolated individuals to produce social networks of common interest. What is missing from these accounts, however, and what this article seeks to address, is how these factors actually facilitate the development of political norms and the active engagement of many students. Drawing upon qualitative data from three countries we argue that it is the milieu of the smaller student societies that are crucial for facilitating the habitus of the student citizen. They provide the space for creative development and performance of the political self, affiliations to particular fields and access to cultural and social capital. Moreover, we contend that these processes of politicization are increasingly enacted through social media networks that foreground their importance for developing political habitus in the future.";"Media";"JArticle";2014;"Loader, Brian D., Vromen, Ariadne, Xenos, Michael A., Steel, Holly, Burgum, Samuel";"Campus politics, student societies and social media";"The Sociological Review   n/a-n/a"
456;"This report is the result of a preliminary project geared towards gaining an overview of the existing international research on young people’s civic involvement. The situation in Norway is not the centre of attention in this report, but the report will provide a starting point for the centre’s research on youth and participation within the voluntary sector in Norway. It is important to hold in mind that results and findings reported here will not necessarily be transferable to the Norwegian context, and that further analysis based on Norwegian data is necessary in order to warrant any such transference.";"SocPhil";"Book";2010;"Lochocki, T.";"Trends, causes and patterns of young people's civic engagement in western democracies.";
457;"Active Citizenship gathers a group of political actors and academics who believe a radically more activecitizenship is a worthy aim. They spell out how it can be achieved in their particular area of concern, looking at the obstacles and how they might be overcome. Together, they shows us how we can realise the dream of a citizen culture and what benefits it would bring for democracy in the UK.Bernard Crick's first and final essays set the tone, respectively, on Civic Republicanism Today and Political Identity. Other contributors consider activecitizenship in relation to: Labour Government Policy (David Blunkett and Matthew Taylor), Scottish Devolution (George Reid), Public Services (David Donnison), Gender Equality (Rhona Fitzgerald), Schools (Pamela Munn), Multiculturalism (Dina Kiwan), Integrating Immigrants (Elizabeth Meehan), Lifelong Learning (John Annette), Europe and International Understanding (Derek Heater), Young People (Andrew Lockyer) and Scottish Independence (Kevin Francis";"DevPsy";"Book";2010;"Lockyer, A., Crick, B.";"Active Citizenship: What Could It Achieve and How?";
458;"Citizenship education was introduced as a statutory subject in England in September 2002 with the aim of promoting civic and political engagement. However, whilst education is undoubtedly a powerful socialisation force, it is not the only factor that is likely to influence young people's civic and political participation. Political science theories regarding adult participation highlight the role of variables such as socio-economic background, political efficacy, individuals? assessments of the costs and benefits of participation and interest in politics. The questions therefore arise as to how much citizenship education can influence young people's participation above and beyond these other factors and whether this is more likely if a school adopts a particular approach to the subject's delivery. To answer these questions, this paper draws on data from the nine-year Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study (CELS), and more particularly from its 2004?05 survey of 13,646 English students aged 13?14. Structural equation modelling is used to examine students? intentions to participate and ascertain the relative contribution that education and other factors make to young people's intentions to participate.";"Policy";"JArticle";2009;"Lopes, Joana, Benton, Thomas, Cleaver, Elizabeth";"Young people's intended civic and political participation: does education matter?";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 12, No 1, pp. 1-20"
459;"We present new evidence on the civic engagement of immigrants and the children of immigrant parents (ages 15 to 25). Utilizing the 2006 Civic and Political Health of the Nation Survey conducted by CIRCLE, we find that young immigrants report lower levels of civic engagement on most measures compared to natives. However, once observable demographic factors are controlled, many of these differences are eliminated. In contrast, the children of immigrant parents report levels of civic engagement that match or exceed those of natives.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Lopez, M.H., & Marcelo, K.B. ";"The civic engagement of immigrant youth: New evidence from the 2006 Civic and Political Health of the Nation Survey";"Applied Development Science, Vol. 12, No 2, pp. 66-73"
460;"The current study explored the prediction of civic engagement by diverse trajectories of prosocial behaviors as well family dynamics (i.e., filial self-efficacy and relational parent-child support) across four times of assessment (from age 16-17 to age 22-23) during the transition to adulthood. Three different trajectories of prosocial behaviors were identified for 686 Italian youths: high-increasing (18%), medium-stable (48%), and low-stable (34%). An increasing pattern of change in prosocial behaviors was predicted by filial self-efficacy at age 16-17, which in turn mediated longitudinal relations to civic engagement and civic values at age 22-23. Results highlighted that during the transition to adulthood youths' beliefs about their ability to negotiate with their parents without losing autonomy and relatedness are relevant in promoting prosocial behaviors and civic involvement, especially in the context of Mediterranean countries.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Luengo, K.B., Pastorelli, C., Zuffianò, A., Eisenberg, N., Ceravolo, R., & Caprara, G.V.";"Trajectories of prosocial behaviors conducive to civic outcomes during the transition to adulthood: The predictive role of family dynamics";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 37, No 8, pp. 1529-1539"
461;"Even though people below age 25 constitute more than half the population in many developing countries, young people participate less than older citizens in most formal political processes, such as elections. This challenges the representativeness of the political system and leads to the disenfranchisement of young citizens. It can also reinforce stereotypes that treat young people as disinterested in political issues, as objects of social policy or as troublemakers. Debates about youth political participation have therefore centered mainly on motivating youth to vote and preventing youth groups from resorting to political violence. As an active member of the inter-agency network on Youth and Development, UNDP is currently drafting its first-ever UNDP corporate Youth Strategy, which should be finalized at the end of 2012, under the leadership of the UNDP focal point on youth and Director of the Democratic governance group of the BDP. This guide marks UNDP’s first comprehensive review of programming strategies for youth political empowerment. It attempts to identify examples of good practices and entry points to enhance youth political participation across the electoral cycle, focusing on innovative instruments with the potential to provide fresh inputs for UNDP programmes and initiatives by other electoral stakeholders. The guide is based on an extensive desk review of academic and practice-oriented reports, articles and websites on youth political participation from an array of countries. Documents from providers of electoral assistance, including UNDP, IFES and NDI, were consulted, along with knowledge-sharing platforms such as iKNOW Politics, Agora and ACE. Interviews with resource persons helped to shed light on specific good practices. Original calculations and tabulations were made related to voting and eligibility age. A UNDP regional working meeting in Cairo in February 2012 provided valuable input, as did focus group discussions and interviews with Egyptian youth activists and development practitioners. The UNDP/UN-HABITAT Youth 21 global stakeholder meeting in Nairobi in March 2012 helped identify additional good practices, strategies and examples.";"DevPsy";"Book";2013;"Lührmann, A.";"Enhancing Youth Political Participation throughout the Electoral Cycle - A good practice guide";
462;"Developmental instability characterizes the late teens and twenties in today's late-modern society. Thepresent study (a) focused on the link between instability and both general (i.e., self-esteem and depressive symptoms) and work-related outcomes (i.e., work engagement and burnout) and (b) investigated the possible moderating role of identity capital acquisition (as assessed through sense of adulthood and community integration) in a sample of 202 emerging adult employees. Results indicated that instability was negatively related to self-esteem, positively to depressive symptoms, and unrelated to most components of work engagement and burnout. Several of these main effects, however, were moderated by sense of adulthood. Instability substantially impacted on several components of job burnout and work engagement when sense of adulthood was low. When sense of adulthood was high, these detrimental effects were no longer present. Implications and suggestions for future research are outlined.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Luyckx, K., De Witte, H., & Goossens, L.";"Perceived instability in emerging adulthood: The protective role of identity capital. ";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, Vol. 32, No 3, pp. 137-145"
463;"This article examines how activist identity is constructed in the Russian opposition youth movement Oborona. The research is based on fieldwork among youth activists in Moscow and St Petersburg. The author analyses how activist identity is classed and gendered, as well as its relations to the Russian civic field. The article suggests, first, that the activist identity is marked by an affiliation with the intelligentsia: activists have grown up in intelligentsia families and articulate their activities through the intelligentsia's ‘markers’, such as intelligence, discussion skills and education. Secondly, activists follow a dissidents' cultural model, by emphasizing the importance of non-conformism and traditional dissident values, and draw parallels between the contemporary government and the totalitarian Soviet state. Thirdly, this traditional intellectual dissident identity is associated with cosmopolitanism through the movement's international connections and appropriation of the forms of action of global social movements. Sometimes the activist practices and aspirations conflict with the group's ideals. Furthermore, the activist identity is gendered and embodied in the right activist ‘look’, which is defined by masculinity. Regardless of the movement's liberal ideals in regards to democracy, questions of gender and sexuality are not discussed, and activists do not question traditional understandings of gendered divisions of labour.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Lyytikäinen, Laura";"Gendered and classed activist identity in the Russian oppositional youth movement";"The Sociological Review 61 3 499-524"
464;"This chapter discusses changes in the nature and distribution of work, employment and unemployment and how these impact upon processes of social polarisation. It does so by focusing upon a social group - young people – and a place - one local labour market in the Northeast of England – which illustrates these social and economic developments very clearly. From the age of sixteen, young people undertake transitions which are not only crucial for their own individual biographies and life-chances thereafter but also for the ways in which social classes are reproduced or reconstituted. The locality discussed - Teesside - is in many ways typical of Old Industrial Regions in other parts of the UK and Europe and demonstrates changes in the world of work in dramatic fashion. It has also been the site for qualitative research with young people carried out by one of the authors in the earlier part of the decade and is now the location for an on-going research project which we are jointly undertaking. The first section describes the restructuring of the local economy and the patterns of employment, unemployment and social polarization which prevail at the end of the 1990s. The second part describes the research projects which provide the empirical material for discussion. The third section documents the deleterious impact of local socio-economic change upon the first steps that school-leavers take in the labour market, whilst the fourth part explores the longer-term experiences of young people in a polarized labour market, particularly in respect of unemployment, youth training schemes, the New Deal, marginal jobs and informal work. The fifth section characterizes these experiences in terms of 'cyclical transitions' and the chapter concludes by outlining some new directions for research on young people, social polarization and exclusion in the context of current national policy agendas and contemporary debates about class analysis.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1999;"MacDonald, Robert, Marsh, Jane";"Employment, unemployment and social polarization: young people and cyclical transitions";"The Sociological Review 47 S2 120-140"
465;"This paper represents a contribution to ongoing debates in the Journal of Youth Studies concerning young adults, in particular, those that address young adult citizenship and ‘voice’ and which take into account the generational political, economic and cultural processes that both frame and shape their citizenship construction. The potential impact of the enactment of citizenship on the daily lives of young adults is at focus as we address the ways in which they express the attainment and desire for educational citizenship in their current lives, with particular emphasis on participation and the construction of knowledge. Educational citizenship of rights and knowledge is seen as a political and cultural right and as an opportunity. Young Portuguese adults were consulted in their final school year in semi-disadvantaged schools and regions. Consultation was supported on focus group discussion and individual in-depth interviews.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Macedo, Eunice, Araujo, Helena Costa.";"Young Portuguese construction of educational citizenship: commitments and conflicts in semi-disadvantaged secondary schools";"Journal of Youth Studies 17 3 343-359"
466;"The transition to democracy and market economy takes a longer time and high unemployment rates have turned out to be more persistent than most east-central Europeans probably expected in 1989. Persistent youth unemployment is also commonly regarded as political threat. The research (1997) involved interviews with a total of 800 young unemployed people, 100 in each of two regions in four east-central European countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia). Alongside this research, parallel surveys in all eight regions were conducted among samples of the young self-employed (400). Generally, young business people demonstrate a civil potential which is compatible with the new political and economic systems. They recognise the significance of their participation in shaping the political system through the process of general elections. They support the principles of the free market economy and attribute improvements in family life to its working. Moreover, they evaluate the EU as the most important body with which to cooperate in the European context. The young unemployed have rather different outlooks. They display less interest in citizen participation. Not only do they regard the quality of family life as having been better in the past, but many are sceptical about the free market economy. However, they support cooperation with other countries. In spite of Slovakia's generally polarised situation, both the young unemployed and self-employed in Slovakia prove broadly comparable with their counterparts in Poland, Hungary and Bulgaria.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1998;"Macháček, L.";"Citizenship Potential of Unemployed and Self-Employed Youth in East-Central Europe";"Sociologia, Vol. 30, No 3, pp. 283-296"
467;"MYPLACE is the abbreviation for Memory Youth Political Legacy and Civic Engagement. The project analyses how shadows of totalitarianism and populism in Europe shape engagement of young people. According to the project, the present generation of young people shares the experience that they grew up in Europe where there are basically no right-wing or left-wing authoritative governments. The Myplace (2012) survey contributed to the Commission's initiative by its specific approach testing urban-rural division line of political participation by selecting representative survey samples of young people in two different regions in two countries. Comparison of survey sets in Slovakia and Hungary plays an especially important role with regard to historical and political contexts of relation of the two member states of the EU. Adapted from the source document";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Machacek, Ladislav, Muranyi, Istvan";"Political Knowledge and Participation of the Youth in Two Locations Slovakia and Hungary";"Slovak Journal of Political sciences 14 3 199-216"
468;"Business leaders' engagement in environmental change has surprised some. Climate change is a live issue for business leaders. But what do young people, the UK's future leaders, see as directors' roles and responsibilities where climate change is concerned? Sustainability charity Forum for the Future teamed up with the Universities and Colleges Admissions Service (UCAS) to find out. Surveying 54,240 people, around 15% of all those aged 17 to 21 applying to higher education last year, Forum asked how they viewed the future and their place in it. The results are unequivocal. The vast majority -- 91% -- believe the effects of climate change will be felt in the next 25 years, and four out of five believe they will be personally affected in a negative way. Nine out of 10 say government, through the political process and legislation, should lead changes. Yet, confidence in political leaders and parties is low.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Macleod, Mark";"Who takes the lead?";"Director 60 8 48-50"
469;"Since the end of the 1990s, ‘new modes of governance’ have been presented by academics and political actors as an answer to the EU's ‘democratic deficit’. Analysing the intellectual roots of this idea, and the concrete proposals made by those who, like the EuropeanCommission, support it, this paper argues that it is very unlikely to reach this ambitious purpose. Far from breaking with the Community method, these participatory mechanisms constitute extensions of existing practices, and are underpinned by the same élitist and functionalist philosophy. They remain limited to ‘stakeholders’ and will not improve the ‘enlighted understanding’ of ordinary citizens and the general level of participation. The paper examines the obstacles to the politicisation of the EU inherent in its institutional model, and discusses other options which might help bypass the limits of ‘governance";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2003;"Magnette, P.";"European Governance and Civic Participation: Beyond Elitist Citizenship?";"Political Studies, Vol. 51, No 1, pp. 144-160"
470;"Youth unemployment has been on the rise since the beginning of the crisis in 2008. Even more troublesome is the dramatic rise in the number of youth not in employment, education or training, which has led to widespread concerns about the impact on social cohesion and fears of a ""lost generation"". Given the extreme differences in Youth unemployment levels among member states, it is clear that no single labour market policy will be appropriate throughout the EU. There may, however, be opportunities for mutual learning on how to combat Youth unemployment. This Forum explores Youth unemployment in the EU via case studies of England, Belgium, Spain, Poland and Ireland. It also examines Germany's dual vocational training system as one potential solution.";"Policy";"JArticle";2013;"Maguire, Sue, Cockx, Bart, Dolado, Juan, Felgueroso, Florentino";"Youth unemployment";"Intereconomics 48 4 196-235"
471;"Understanding the developmental precursors to civic involvement in emerging adulthood is important to help cultivate and sustain youth’s civic involvement. Guided by Bronfenbrenner’s ecological theory of human development and social capital theory, this study examined the pathways that link childhood neighborhood attributes, changes in family and school social capital during adolescence, and civic involvement in emerging adulthood. Three waves of data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (n = 7,209, 54% female, 63% white, 18 % African-American, 11% Hispanic) and multilevel models were used to examine the research questions set forth in this study. Findings revealed that increases in family and school social capital during adolescence had direct influences on emerging adult’s civic involvement 7 years later. The effect of childhood neighborhood attributes was only weakly mediated by family and school social capital. However, the expression of family and school influences on emerging adult’s civic involvement was found to differ by neighborhood groups, gender, and race. These results help to illustrate the importance of examining multi-contextual as well as demographic influences on civic involvement in emerging adulthood. In addition, the results from this study can inform efforts to strengthen the theory of adolescent civic involvement and policies on how to educate youth and communities on civic involvement and its benefits.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Mahatmya, D., & Lohman, B.J.";"Predictors and pathways to civic involvement in emerging adulthood: Neighborhood, family, and school influences";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 41, No 9, pp. 1168-1183"
472;"School-aged children in the U.S. and other Western nations spend almost half of their waking hours in leisure activities. For some, out-of-school time is perceived as inconsequential or even counterproductive to the health and well-being of young persons. Recently, however, there has been a growing recognition that--along with family, peers, and school--the organized activities in which some youth participate during these hours are important contexts of emotional, social, and civic development. They provide opportunities for young persons to learn and develop competencies that are largely neglected by schools. At the same time, communities and national governments are now channeling considerable resources into creating organized activities for young people's out-of-school time. This volume brings together a multidisciplinary, international group of experts to provide conceptual, empirical, and policy-relevant advances in research on children's and adolescents' participation in the developmental contexts represented by extracurricular activities, and after-school and community programs. Organized Activities as Contexts of Development provides a handbook-like coverage of research in this new emerging field. It considers a broad developmental time-span from middle childhood through early adulthood, providing information on how motivation, participation, and developmental experiences change as youth get older. The contents cover one of the most salient topics in child and adolescent research, education, and social policy, placing consistent emphasis on developmental aspects and implications of organized activity participation for young persons. Representing contributors from several fields of study--psychology, criminal justice, leisure science, sociology, human development, education, prevention, and public policy--the book is designed to appeal to students and scholars in all these areas. Additionally, the volume is written to be of interest to professionals who administer programs and develop policy on youth.";"SocPsy";"Book";2005;"Mahoney, J.L., Larson, R.W., & Eccles, J.S.(Eds.)";"Organized activities as contexts of development: Extracurricular activities, after school and community programs. ";
473;"Civic engagement in adolescence contributes to the positive development of young people and to the health of communities and societies. The present study examined how an open classroom climate and adolescent students' citizenship self-efficacy can promote their expectations to participate in civic activities. Multilevel Structural Equation Modelling techniques were used to examine data from a nationally representative sample of 3,352 Italian eighth-graders, controlling for students' socio-economic status. The results revealed that students' willingness to participate in civic activities, both at the individual level and at the classroom level, was positively influenced by an open classroom climate and that this influence was mediated by students' citizenship self-efficacy. Our findings suggest that an open classroom climate can help students to become civically and politically involved by fostering their citizenship self-efficacy. The results of the present study extend our understanding of civic engagement in adolescence and inform policies that aim to promote it.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Manganelli, S., Lucidi, F., & Alivernini, F.";"Italian adolescents' civic engagement and open classroom climate: The mediating role of self-efficacy";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, Vol. 41, pp. 8-18"
474;"In the present study we examined the role of civic knowledge and efficacy beliefs as factors that can promote adolescents' expectations to participate in civic activities, while also taking into consideration the influences of socio-economic background and gender differences. Structural equation modelling techniques were used to examine data from the International Civic and Citizenship Study, collected from 3352 eighth grade Italian students. Gender was found to significantly moderate some relationships between the variables, while efficacy beliefs, rather than civic knowledge, positively influenced expected civic participation. Socio-economic background influenced all the variables included in the study, but it had a very small direct influence on adolescents' expected civic participation. It therefore appears that adolescents' expected civic participation can be encouraged by making them more confident about their civic and political abilities. These results extend our understanding of civic engagement in adolescents, and can inform policies aiming to promote it.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Manganelli, S., Lucidi, F., & Alivernini, F.";"Adolescents' expected civic participation: The role of civic knowledge and efficacy beliefs. ";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 37, No 5, pp. 632-641"
475;"Participating in a neighbourhood council, adhering to a citizen committee for territorial protection, intervening in a citizen assembly on pollution and safety are some of the more common expressions of public participation and active citizenship. But what does it mean to participate? What are the motivations that drive people towards public initiatives? This volume addresses key dimensions and psychological dynamics in the processes of citizen engagement in decisions of collective interest, summed up by the term ""public participation"". After a synthetic introduction that outlines the distinctive characteristics of deliberative democracy, the key aspects of public participation are analyzed: motivations, cognitive processes, anchors underlying common sense knowledge, individual dispositions and effects of some forms of social influence on the change of opinions and attitudes.";"DevPsy";"Book";2009;"Mannarini, T.";"La cittadinanza attiva: psicologia sociale della partecipazione pubblica";
476;"The volume examines, through a sociopsychological perspective, the development of participative processes in territorial contexts. Drawing on the socio-political debate on the renewed centrality of the local dimension and on the strategies of active citizenship, the text seeks to contribute to the psychology of community participation and to offer an operative instrument. Particular attention is given, in the final part of the volume, on the theme of provoked participation and, thus, to the methodologies and the issues of intervention.";"ComPsy";"Book";2004;"Mannarini, T.";"Comunità e partecipazione. Prospettive psicosociali";
477;"The study explored the roles of commitment, emotional stress, and interpersonal relationships in sustaining individuals' engagement in collective action. Two collective action cases, differing in duration, issue, and territorial rootedness, were analyzed. The processes underlying sustained engagement were probed in 32 semistructured interviews conducted with antiglobalization activists (N=13) and opponents to a high-speed railroad (N=19). Our findings showed that collective action can be stressful, but that there are proximal and distal factors that can counterbalance the disruption and sustain engagement. The proximal factors are embedded in the circumstances of involvement, and these factors concern interpersonal relationships, organizational mechanisms, and the psychological interface between the individuals and the concrete collective action environment. The distal factors are related partly to the individual and partly to the broader community from which the individual absorbs general values and norms.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Mannarini, T., & Fedi, A.";"Persisting or Withdrawing? An Insight into the Psychosocial Processes Underlying Sustained Engagement";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 22, No 4, pp. 300-315"
478;"The study was aimed at identifying the impact of a pool of variables on the willingness of the participants in five consultative arenas (Open Space Technology) to become involved in future experiences of civic engagement. The study also intended to verify whether such willingness varied among subgroups of participants. In total, 194 participants (49.5% men, 50.5% women, mean age = 37.04) were recruited during five OSTs held in Italy between May and November 2008 and asked to fill in a questionnaire composed of the following measures: perceived costs and benefits, emotions, sense of community, trust in institutions and need for cognitive closure. Findings suggested that the setting-related variables-namely the perception of costs and benefits and the arousal of positive feelings-were more influential than the community-related variables, such as sense of community and trust in institutions. Indications and suggestions for the design, implementation and evaluation of participatory settings were discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Mannarini, T., Fedi, A., & Trippetti, S.";"Public involvement: How to encourage citizen participation";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 20, No 4, pp. 262-274"
479;"Political participation offers citizens the opportunity to have an impact on the political decision making process. It seems clear, however, that not all citizens will have the same chances to get their voice heard:  apparently, some citizens are more equal than others. The litmus test of political participation, therefore, is whether participation acts allow citizens to express their demands toward the political system, without any systematic distortion. The question whether or not unconventional participation contributes to the democratic potential of liberal democracies, therefore, ultimately de pends on who uses these forms of participation. Unconventional forms of political participation are clearly on the rise in most Western democracies. Empirical evidence suggests that political consumerism, participating in demonstrations and signing petitions are being practiced in larger numbers than was the case in the past. Scholars suggest that these unconventional forms of politic al participation are more compatible with the demands of a generation of citizens that have been characterized as monitorial, post-modern and critical (Schudson 1999, Inglehart 1997, Norris 1999).  Monitorial citizens are still interested in politics and when it is necessary they will participate in political life but not in the traditional political organizations (Schudson 1999, Hooghe & Dejaeghere 2007). Similar, the postmodernist thesis states that rather than engaging themselves in formal fixed membership structures, post-modern citizens prefer more individualized ways to be engaged in the political sphere preferably without many enforced commitments and outside party politics (Inglehart 1997, Amnå 2006). Post-modern citizens often want to spend money rather than time.  A related account in the literature argues that citizens are still – and even m re – supportive towards democracy but became more critical of the way democracy is working nowadays. As a result, citizens still want to engage in politics, but not in conventional participation (Norris 1999, Norris 2002). The central aim of this chapter is to explore whether unconventional forms of political participation are indeed associated with strong pattern s of inequality. If this would be the case, it does not mean necessarily that unconventional participation shou d be seen as non- democratic, but it does imply that unconventional participation clearly is not accessible to all groups within society. Departing from the idea of  a ‘participation paradox’, we could assume  that non-institutionalized forms require more cognitive skills, thus rendering them accessible  only to the more privileged groups within society. The more intensive in terms of skills, time, energy, resources the participation is, the more unequal it is (Verba, Schlozman, et al. 1995, Skocpol 2003). For instance, Internet access and use is unevenly distributed among the population (Norris 2001). Furthermore, online political participation requires a certain political interest prior to participation: citizen s have to go to political websites themselves. In general, citizens engaging in online political participation know before their participation that they will donate money, search for political in formation, take part in a political discussion and so forth (Lusoli, Ward, et al. 2006).  In New Zealand 80 per cent of the population participated in at least one unconventional activity In Switzerland and Austria unconventional participation is also rather common. Noteworthy too is that the high ranking of the Scandinavian countries. On the other end of the ranking we find several Eastern European countries. In Poland, the Czech Republic, Russia, Hungary and Bulgaria less than a fifth of the population has participated in at least one unconventional activity. In these countries signing a petition, boycotting, demonstrating, donating money or internet activism seem to be indeed rather unconventional forms of political participation. In the Philippines even less than 10 per cent has participated in one of these activities during the past year.  Also several countries in Latin America obtain a rather low score on unconventional participation among their population. The legitimacy of democratic decisions depends on the extent to which the citizens that face the consequences of this decision have been included in the decision-making process and have had an equal opportunity to influence the decision (Young 2000, 5-6). Further, a representative input in the different forms of political participation has positive effects on the realization of an inclusive society and the quality of life of its citizens. In the light of the increasing importance of unconventional forms of political participation, the central aim of this chapter is to determine whether unconventional participation contributes to the ideal of democratic equality. While unconventional participation might expand the repertoire that is available to citizens, they might still have a detrimental effect on political equality. Is unconventional participation a way to give a political voice to formerly excluded citizens? The results of our analysis indicate first of all that unconventional participation is widespread in numerous countries, and that with regard to its distribution across societies, it is even more prevalent than most conventional forms of participation, with the notable exception of voting.  To summarize our findings: this clearly means that unconventional participation no longer can be ignored when studying citizens’ involvement in the political decision-making process.   Further, it can be observed that there is a cl ear link between the democratic functioning of a political system and the prevalence of unconventional participation. In the analysis, a country’s score on the Freedom House Index was strongly associated with the level of unconventional participation. Authoritarian regimes might still have high levels of conventional participation, as these forms can be manipulated, e.g. with  regard to electoral  procedures. But widespread unconventional participation apparently remains a hallmark for a truly liberal society. As such, the present study confirms that unconventional participation has become an important part of the participation repertoire of citizens of democratic societies.  Furthermore, unconventional participation to some extent is very successful in achieving a more egalitarian, and hence, more democratic form of political participation. Unconventional participation counterbalances the historical dominance of men in politics: whereas almost all 20th century studies on political participation demonstrate that men participate more often than women, unconventional forms attract more women. Women are even overrepresented in unconventional participation. Theoretically this is an interesting finding, because it sheds new light on the ongoing debate about why women are less active in conventional politics (especially in party politics) than men are. Apparently, this is not a matter of a lack of political interest or efficacy, since otherwise women would not participate in unconventional politics, either. Therefore, reasons for the underrepresentation of women in elect oral politics clearly should be sought in the way these structures and institutions operate. As previous studies have already indicated: especially the way political parties function can be regarded as a powerful obstacle to achieve gender equality in the political realm. Apparently, unconventional forms of participation can be used as a mechanism to bypass this blockage.  A similar reasoning can be applied with regard to age. In most of the ongoing debate about the lack of conventional participation among younger age groups, a lack of interest is cited as a cause for declining participation levels among this age group.  Again, it is difficult to see how this alleged lack of interest could be combined with the high participation levels in unconventional forms of participation. Here too, it seems obvious that the way political institutions function effectively limits the participation potential of young citizens.  So far for the good news: non-institutionalized forms of participation lead to a more inclusive  form of politics, allowing more women and more young people to get their voices heard in the  political decision-making process. However, there is also a strong downside to our findings.  Access to unconventional participation is extremely skewed with regard to the education level of participants. The participation paradox again here becomes obvious: the more intensive a form of participation is, the stronger the inequalities we observe across the population.  The question whether unconventional participation leads to a more equal access to political power, therefore cannot be answered in a general manner. Unconventional participation opens up the political decision making process to new groups, most notably women and younger persons. This is of crucial importance, since we know that these groups will have different political preferences and value options than resp. men and older citizens. Unconventional participation therefore seems an important manner to introduce the political preferences of women and younger citizens into the political decision-making process.  The same logic, however, cannot be applied with regard to education, where unconventional participation clearly is not able to overcome existing patterns of inequalities, and most likely even strengthens these patterns. Unconventional participation, in practice, is not being practiced by citizens with low levels of education. Since other research demonstrates there are strong differences between the policy preferences of citizens with low and high education levels, this too might imply a source of bias with regard to access to the decision making process.  Education-based inequality most likely is one of the most fundamental forms of inequality in contemporary societies, most notably with regard to political influence. Bovens and Wille (2009) have even coined the expression of a ‘diploma democracy’ to describe this phenomenon. Political influence, in practice, has become accessible only to those with high educational credentials. Bovens and  Wille (2008, 87) even argue that “ the situation is not that  different from the late nineteenth century,  when formal diplomas  sometimes determined  whether or not a citizen was entitled to vote.  Almost a century after universal suffrage was introduced, some advanced Western democracies are, practically speaking, back to where they started”. . Education level is indeed not only determining citizens’ chances on the labour market, but also in other spheres of life. Bovens and Wille offer a strong warning that we are evolving toward a society where the ‘winner takes it all’ (Bovens & Wille 2009, 86). Unconventional participation clea rly is a part of this ‘diplo ma democracy’ since, as the current analysis has shown, in practice it is mainly being practiced by citizens with high education levels. The spread of unconventional participation, therefore, might lead to unintended side effects. Lowly educated groups among the population often feel excluded, as they get the feeling that the political elites are not attentive to their demands. In the long run, this feeling of political alienation and lack of political efficacy might even threaten the effectiveness and legitimacy of the political system as a whole (Almond & Verba 1963, 22, 230). While unconventional participation clearly offers an additional participation tools to  some groups within the population, it seems clear that it will always have  to be supplemented  by other forms of participation, that are more  accessible to groups of the population with  lower education levels. This structural form of inequality also limits the democratic potential of unconventional participation  in contemporary societies.";"ComPsy";"BookChap";2010;"Marien, Sofie, Hooghe, Marc & Quintelier, Ellen";"Unconventional Participation and the Problem of Inequality: A comparative analysis";"In (ed.) Erik Amnå , New forms of citizens participation. Normative implications.Pp. 131-146"
480;"The uses to which social movements and other grassroots actors put the internet have gained considerable attention from researchers. Often, the internet's role in helping some activists to attain their goals has been cited as evidence that internet technology offers greater benefits to marginal interests than to those already enjoying access to mainstream political and media institutions. This article investigates the possibility that activist networks striving to alter American state policies towards Israel and Palestine will enjoy relatively greater advantages from their use of the internet than those working to uphold the political status quo. Evidence suggests that while the internet has become indispensable for the social movement organizations under consideration, it is unlikely to help them overcome the most significant barriers to influencing government policies and/or public opinion.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2008;"Marmura, Stephen";"A net advantage? The internet, grassroots activism and American Middle-Eastern policy";"New Media & Society. Apr2008, Vol. 10 Issue 2, p247-271"
481;"This article aims to look at the role of young political representatives on the European political scene, frequently referring back to the author’s personal experience. It also deals with the main priorities of European youth: intergenerational solidarity and the fight against unemployment. It endeavours to examine the differences in the approaches employed by the political actors of the current generation, on the one hand, and those of older generations, on the other. To do this, it looks at examples related to the ideological links and approaches shared by young political actors from various European countries as a result of the more intensified and frequent contact between them. From this analysis we can establish why the European social model needs to be redefined and why an adjustment is imperative in the face of the new demographic reality. It is a reality that many European countries have failed to anticipate. Their ignorance and recourse to credit have called into question their own sustainability and the future of the next generation.";"Media";"JArticle";2013;"Marques, Duarte";"Young politicians: different politics?";"European View 12 2 289-297"
482;"This paper explores the motivational frame of Italian young adults involved in volunteerism and its relation to several variables included in Omoto and Snyder's Volunteer Process Model framework. Some 461 Italian young adults (aged 24-31) involved in voluntary activities with children and adolescents were considered. Referring to Omoto and Snyder's functionalist and motivational framework, a Ward's method cluster analysis was performed to identify specific patterns of motivations originating from the aggregation of 4 factors of motivation (social, career, ego-protective, and values) measured with the Voluntary Function Inventory (VFI). The results show that young volunteers are inspired by a distinctive and composite pattern of motivations, including both self and other-oriented motivations. Multiple motivations underlying the activities are associated to satisfaction and good integration in the organization confirming that people spurred by more than one motivation are less vulnerable to costs related to the activity and are more likely to maintain a longer involvement.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Marta, E., Guglielmetti, C., & Pozzi, M.";"Volunteerism during young adulthood: An Italian investigation into motivational patterns";"Voluntas, Vol. 17, No 3, pp. 221-232"
483;"The study described is part of a broader longitudinal and multi methodological research project aimed at investigating volunteerism in young people, in order to understand the reasons for the initial choice to volunteer but, more specifically, the reasons to sustain or quit voluntary involvement, as well as the effects of volunteerism. Eighteen volunteers and 18 ex-volunteers, 50% male and 50% female, aged between 22 and 29 years old, from 2 regions in northern Italy (Lombardy and Emilia Romagna) participated in in-depth interviews. The paper-and-pencil analysis of the interview pointed to the emergence of several core categories: motivations to volunteer, relations within the organization, influence of family, and effects of volunteerism, especially as related to the process of identity and citizenship construction. On the basis of these categories, 4 typologies were identified: 2 with respect to volunteers (producers of active citizenship and volunteers for personal necessity) and 2 related specifically to ex-volunteers (ex-volunteers witnesses for solidarity and active citizenship and ex-volunteers by chance).";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Marta, E., Pozzi, M., & Marzana, D.";"Volunteers and ex-volunteers: Paths to civic engagement through volunteerism [Voluntarios y ex voluntarios: Perfiles de participación ciudadana a través del voluntariado]";"Psykhe, Vol. 19, No 2, pp. 5-17"
484;"For quite some time, experts and policy-makers in Western societies have been looking at young people with concern, extending their analysis from the potential for conflict and divergence, to socio-cultural dynamics and inter-generational relations. There is certainly intense debate as to how close or distant young people are to forms and content of citizenship as experienced in the creation of modern democracy. Such a debate, developed at both the institutional and the scientific level, focuses particularly on concepts of participation and active citizenship and identifies in the civic engagement and participatory citizenship of young people the key factors for the maintenance of democracy and social cohesion. By bringing to light the meanings, implications, and ambivalences of the concepts at the centre of the debate, also with a view to European policies, the article aims at highlighting rhetoric, voids, and emerging contradictions and pointing out questions and possible research paths.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Martelli, Alessandro";"The debate on young people and participatory citizenship. Questions and research prospects";"International Review of Sociology, Vol. 23, No 2, pp. 421-437"
485;"Through a qualitative approach this study documents life experiences that youth with a history of sustained social and political participation judge as significant in the development of their civic commitment. Data is drawn from in-depth interviews to 6 Chilean youth (3 ages 16-19, 3 ages 20-24 years) of diverse socioeconomic condition, with a history of 3-7 years of active participation in prosocial and political organizations. Grounded theory was used to generate inductive knowledge of the processes that led to commitment and further sustained civic participation. Participants' trajectories of commitment illustrate both individual and contextual sources that motivate their sustained action. Participants identify with social and political causes and integrate them to their personal identities. Their sustained social action is related to identification with the goals of the organizations they belong to. Their accounts convey a collective sense of we developed through working toward shared goals with other organization members. Findings speak to the role that youth can play in advancing social and political ideologies and are discussed in light of identity theory and sociopolitical development.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Martínez, M.L., Peñaloza, P., & Valenzuela, C.";"Civic commitment in young activists: Emergent processes in the development of personal and collective identity";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 474-484"
486;"In current global age youth have drifted apart from traditional forms of exercising political rights (e.g., voting) and have engaged in new forms of social and political participation. The beliefs and aspirations of such forms of citizenship and the motivations underlying new forms of participation have not been the focus of research. This study explores the beliefs and aspirations of citizenship in a sample of 24 Chilean youth, males and females of diverse socioeconomic condition. Participants had a history of participation in political, ethno-political, and ecological organizations. A qualitative methodology with in-depth semi-structured individual interviews and focus groups was used. Findings indicate that youth's central motivation is to change the lack of validation of people within the current sociopolitical system, due to vulnerability of rights, social disparities, and lack of voice and power of citizens. Participants endorse a notion of citizenship that values citizens' responsibility to be informed and to deliberate. Values of fraternity, dignity, and equity underlie youth's beliefs and aspirations of citizenship.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Martínez, M.L., Silva, C., & Hernández, A.C.";"En qué ciudadanía creen los jóvenes? Creencias, aspiraciones de ciudadanía y motivaciones para la participación sociopolítica | [What type of citizenship do youth believe in? Beliefs, aspirations, and motivations for sociopolitical participation]";"Psykhe, Vol. 19, No 2, pp. 25-37"
487;"The present work has a two-fold aim: (a) to verify the difference in civic behavior enacted by socially engaged young people in a lasting and structured form, sealed by membership in an organization, on the one hand, and in non-engaged young people, on the other hand, (b) to identify a pattern of characteristics (personal, social, and familial) able to explain civic behavior. Participants, 577 young adults from ages 19 to 29, filled out a self-report questionnaire. The results of the t test for independent samples confirm the presence of the difference between means of scores on the civic behavior. Moreover, data confirm a model in which civic behavior is predicted by personal identity, engagement values, family discussion of current events, the quality of previous membership experiences in socially oriented groups (membership), and finally, in a mediator position, by sense of community. The present study has many implications for researchers and practitioners.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Marzana, D., Marta, E., & Pozzi, M.";"Young adults and civic behavior: The psychosocial variables determining it";"Journal of Prevention and Intervention in the Community, Vol. 40, No 1, pp. 49-63"
488;"The present study examines the antecedents of social action (Snyder & Omoto, 2007), understood as voluntary action and political action, by operationalizing Penner's constructs (2004). We affirm the essential homogeneity between these two forms of social action and their antecedents.The study has a twofold aim: 1) testing the identified antecedents on the volunteer participants by means of discriminant analysis, and 2) testing the same variables on youth engaged in politics. Participants were 706 young people - engaged and not engaged - distributed throughout Italy - aged 19-29 (M. =. 22.36, SD. =. 1.10). The instrument used was a self-report questionnaire.The findings reveal that several variables discriminate between engaged and not engaged youth. They also show the presence of several areas of overlap between variables considered in the engaged groups (political and voluntary action).";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Marzana, D., Marta, E., & Pozzi, M.";"Social action in young adults: Voluntary and political engagement";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 497-507"
489;"This article focuses upon what has become the most favoured response by statutory and voluntary agencies for encouraging youth participation at a local level within the UK?the setting up of youth councils. Adults often establish youth councils largely because they are perceived to provide tangible opportunities deemed to enable ongoing participation by young people rather than because of demand from young people themselves. Emerging evidence suggests, however, that many youth forums are flawed and inappropriate participatory devices, often obfuscating the voices of many young people in local decision making. The article provides a brief review of the development of youth councils in the UK, examines the varying form and type of these different forums, and, drawing upon the views and voices of youth delegates, explores their perceived strengths and weaknesses. An evaluation of the efficacy of youth councils as participatory structures is offered.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2001;"Matthews, Hugh";"Citizenship, Youth Councils and Young People's Participation";"Journal of Youth Studies 4 3 299-318"
490;"There has been a surge of interest in the geography of children and childhood. With it has come a growing awareness that children form a marginalised and subordinate group in (adult) society. A culture of non-participation by young people is endemic within the United Kingdom. For the most part, young people are provided with few opportunities to engage in discussions about their economic, social and environmental futures and seldom given chances to express their preferences outside of adult-dominated institutions. It would seem that participation is still conceived to be an adult activity. In this paper, we consider competing perspectives on the appropriateness and capability of children to participate and the form that participation should take, we then examine young people\s participation and representation within the UK at the national level and consider some recent initiatives which encourage closer involvement at a local level, we discuss examples within mainland Europe where the political participation of children has been taken more seriously and where working mechanisms by which children are politically enabled are further developed, and lastly, we engage in further cross-cultural comparison in order to see whether ideas about children's participation and involvement in public life extends beyond 'the west'. By making such comparison we seek both to inform the debate on children\s participation and representation within the UK and to draw attention to how an understanding of children's political engagement contributes to an emerging geography of children and childhood.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1999;"Matthews, Hugh, Limb, Melanie, Taylor, Mark";"Young people's participation and representation in society";"Geoforum 30 2 135-144"
491;"The study of civic activity has become a central focus for many social scientists over the past decade, generating considerable research and debate. Previous studies have largely overlooked the role of youth socialization into civic life, most notably in the settings of home and school. Further, differences along gender lines in civic capacity have not been given sufficient attention in past studies. This study adds to the literature by examining the potential pathways in the development of youth civic activity and potential, utilizing both gender-neutral and gender-specific structural equation modeling of data from the 1996 National Household Education Survey. Results indicate that involvement by parents in their child’s schooling plays a crucial, mediating role in the relationship between adult and youth civic activity. Gender differences are minimal, thus adult school involvement is crucial for transmitting civic culture from parents to both female and male youth";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Matthews, T.L., Hempel, L.M., & Howell, F.M.";"Gender and the Transmission of Civic Engagement: Assessing the Influences on Youth Civic Activity.";"Sociological Inquiry, Vol. 80, No 3, pp. 448-474"
492;"The argument advanced in this paper is that interaction in social networks has a strong, though often overlooked, influence on the individual propensity to participate in politics.  Specifically, I argue that social interaction creates opportunities for individuals to gather information about politics that allow them to live beyond personal resource constraints, thereby supporting the political activity of many people.  Using relational   data from the South Bend election survey, this paper provides evidence that the effect of social interaction on participation is contingent on the amount of political discussion that occurs in social networks.  Additional analysis shows the substantive and theoretical importance   of such interaction by explaining how it is distinct from the effect of social group memberships and how it enhances the effect of individual education on the probability of  participation.  This key contribution of this paper is to show that models of political participation that do not account for informal social interaction will be theoretically underspecified.  It also shows that such interactions play a crucial role in explicating the role of other factors  that predict participation, such as group membership and individual resources.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"McClurg, Scott";"Social Networks and Political Participation: The Role of Social Interaction in Explaining Political Participation";"Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 56, No. 4, pp.449-464"
493;"Rethinking Citizenship Education presents a fundamental reassessment of the field. Drawing on empirical research, the book argues that attempting to transmit preconceived notions of citizenship through schools is both unviable and undesirable. The notion of 'curricular transposition' is introduced, a framework for understanding the changes undergone in the passage between the ideals of citizenship, the curricular programmes designed to achieve them, their implementation in practice and the effects on students. The 'leaps' between these different stages make the project of forming students in a mould of predefined citizenship highly problematic. Case studies are presented of contrasting initiatives in Brazil, a country with high levels of political marginalisation, but also significant experiences of participatory democracy. These studies indicate that effective citizenship education depends on a harmonisation or 'seamless enactment' of the stages outlined above. In contrast, provision in countries such as the UK and USA is characterised by disjunctures, showing insufficient involvement of teachers in programme design, and a lack of space for the construction of students' own political understandings. Some more promising directions for citizenship education are proposed, therefore, ones which acknowledge the significance of pedagogical relations and school democratisation, and allow students to develop as political agents in their own right.";"PolScience";"Book";2009;"McCowan, T.";"Rethinking Citizenship Education. A Curriculum for Participatory Democracy";
494;"While recent research highlights the child’s active role in her own political socialization, this study represents the first test of the premise that political identification proceeds as adolescents prompt feedback from parents. I propose a model of developmental provocation in which adolescents’ interest in an election campaign, once stimulated by news media use, motivates them to engage parents in political conversations. By initiating discussion, adolescents can generate information from parents as a basis for comparison, contrast, reflection, and debate—all of these activities might foster party and ideological identity. Results from survey panel data support the model. The field setting is Lubbock, Texas, during the final weeks of the 2000 presidential campaign. The stunning aftermath of the election, including the dispute over ballot recounts in Florida, provided a unique opportunity to examine political socialization. Child-initiated discussion generated both parental encouragement and defensive admonitions, reflecting structural changes in family communication patterns. Despite controls for demographics and parent-initiated discussion, child-initiated conversation and the resulting feedback predicted an increase in the likelihood that an adolescent would adopt a political identity.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2006;"McDevitt, M.";"The Partisan Child: Developmental Provocation as a Model of Political Socialization";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research, Vol. 18, No 1, pp. 67-88."
495;"Conflict seeking is celebrated in advocacy of civil disobedience as a commitment of youth to transcendent principles that compel activism. Conflict avoidance, however, is far more prevalent as an explanatory theme in political socialization research. Nevertheless, it is possible to imagine undercurrents of defiance in the seemingly controlled and disciplinary environments of the home and the classroom. We propose that high schools and families—as overlapping spheres of interpersonal political communication—can engender ideological conflict seeking during election campaigns as activity conducive to moral-political identity development. Ideological conflict seeking was modeled as inclination to openly disagree, which fosters support for confrontational activism. Evidence was obtained from multiple interviews of student-parent dyads across two election cycles in Arizona, Colorado, and Florida. In validating a theoretical model confined to the ordinary political communication that occurs in classrooms and households, we highlight ideological conflict seeking as a focal concept deserving a more explicit role in the theory of civic identity development.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"McDevitt, M., & Ostrowski, A.";"The Adolescent Unbound: Unintentional Influence of Curricula on Ideological Conflict Seeking";"Political Communication, Vol. 26, No 1, pp. 11-29"
496;"The origins of this article are threefold. They lie in arguments about young people as either politically apathetic or as heralds of new forms of technologically enabled politics, in political arguments about the rise of the right in the UK, especially in places with a visible minority population, and in the debates about unruly urban youth in public spaces, especially their involvement in urban unrest in English cities in August 2011. These three sets of arguments are explored through a study of political and civic engagement by young men on the margins of the labour market. The focus on men is deliberate. Young men, as the key actors in most forms of public unrest and 90% of those arrested after the urban ‘riots’ in English cities in August 2011, are more likely to engage in various forms of visible protest than other groups in society, including young women. It is also evident that young men on the margins of the labour market or without waged work are likely to be those with most time and perhaps the strongest inclination to become involved in various forms of political action, as they seldom involve themselves in different forms of domestic labour, whether in their parental or own households. Our aim is to critically assess these arguments in an ‘ordinary’ English town, recognising that quiescence and apathy are harder (and less interesting) to observe than protest.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"McDowell, Linda, Rootham, Esther, Hardgrove, Abby";"Politics, anti-politics, quiescence and radical unpolitics: young men's political participation in an ""ordinary"" English town";"Journal of Youth Studies 17 1 42-62"
497;"Do the voluntary activities of youth increase political engagement in adulthood? Political participation is typically characterized by inertia: reproduced within families, highly correlated with social class, and largely stable after the onset of adulthood. This research illustrates an element of political socialization that occurs just before the transition into full citizenship, that mimics adult civic life, and that can be available regardless of family advantage. The authors use two longitudinal national datasets to identify the kinds of voluntary associations that encourage members to be more politically active later in life. They find that general involvement in extracurricular activities is important, but that in particular, involvement in youth voluntary associations concerning community service, representation, speaking in public forums, and generating a communal identity most encourage future political participation. The authors find these effects net of self-selection and causal factors traditionally  characterized in political socialization research. The influence of youth voluntary associations on future political activity is nontrivial and has implications for both democratic education and election outcomes.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"McFarland, D.A., & Thomas, R.J.";"Bowling young: How youth voluntary associations influence adult political participation. ";"American Sociological Review, Vol. 71, No 3, 401-425"
498;"This book analyzes forces fraying the social fabric of many countries, and the reasons why some Western countries have been more successful than others in addressing these trends. Part 1, ""Poverty, Income Inequality, and Labor Market Insecurity: A Comparative Perspective,"" includes (1) ""Markets and States: Poverty Trends and Transfer System Effectiveness in the 1980s"" (K. McFate, T. Smeeding, and L. Rainwater), (2) ""Poverty and Social-Assistance Dynamics in the United States, Canada, and Europe"" (G. Duncan, B. Gustafsson, R. Hauser, G. Schmaus, S. Jenkins, H. Messinger, R. Muffels, B. Nolan, J. Ray, and W. Voges), (3) ""A Comparison of Poverty and Living Conditions in the United States, Canada, Sweden, and Germany"" (S. Mayer), (4) ""Labor Insecurity through Market Regulation: Legacy of the 1980s, Challenge for the 1990s"" (G. Standing), and (5) ""The Impact of Technological Change, Deindustrialization, and Internationalization of Trade on Earnings Inequality: An International Perspective"" (P. Gottschalk and M. Joyce). Part 2, ""Changing Family Structures: Public Policy and Lone-Parent Families,"" includes: (6) ""Gender Role and Family Structure Changes in the Advanced Industrialized West: Implications for Social Policy"" (S. Kamerman), (7) ""French Policies toward Lone Parents: Social Categories and Social Policies"" (N. Lefaucheur), (8) ""Single Mothers in Sweden: Why is Poverty Less Severe?"" (S. Gustafsson), (9) ""Lone Parents: The Canadian Experience"" (R. Rose), and (10) ""Single Mother Families and Social Policy: Lessons for the United States from Canada, France, and Sweden"" (S. McLanahan and I. Garfinkel). Part 3, ""Youth Labor Market Policies,"" includes: (11) ""Is There a Problem With the Youth Labor Market, and If So, How Should We Fix It?"" (P. Osterman), (12) ""Apprentice Training in Germany: The Experiences of the 1980s"" (B. Casey), (13) ""Special Measures to Improve Youth Employment in Italy"" (E. Pugliese), and (14) ""Postindustrialization and Youth Unemployment: African Americans as Harbingers"" (T. Duster). Part 4, ""Minorities in Advanced Industrial Countries,"" includes: (15) ""Divergent Destinies: Immigration, Poverty, and Entrepreneurship in the United States"" (A. Portes and M. Zhou), (16) ""The Impact of Economic Change on Minorities and Migrants in Western Europe"" (I. Gordon), (17) ""The Comparative Structure and Experience of Urban Exclusion:'Race,' Class, and Space in Chicago and Paris"" (L. Wacquant), (18) ""Immigration, Marginality, and French Social Policy"" (S. Body-Gendrot), (19) ""Poverty, Immigration, and Minority Groups: Policies toward Minorities in Great Britain"" (C. Brown), and (20) ""Ethnic Minorities in the Netherlands"" (J. Veenman). Part 5, ""The Future of Social Policy,"" includes: (21) ""Trampolines, Safety Nets, or Free Fall? Labor Market Policies and Social Assistance in the 1980s"" (K. McFate), (22) ""The Social Question"" (H. Heclo), and (23) ""Poverty, Social Rights, and the Quality of Citizenship"" (R. Lawson and W. Wilson). (SM)";"DevPsy";"Book";1995;"McFate, Katherine, Lawson, Roger, Wilson, William Julius";"Poverty, Inequality and the Future of Social Policy: Western States in the New World Order";
499;"The landmark Civic Mission of Schools report of 2003 laid out an argument for the role of schools in promoting youth civic engagement and presented a range of promising ideas and practices to accomplish that. In this study we describe the civic engagement outcomes that a large, diverse urban school district has chosen to promote in its students. The outcomes constitute a vision of civic engagement that sees youth as well-rounded citizens capable of engaging in civil, political, and problem-solving activities, both individually and socially. In 2007, the district revised its annual survey of high school students to include the above-mentioned civic outcomes and other new measures as part of a whole-child approach to monitoring educational development. Data collected by this survey in 2008 and 2009 were used to identify and characterize a number of factors which, research suggests, may be important predictors of youth civic engagement. The results show that many factors in our models of civic engagement were positively related to youth civic engagement. Using these findings and theoretical considerations, we sorted factors into 3 levels of importance. Overall, the most important predictors of youth civic engagement were community service, political discussion, and environmental conservation. At an intermediate level of importance were nonsport extracurricular activities, conflict resolution skill, and positive character, as well as personal efficacy, willingness to contact public officials about issues of concern, and intention to vote. Seven other factors were also found to have positive, but somewhat weaker or less-widespread associations with youth civic engagement.";"SocPhil";"Other";2009;"McIntosh, H., & Muñoz, M.A.";"Predicting civic engagement in urban high school students (CIRCLE working paper 69). ";
500;"This chapter reviews identity formation in adolescence, in relation to sociocultural factors, and more importantly community service. The role of the school and community programs is discussed.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2005;"McIntosh, H., Metz, E., & Youniss, J.";"Community service and identity formation in adolescents";"Organized Activities as Contexts of Development: Extracurricular Activities, After-School and Community Programs, pp. 331-351 (edited by J. L. Mahoney, R. W. Larson, & J. S. Eccles)"
501;"Research on the development of citizenship has been reinvigorated by considering adolescents as participants actively engaged in, and interacting with, family, peers, teachers, and the media. This contrasts with earlier top-down transmission models that saw adolescents as passive recipients of information from parents and teachers. Active citizenship is now seen as a largely indirect result of contextualized knowledge and cognitive skills learned from news media use, interpersonal communication, and active participation in school and community volunteer activities. The processes of active citizenship learning are an important part of the moral development of adolescents and young adults.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2000;"McLeod, Jack M.";"Media and civic socialization of youth";"Journal of Adolescent Health, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 45–51"
502;"The institution of citizenship has traditionally been understood as equal membership of a political community. Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship comes at a time when this is undergoing a period of intense scrutiny. Academics have questioned the extent to which we can refer to unified, homogeneous national citizenries in a world characterised by globalisation, international migration, socio-cultural pluralism and regional devolution, whilst on the other hand in political practice we find the declared Death of Multiculturalism, policy-makers urging for active, responsible citizens, and members of social movements calling for a more equitative, equal and participatory democracy. Citizenship is being reassessed and redefined both from above and from below in politics and society.The contributions to this volume engage in analysis of the processes which are bringing about an evolution of our understanding of citizenship and the individual's relationship to the state, the polity and globalisation. Through empirical case studies, they highlight how in practice the terms of membership of a citizenry are negotiated in society through laws, political discourse, cultural associations, participatory processes, rituals and ceremonies. In doing so, these contributions offer an illustration of the diversity of venues and processes of citizenship and illustrate the benefits of an understanding ofcitizenship as a social practice. The book thus provides an opportunity to pose theoretical, practical and moral questions relating to these issues, as well as offering avenues for further research in the future.";"Media";"Book";2012;"McMahon, S.(Ed.)";"Developments in the Theory and Practice of Citizenship";
503;"Participatory citizenship education has been highlighted as a strategy to promote social cohesion in divided societies whereby collaborations with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and inter-school links have been proposed as tools to improve social networks between schools and communities. This article explores the role and meaning of citizenship education and cross-community participation in promoting social capital and social cohesion. School survey findings, focus groups and interviews with young people and educators indicated that differences between school sectors and established allegiances with particular communities and NGOs may limit the potential for citizenship education to produce bridging social capital and serve to reproduce bonding social capital. It is argued that the introduction of citizenship curricula into segregated schools systems in divided societies may be useful to promote citizenship values and positive attitudes to the other but insufficient to promote the development of bridging social capital and, ultimately, social cohesion in the long term.";"Policy";"JArticle";2012;"McMurray, A. & Niens, U.";"Building bridging social capital in a divided society: The role of participatory citizenship education";"Education, Citizenship and Social Justice, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 207–221."
504;"This article argues that political belonging should be understood in the context of diverse spatial imaginaries which encompass but are not confined to the state. Engin Isin's approach to citizenship provides a theoretical grounding for this claim. By way of demonstration, the article focuses on the spatially reconfigured practices of the neoliberal state in relation to irregular migration. It shows how the policing of irregular migration sustains a logic of political belonging based on connections between state, citizen and territory. This logic is simultaneously compromised by transnational state practices including the exploitation of irregular migrant labour. Irregular migrants are contesting their positioning within these multidimensional statist frameworks that posit them as outsiders even while they are integrated into local sites of a global political economy. The struggle of the Sans-Papiers, a collective of irregular migrants in France, provides an example in this context. Their claims to entitlement also mobilize multiple dimensions of political belonging and provide insight into transitions in political community, identity and practice.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2006;"McNevin, Anne";"Political Belonging in a Neoliberal Era: The Struggle of the Sans-Papiers";"Citizenship Studies 10 2 135-151"
505;"There is a widely shared view that the appeal of multiculturalism as a public policy has suffered considerable political damage. In many European states the turn to “civic” measures and discourses has been deemed more suitable for the objectives of minority integration and the promotion of preferred modes of social and political unity. It is therefore said that the first decade of the new century has been characterized by a reorientation in immigrant integration policies—from liberal culturalist to the “return of assimilation” (Brubaker, 2001), on route to a broader “retreat from multiculturalism” (Joppke, 2004). In this article, we argue that such portrayals mask a tendency that is more complicated in some cases and much less evident in others. To elaborate this, we offer a detailed account of the inception and then alleged movement away from positions in favor of multiculturalism in two countries that have adopted different versions of it, namely the UK and the Netherlands, and two countries that have historically rejected multiculturalism, namely Denmark and Germany. We argue that while there is undoubtedly a rhetorical separation between multiculturalism and civic integration, the latter is in some cases building on the former, and broadly needs to be understood as more than a retreat of multiculturalism. Taking seriously Banting and Kymlicka’s argument that understanding the evolution of integration requires the “the mind-set of an archaeologist,” we offer a policy genealogy that allows us to set the backlash against multiculturalism in context, in manner that explicates its provenance, permutations, and implications. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Meer, N., Mouritsen, P., Faas, D., & De Witte, N. ";"Examining ""postmulticultural"" and civic turns in the Netherlands, Britain, Germany, and Denmark.";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 59, No 6, pp. 702-726"
506;"This article considers participation experiences of 14 year-old and upper secondary students in six European countries that were involved in the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study: the Czech Republic, Norway, Portugal, Slovenia, Sweden and Switzerland, countries that vary in their history of institution of democratic regimes. Participation has been considered as a crucial dimension of citizenship, and experiences within civil society are viewed as a relevant opportunity for developing personal and social resources essential for the survival and expansion of democracy. Additionally, participation experiences in adolescence seem to be a good predictor of political engagement during adult life. Results show that participation is most evident in organisations that provide enrichment activities (sports, music, computers), but both 14 year-old and upper secondary students are involved in voluntary activities, in some civic-related organisations (mainly Scouts, religious affiliated and environmental), and in experiences within the school (with student councils and school newspapers at the top). However, cross-national and cross-age variations are significant. Overall, there seems to be a positive impact of the frequency of students’ involvement on civic concepts, attitudes and engagement, but results also reveal that more is not necessarily better. The most relevant implication for the development of citizenship education projects is that ‘action’ can be a powerful learning tool but only if it is intentionally designed and systematically supported: the quality of participation experiences, both in terms of meaningful involvement, of interaction with (different) others, and opportunities for personal integration, is therefore crucial if the goal is to promote the personal empowerment and social pluralism on which the essence of democracy relies.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Menezes, I.";"Participation experiences and civic concepts, attitudes and engagement: Implications for citizenship education projects";"European Educational Research Journal, Vol. 2, No. 3, pp. 430-445 "
507;"This report presents the results achieved in the three major phases of the research project EduCiParT - Education for Participatory Citizenship in Transition Societies held between May 2010 and December 2012, by a team from the Centre for Research and Intervention in Education (CIIE) of the Faculty of Psychology and Educational Sciences of the University of Porto (FPCEUP), funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT): i) A multilevel analysis of the structural conditions of education for citizenship (EC) on Europe: European policies and the views of non-governmental organizations, ii) totalitarian past and citizenship education: a comparative analysis of Portugal and Spain, iii) Visions of the past, present and future of democracy: Profile of the rights of citizenship and participation in school and community opportunities for public school students in primary and secondary education.";"EduHist";"Book";2012;"Menezes, I., & Ferreira, P. D.";"Educação para a cidadania participatória em sociedades em transição: uma visão europeia, ibérica e nacional das políticas e práticas da educação para a cidadania em contexto escolar";
508;"The goal of this study was to examine whether and which types of voluntary service might facilitate the civic development of adolescents. The sample consisted of 428 students who were drawn from two administrations of a survey at a public high school in the Boston area. The hypothesis proposed that students who performed service that aided people in need or addressed social issues would lead to greater concern for social issues and higher intended levels of civic engagement. When these types of service were compared to other forms of service or no service, analyses showed that social cause service participation was positively related to concern for social issues, future unconventional civic intentions, and future intended service. Results were interpreted as indicating that the developmental connection between community service and civic development may be dependent on the specific nature of volunteer activity that adolescents perform";"EduHist";"JArticle";2003;"Metz, E., McLellan, J., & Youniss, J.";"Types of voluntary service and adolescents’ civic development";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 18, No 2, pp. 188-203"
509;"Despite recent figures indicating that 26% of public high schools in the United States require student involvement in community service or service learning, there is little empirical evidence to support such policies. In the present study, successive cohorts of high school students, one without (n = 174) and two with a community service requirement (n = 312), were compared longitudinally on measures of civic attitudes and behaviors. Each cohort was divided according to individual students' inclinations to serve voluntarily. Students already inclined to serve scored high on all measures throughout and showed no advantage after meeting the requirement. However, students who were less inclined to serve showed marked gains on three of four civic measures after completing their requirement. Whereas they scored as low as their less-inclined counterparts who had no requirement during grade 11, they differed from their counterparts after serving the mandated 40 hours during grade 12. This quasi-natural experiment provides support for the argument that a well-designed service program can have a clear benefit in civic development for nonself-selected youth.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Metz, E.C., & Youniss, J.";"Longitudinal gains in civic development through school-based required service. ";"Political Psychology, Vol. 26, No 3, pp. 413-437"
510;"Judgments and justifications for different forms of civic involvement and their associations with organized and civic behavior were examined in 312 middle-class primarily White adolescents (M = 17.01 years). Adolescents applied moral, conventional, and personal criteria to distinguish involvement in community service, standard political, social movement, and social gathering activities. Males judged standard political involvement to be more obligatory and important than did females, who judged community service to be more obligatory and important than did males. For each form of civic involvement, greater involvement was associated with more positive judgments and fewer personal justifications. Structural equation modeling indicated that adolescents’ judgments about specific types of civic involvement were associated with similar forms of civic behaviors.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Metzger, A., & Smetana, J.G.";"Adolescent Civic and Political Engagement: Associations Between Domain‐Specific Judgments and Behavior. ";"Child Development, Vol. 80, No 2, pp. 433-441"
511;"Seeking, providing, retrieving and interpreting of information as political participation: ÒCommunication and political understanding /../ is moving from its conventional classification as a precursor for political participation and part of the prefabricated package provided by party and organizational membership to a form of political participation in its own right. Not only that. Societal forces like the media, advocacy groups, corporations, and even established social movements and political parties invite ordinary people to involve themselves directly in communicative actions. Growing numbers of citizen networks and advocacy groups ask people to take information materials offered on their web sites and tailor-make their own political understanding and messages. Political communication and political understanding have entered the DIY (Do-It-Yourself) era.Ó ÒPolitical scientists are now focusing on noise, nearness, and networks in their studies of political participation. /../ We (or well, to be honest, a growing number of us) have opened up our concept of politics to include the marketplace and other ÒsubpoliticalÓ arenas for politics (Holzer & S¿rensen, 2001).Ò";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2006;"Micheletti, Michele ";"Communication and Political Understanding as Political Participation. ";"State of Welfare: Politics, Policies and Parties in the Post-National Welfare Society, edited by M. Eduards, C. Linde, and A. Segerberg"
512;"Civic engagement that is, community service, political activism, environmentalism, and other volunteer activities provide needed services to community residents and psychological, social, and intellectual benefits to participants. A small but growing body of research suggests the likelihood that active involvement leads to healthy, active citizens. This synthesis of civic programs for youths provides specific information on the role civic engagement plays in helping young people develop a broad array of strengths and capacities. It focuses on youth outcomes in four domains: (1) educational achievement and cognitive attainment, (2) health and safety, (3) social and emotional well-being, and (4) self-sufficiency. The synthesis asks: What do civic engagement programs look like? What resources do civic engagement programs provide for promoting youth development? What impacts do civic engagement programs have on youth outcomes? and What characteristics of the programs seem to constitute effective civic engagement? The programs in the synthesis have been evaluated. Studies that use an experimental design (n=3) to test the impact of programs are emphasized because only experimental studies can yield causal evidence about what works, or does not work, to promote desired youth outcomes. Few experimental studies exist, however, so rigorous quasi-experimental studies (n=3) and nonexperimental studies (n=1) are also included. Appendix A contains program and study descriptions and evaluation, while Appendix B contains other activities offered by civic engagement programs. Lists nine program references. (Contains 1 figure, 6 tables, and 30 references.)";"Media";"Book";2002;"Michelsen, E., Zaff, J.F., & Hair, E.C";"Civic Engagement Programs and Youth Development: A Synthesis.";
513;"The last decade has seen a notable increase in support for far right parties and an alarming rise of right-wing extremism across Europe. Drawing on a new comparative youth survey in 14 European countries, this article provides deeper insight into young people's support for nationalist and far right ideology: negative attitudes towards minorities, xenophobia, welfare chauvinism and exclusionism in relation to migrants. We first map the support for far right ideology among youth in Europe, and then use multilevel regression analysis (16,935 individuals nested in 30 locations) to investigate which individual or contextual factors are associated with a higher propensity among young people towards getting involved in far right movements.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Mieriņa, Inta, Koroļeva, Ilze";"Support for far right ideology and anti-migrant attitudes among youth in Europe: A comparative analysis";"The Sociological Review 63 S2 183-205"
514;"The rise of the Pirate Party (Piratenpartei) in Germany poses a challenge to the established parties. The young party, which focuses on Internet issues, has experienced a sudden and massive rise in popularity. It is especially popular among many young people, who feel that the issues taken up by the party are derived straight from their everyday lives. Furthermore, the young party offers ways of participation that do not take up too much time. Its distinctly anti-hierarchical structure, which suggests extreme transparency, is rather attractive to young people. But besides challenges, the rise of the Pirate Party also presents opportunities. Topics and trends that have inadvertently been neglected can be taken up. Also, new forms of participation can be incorporated. The Junge Union Deutschlands has successfully taken up this challenge.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"MiFelder, Philipp";"Young people's engagement in 'new' parties";"European View 12 2 243-248"
515;"In the context of globalization and economic crisis, the European Union is facing a series of challenges on a political, economic and identity level, due to the fact that the pillars on which the EU stands no longer satisfy the demands and necessities of the European citizens (Dobrescu and Palada, 2012, Habermas, 2012). As a result, ""the foundational myth of the European Union as a vehicle for peace, stability and economic growth is apparently losing its appeal, particularly among younger generations of Europeans"" (Kaina and Karolewski, 2009, p. 35). The youth represents an important resource for the European Union and at the same time a major concern, taking into consideration the political and economic trends that have determined them to experience ""a general crisis of trust and values"" (Future Lab Europe, 2013, p. 7). Therefore, this paper aims to identify the way in which European identity is defined in the case of Romanian students. Our main concern is to understand what is determining them to act and feel as members of the European community and, essentially, to identify or not with the EU brand. In this regard, we used a qualitative approach to explore whether the attachment to the European Union is grounded on emotional or utilitarian bonds by taking into consideration the following aspects: attitudes towards the European Union, values, identity markers of the EU brand. Results of the study indicate that at this point, the EU brand has a major scarcity of substance and relevance for Romanian students.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Mihalcea, Alina-Daniela, Viclar, Alexandra";"The European Union brand and its appeal to young Europeans - an in-depth perspective from Romanian student";"Theoretical & Applied Economics 22 3 101-110"
516;"This article reviews 1) the establishment and functioning of EU citizenship, 2) the resulting perception of education for European activecitizenship and 3) the question of its adequacy for enhancing democratic values and practices within the Union. Key policy documents produced by the EU help to unfold the basic assumptions on which democratic principles and values are being promoted through education, while the literature produced primarily in political and social science challenges these assumptions. By doing so, the author argues thatcitizenship of the Union is creating new mechanisms of exclusion rather than promoting social equality and a strong sense of belonging to a bonding multicultural community, which are at the very core of democratic participation processes. Thus, the rhetoric embedded in the integrative process of the Union — based on the recognition of equal opportunities, access and democratic participation of all EU citizens — is founded on a limited interpretation of democratic citizenship rather than its concretisation as a multiple citizenship. As a result, the mechanisms in place at European level are creating specific patterns of social exclusion supported by educational reforms. Most citizens are therefore being excluded, due to the distinction between active and non-active citizens, which results from institutional demand on individual's conduct, whereas little, if any, attention is paid to actual institutional practices. On the contrary, this shift in paradigm — i.e. from the institutional demand on citizens to the recognition of citizens as performing subjects — challenges the ‘activism’ embedded in recent debate on citizenship. Therefore it needs to be properly addressed, from a multicultural perspective, if education and learning processes are to sustain full democratic participation of all citizens and the construction of a multicultural Europe.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Milana, M.";"Is the European (Active) Citizenship Ideal Fostering Inclusion within the Union? A Critical Review";"European Journal of Education, Vol. 43, No 2, pp. 207-216"
517;"European countries were economically and politically separated during the Cold War, but since its end processes of globalization and the formation of the European Union have contributed to blur the borders. Previous studies suggest that the social transformations have affected differently civic participation of youths, but shortage of more recent data has precluded researchers from examining the differences in a country-comparative fashion. Along these lines, this paper has two main objectives: to explore the differences in the levels of expected civic participation across Europe, and to evaluate the fit of a theoretical model of civic participation in regard to the different points in time their democracies were established. To achieve these goals, data from 22 European educational systems (9 post-communist and 13 established democracies) participating in the International Civic and Citizenship Study (2009) conducted by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement is used. The results, in accordance with the literature, suggest differentiated patterns of future civic participation between the new and established democracies, but they are not that clear, suggesting that convergence between the two groups is ongoing. However, the tested empirical model of civic participation functions in a better way in the established than in the new democracies. In contrast with previous findings, differences in levels of expected civic participation seem to be related not only with the countries’ experience with democracy, but also with their cultural similarities and common history. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2014 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Mirazchiyski, P., Caro, D.H., & Sandoval-Hernández, A. ";"Youth Future Civic Participation in Europe: Differences Between the East and the Rest";"Social Indicators Research, Vol. 115, No 3, pp. 1031-1055"
518;"In August 1992 Brazil was swept by a series of protest demonstrations to demand the impeachment on corruption charges of the country's first elected president in thirty years. The principal protagonists of the rallies were high school and college students who turned out in massive numbers for exuberant, hastily organized marches that closed down the principal avenues of Brazil's major cities. The rallies joined heterogeneous sectors of young people, many with no prior experience of political activism, who became known as the caras pintadas (painted faces) for the improvised, carnavelesque gesture of painting their faces with the colors of the Brazilian flag. In the words of Lindberg Farias, president of the National Union of Students (UNE), “Our faces were diverse. From those wearing Che Guevara T-shirts to the frequenters of shopping centers. Student researchers on scholarships, together with heavy metal fans and skateboarders”.";"Policy";"JArticle";1995;"Mische, Ann";"Projecting Democracy: The Formation of Citizenship Across Youth Networks in Brazil";"International Review of Social History 40 S3 131-158"
519;"The Erasmus programme for university student exchange was developed, in part, to foster European identity among its participants, who complete a short-term sojourn studying in another European country. However, two previous panel studies of the impact of Erasmus participation on European identity find no significant Erasmus effect'. This article analyzes new survey data - a novel panel study of 1,729 students from 28 universities in six countries - and finds the opposite: participation in an Erasmus exchange is significantly and positively related to changes in both identification as European and identification with Europe. Furthermore, the data underscore the significance of cross-border interaction and cognitive mobilization for explaining identity change: transnational contact during the exchange is positively related to change in both dimensions of European identity, and increased knowledge of Europe and attention to European news over the course of the exchange is associated with enhanced identification with Europe.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Mitchell, Kristin";"Rethinking the ‘Erasmus Effect’ on European Identity*";"Journal of Common Market Studies,  Vol. 53. No. 2. pp. 330–348"
520;"This article examines how power imbalances influence the formation of student voice initiatives, which are defined as school-based youth-adult partnerships that consist of youth and adults contributing to decision making processes, learning from one another, and promoting change. Using the concept of community of practice as a lens, the paper examines the ways in which power influences the mutual engagement, shared repertoire, and joint enterprise of youth-adult partnerships. Specifically, the study finds that the following strategies can strengthen student voice initiatives: building meaningful roles based upon mutual responsibility and respect among all members, developing shared language and norms, and developing joint enterprises aimed at fostering voices that have previously been silenced from decision making and knowledge-building processes.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2008;"Mitra, D.L.";"Balancing power in communities of practice: An examination of increasing student voice through school-based youth-adult partnerships";"Journal of Educational Change, Vol. 9, No 3, pp. 221-242"
521;"While research has documented the many ways in which student voice can enable educational change, the process of how adults can help to enable student voice is less clear. This article examines how adults new to working as advisors of student voice initiatives begin to develop partnerships with young people. Using a Youth-Adult Partnership continuum as a framework, three cases represent a range of beliefs of student leadership. Using the archetypes of Captain, Dreamer, and Architect, the cases indicate how the adults began their work with youth with adult-centered, a student-centered, and an equilibrium approach, respectively. While the article highlights that adults must learn how to scaffold youth participation to help them to develop the leadership skills necessary to share in the work of the partnership, little training and materials exist for adults to learn how to scaffold learning. Part of this training includes the willingness for adults to recognize that they themselves need to change as well in order to facilitate youth leadership.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Mitra, D.L., Lewis, T., & Sanders, F.";"Architects, captains, and dreamers: Creating advisor roles that foster youth-adult partnerships";"Journal of Educational Change, Vol. 14, No 2, pp. 177-201"
522;"Declining political involvement of adolescents in western society has caused widespread concerns about the health of democracy in the future. This study investigates the role of the media in the formation of political attitudes and political mobilization of adolescents. Based on a secondary  data analysis of the European Social Survey (N = 5657), the influence of exposure to news and entertainment content on political trust, signing petitions and consumer politics is assessed in a multi-level regression analysis. Additionally, the impact of the political and educational system on political attitude formation and civic engagement of adolescents is investigated. The results show a higher level of engagement in countries with a well-functioning democracy. At the individual level, news media exposure is positively related to engagement in consumer politics, whereas exposure to entertainment is negatively related to mobilization.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Moeller, Judith & de Vreese, Claes ";"The differential role of the media as an agent of political socialization in Europe";"European Journal of Communication, Vol. 28, No. 3, pp. 309–325"
523;"This paper considers the role of conflict (its constitutive relevance or erasure) in the concepts and practices of democracy and citizenship. Critically reflecting on contexts of formal and non-formal political education, and on the observed practices and discourse of relevant educational actors, we intend to interrogate the school’s conceptions, misconceptions and/or contradictions around democracy and political participation. Focusing on the arguments surrounding the perspectives oriented towards consensus vs. those embracing dissensus in social and political theories, this article considers the implicit and explicit powers existent or generated in school relationships, which inevitably affect our ways of looking at citizenship and of educating politically.";"Media";"JArticle";2011;"Monteiro, H. & Ferreira, P D.";"Unpolite Citizenship: The Non-Place of Conflict in Political Education";"Journal of Social Science Education"
524;"Social change, well-being and liberation have been intertwined in community research and action, as much as being used as political common-places. In this paper, it is argued that community research and action can have a political character. The epistemological premises shared by both the community and political spheres are discussed, and concepts are defined. The way community psychological action can produce changes is illustrated by an experience carried out with children from poverty sectors of Caracas, Venezuela, intended to construct citizenship by developing awareness about values, civic rights and duties, while experiencing the advantages of participation, peaceful negotiation and solidarity, during art classes. Topics regarding citizenship values and ethics were painted and discussed in a participatory way. Results about how the children developed consciousness about those topics, relating them to their lives, are presented.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Montero, M.";"Community action and research as citizenship construction";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 43, No 1-2, pp. 149-161"
525;"In this paper an evaluation study of a public programme financing a regional network of 157 youth centres in the South of Italy is presented. A theory-based evaluation model was adopted to explore the causal links between different types of participation experience. Evaluation questions focused on three main issues are: the perception of empowerment of the team during the management of the centres, the empowering effect of participation in the organization of the youth centres and the decision-making abilities of the young people involved. Following an exploratory study, an on-line structured questionnaire was administered to all centres. New youth centres appear as striving to become sustainable enterprises. However, there is widespread difficulty in terms of integrating day-to-day management with sustainability strategies. Such difficulty appears less pronounced when project leaders participated in the design of the centres together with young people. Results thus confirm participation in the design phase as an empowering experience. This study warns, however, against a number of unwanted effects arising from participation. Indeed, participation processes represented a form of decorative consultation in half of the cases. Empirical evidence therefore suggests further research to focus on the creation of stable participation frameworks inside centres, avoiding the risk of participation processes void of any real effect on decision-making.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Morciano, D., Scardigno, A.F., Manuti, A., & Pastore, S.";"An evaluation study of youth participation in youth work: A case study in Southern Italy";"Educational Research for Policy and Practice, Vol. 13, No 1, pp. 81-100"
526;"We describe two interventions designed to encourage community action with youth in a school and a community service setting. The school intervention took place with a Year 10 class, while the community-based intervention took place with a group of same-sex attracted youth. Using a participatory action research framework, youth in both settings devised a series of community projects to promote personal, group, and community wellness. Projects included drama presentations addressing homophobia, designing an aboriginal public garden, children's activities in a cultural festival for refugees, a drug-free underage dance party, a community theatre group, and a student battle of the bands. We evaluated the various community projects using self-reports, videotapes, and ethnographic data. While goals of personal and group wellness were meaningfully met, wellness at the community level was harder to achieve. Introducing a tool for the evaluation of psychopolitical validity, we examined the degree of both epistemic and transformational validity present in the interventions. Our assessment indicates that (a) psychological changes are easier to achieve than political transformations, (b) epistemic validity is easier to accomplish than transformational validity, and (c) changes at the personal and group levels are easier to achieve than changes at the community level.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Morsillo, J., & Prilleltensky, I.";"Social action with youth: Interventions, evaluation, and psychopolitical validity";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 725-740"
527;"This study investigated age differences in longitudinal effects of volunteering on three facets of subjective well-being (SWB), i.e. positive affect (PA), negative affect (NA), and life satisfaction (LS). Both direct and indirect effects with self-efficacy as mediator were tested. Longitudinal structural equation modeling was used on 5,564 participants of the German Ageing Survey (DEAS) aged 45–54, 55–64, 65–74, and 75–84 years. Volunteering was longitudinally directly related to PA and NA, but not to LS. The mediating role of self-efficacy differed between age groups: While volunteering affected self-efficacy only in the older age groups, self-efficacy affected SWB only in the younger age groups. Hence, indirect effects of volunteering on SWB with self-efficacy as mediator were found for the two age groups around retirement only (55–64, 65–74 years). Volunteering is beneficial for SWB not only directly, but also indirectly via self-efficacy. This mechanism is strongest for age groups around retirement.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Muller, D., Ziegelmann, J., Simonson, J., Tesch-Römer, C., & Huxhold, O.";"Volunteering and Subjective Well-Being in Later Adulthood: Is Self-Efficacy the Key?";"Intenational Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3, pp. 125-135"
528;"British Muslims have confronted numerous challenges since 9/11 which have rendered their citizenship ?precarious? and ?contingent?, including rampant Islamophobia and a disproportionate impact from tighter security and immigration measures. Additionally, they are also disadvantaged by new forms of governance which promote ?active citizenship? based on both neoliberal and resurgent nationalist demands for citizens to be more self-reliant as welfare provision shrinks. This article explores how young British Muslim civil society activists negotiate some of these challenges by analysing their discourses on citizenship and belonging. Based on an ethnographic study, it is suggested that despite experiencing exclusion and marginalisation, young Muslim activists incarnate active citizenship but with reference to a very different set of values and priorities in contrast to nationalist and neoliberal normative ideas. Demonstrating a strong commitment to civic responsibility and participation, these young Muslims defy fears that negative associations with Britishness weaken the value and relevance of citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Mustafa, Anisa";"Active citizenship, dissent and civic consciousness: young Muslims redefining citizenship on their own terms";"Identities   42020"
529;"In 2002, the Study Circles Resource Center partnered with the Teaching Tolerance Project of the Southern Poverty Law Center in a new national initiative called the Mix It Up campaign. This initiative, which continues to grow, has three primary elements: Mix It Up at Lunch Day, an annual highprofile event that gives students a chance to sit with someone from another group, Mix It Up dialogues, which take place in classrooms, other school-day settings, or after school, and minigrants for studentcentered activities outside the classroom. The central aim of the project is to help young people across the United States question and cross social boundaries and take an active role in improving relations across these boundaries.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Nagda, B.R.A., McCoy, M.L., & Barrett, M.H.";"Mix it up: Crossing social boundaries as a pathway to youth civic engagement. ";"National Civic Review, Vol. 95, No 1, pp. 47-56"
530;"Over the last decade, it has become very clear that education for democratic  citizenship is an important priority in Europe. This priority has become more urgent as Europe moves towards greater unity as in the recent case of economic unity and the on-going example of European citizenship. It also reflects a growing concern in many countries that their democracies are not healthy, due to increasing citizen disengagement. Meanwhile, there is an international consensus on the need for democracy and the importance of education for its promotion and consolidation. How can existing democracies be rejuvenated and new ones strengthened? Education has been seen universally as a solution.  As Europe continues down the path of democracy, educational programmes for citizenship also face the challenge of developing moral sensitivity in young citizens in order to enhance democratic values of tolerance, social justice, equality and civility in adult life (Buxarrais, 1997, Naval, 2000). It is not just a question of acting or behaving in a certain way, it is a question of understanding and of seeing the reasons that justify such conduct (Altarejos & Naval, 1998). A clear international consensus states that citizenship education is education in the full sense of the word. This acknowledges the need to attend to three interrelated and inseparable elements in schooling: 1) content, i.e. acquisition of knowledge, 2) the development of skills and competences, and 3) the acquisition of habits, particularly the social virtues. Further substantial challenges lie ahead for European governments and educators. Despite attempts at intergovernmental promotion there is little evidence that a strong sense of European citizenship exists. Educators will need to devise more comprehensive programmes in citizenship education which include knowledge, skills and attitudes, values and habits. Active and participative methods, which have significant implications for the entire school need to be encouraged. Pre-service and in-service teacher training should be given prime importance in the allocation of resources. This was found to be vitally important in the Australian experience (Print, 1999, 2001). And there is need for the formulation of a theoretical framework in democratic education that systematises, inspires and allows the creation at an international level of a common language, the definition of clear objectives and the development of flexible programmes. The challenges are there, the practice awaits.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Naval, C., Print, M., & Veldhuis, R. ";"Education for Democratic Citizenship in the New Europe: Context and Reform";"European Journal of Education, Vol 37, No. 2, pp. 107-128"
531;"Sociological studies demonstrated that the level of civic culture leaves its mark on achievements of the democratic institutions and on the level of national and European inclusion. The purpose of this paper paper is to x-ray the co-ordinates of Romanian political culture by using comparative and three-dimensional analysis . It is named comparative because it aspires to reveal the fundamental elements which make it similar with and at the same time different from the European culture model. It is, also, three-dimensional because it aims at disclosing cognitive, attitudinal and participative characteristics of Romanian political culture. We notice that the research’results regarding the political culture pattern can orientate the directions and the intensity of the civic socialization process. The general conclusion of this research is the main characteristics of the political culture in Romanian society nowadays are a low level of political communication, low values of the subjective civic competence and of the attachement of the political system, the insufficiency of the cooperation, solidarity, civic organisational participation. These are the typical co-ordinates for the dominance of the ”dependent” political culture model in which the feedback from bottom to top (from electors to governors) is insufficient and inconsequent. It is a political culture of passivity and indifference which expresses and maintains a fragile democracy. Under these circumstances, the political socialization agents-school also-are faced with a new provocation: finding the most efficient strategies for a multidimensional development of democratic citizenship. In Romanian society, teaching civic culture in primary, secondary and high school-along with other educational strategies, tries to answer such provocation. Unfortunately, in universities there is no discipline meant to support such an objective. This is why I consider it necessary to introduce a new discipline in universities: Civic sociology.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Nedelcu, E.";"Civic Socialization of the youth in the post-comunist societies";"Lex ET Scientia International Journal, Vol. 16, No 2, pp. 532-537"
532;"Europe is coming together. This is a historic project, for the first time in modern history, will and consciousness are used for bringing political, social and cultural unity to the European continent. In this process lifelong learning and hence adult education are gaining in importance. The European project takes place in an age characterised by radical changes and crises in work, civil society and the human existence as such. In this situation citizens need new key skills to cope. Also, identities need to be strengthened and reshaped and new types of solidarity need to be developed. Learning must not be restricted to the acquisition of technical and vocational skills, but will increasingly become learning to cope with the world and to establish new hierarchies of values which enable individuals to create a democratic Europe. To achieve this goal adult education must cease to be the responsibility of the individual and rather become an institutionalised and shared responsibility. (Contains 1 note.)";"Policy";"JArticle";2008;"Negt, O.";"Adult Education and European Identity";"Policy Futures in Education, Vol. 6, No 6, pp. 744-756"
533;"The INCA1 thematic study on active citizenship, of which this report is the final outcome, was commissioned by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority in England (QCA). Recent policy developments in England, and across INCA countries, contain many references to promoting active citizenship. However, there remain many questions concerning the meaning and implications of such policy directives. This report draws on data collected through the questionnaire survey of INCA countries in 2005 and 2006, and on discussions and key findings arising from the international seminar in March 2006. Fourteen countries, from the 20 in the INCA network took part in the thematic study. They are Australia, Canada, England, Hungary, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, Scotland, Singapore, Spain, the USA and Wales.";"SocPsy";"Other";2006;"Nelson, J., & Kerr, D.";"Active citizenship in INCA countries: definitions, policies, practices and outcomes";
534;"Public discourse suggests that volunteer work will transform youth into productive citizens by connecting youth to their communities. However, the meaning and practice of ?community? is rarely defined or investigated. Using interview and observation data from a study of 47 volunteers aged 15?23, I argue that there are three different types of community youth commonly join via volunteer work. One kind of community was composed of a homogenous group of students. A second type of community was formed from a diverse group of volunteers and far-flung networks of marginalized groups. A third community developed when youth became attached to a city-wide web of nonprofit agencies but formed few ties to other volunteers and clients. The types of communities youth join through their volunteer work may shape their ongoing civic and political socialization differently.";"Policy";"JArticle";2012;"Nenga, Sandi Kawecka";"Not the community, but a community: transforming youth into citizens through volunteer work";"Journal of Youth Studies 15 8 1063-1077"
535;"Community involvement is usually attributed to opportunity structures and individuals’ ability to be involved. Building on psychological justice research, this paper proposes that justice dispositions add to explaining why young citizens become active in their communities or not. Furthermore, it isargued that justice dispositions help to understand why most studies find only moderate relationships between youth volunteering and forms of political involvement. In a sample of 321 young Swiss volunteers, this study shows justice centrality and belief in a just world to predict the extent of volunteering and political participation, even after controlling for civic skills and opportunity structures. However, scrutinising the motivations to volunteer, self-oriented motivations (enhancement, social, career and understanding) more strongly affected the level of volunteering than motivations related to justice dispositions (political responsibility and social responsibility). These findings have implications for the attraction and retention of volunteers as well as for the politics of volunteering and community development in general.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Neufeind, M., Jiranek, P., & Wehner, T.";"Beyond skills and structure: Justice dispositions as antecedents of young citizens' volunteering and political participation. ";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 24, No 4, pp. 278-295"
536;"In response to what some see as a crisis in civic attitudes and participation, there has been a reinvigorated effort to involve high school students in school-based community activities and in less formal, volunteer community service. Yet little is known about the extent of participation or its effects. Using a nationally representative sample of 9th-12th graders from 1996, we document a high participation rate but also note that many students perform service only once or twice a year and in limited capacities. Participation rates are related to certain student, family, and school characteristics, school policies are also significant, though arranging but not requiring participation may be the key. Participation appears to stimulate greater political knowledge, more political discussions with parents, enhanced participation skills, and higher political efficacy, but not more tolerance of diversity.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2000;"Niemi, Richard G.,  Hepburn, Mary A. & Chapman, Chris";"Community Service by High School Students: A Cure for Civic Ills?";"Political Behavior, Vol. 22, No. 1, pp. 45-69"
537;"The failure of current policy to address important quality of life issues for urban youth remains a substantial barrier to civic participation, educational equity, and healthy adulthood. This volume brings together the work of leading urban youth scholars to highlight the detrimental impact of zero tolerance policies on young people’s educational experience and well being. Inspired by the conviction that urban youth have the right to more equitable educational and social resources and political representation, Beyond Resistance! offers new insights into how to increase the effectiveness of youth development and education programs, and how to create responsive youth policies at the local, state, and federal level.";"PolScience";"Book";2006;"Noguera, P., Cammarota, J., & Ginwright, S. (Eds.)";"Beyond resistance! Youth activism and community change: New democratic possibilities for practice and policy for America's youth. ";
538;"Conventional wisdom suggests that citizens in many countries have become disengaged from the traditional channels of political participation. Commentators highlight warning signs including sagging electoral turnout, rising anti-party sentiment, and the decay of civic organizations. But are these concerns justified? This book, first published in 2002, compares systematic evidence for electoral turnout, party membership, and civic activism in countries around the world and suggests good reasons to question assumptions of decline. Not only is the obituary for older forms of political activism premature, but new forms of civic engagement may have emerged in modern societies to supplement traditional modes. The process of societal modernization and rising levels of human capital are primarily responsible, although participation is also explained by the structure of the state, the role of agencies, and social inequalities.";"DevPsy";"Book";2002;"Norris, P.";"Democratic Phoenix: Reinventing political activism";
539;"This arose as part of an ongoing project on ‘Visions of Governance for the Twenty‐first Century’ initiated in 1996 at the John F. Kennedy School of Government, which aims to explore what people want from government, the public sector, and non‐profit organizations. A first volume from the ‘Visions’ project (Why People Don’t Trust Government) was published by Harvard University Press in 1997, this second volume analyses a series of interrelated questions. The first two are diagnostic: how far are there legitimate grounds for concern about public support for democracy worldwide, and are trends towards growing cynicism found in the US evident in many established and newer democracies? The second concern is analytical: what are the main political, economic, and cultural factors driving the dynamics of support for democratic government? The final questions are prescriptive: what are the consequences of this analysis and what are the implications for strengthening democratic governance? The book brings together a distinguished group of international scholars who develop a global analysis of these issues by looking at trends in established and newer democracies towards the end of the twentieth century. Chapters draw upon the third wave (1995–1997) World Values Survey as well as using an extensive range of comparative empirical evidence.Challenging the conventional wisdom, the book concludes that accounts of a democratic ‘crisis’ are greatly exaggerated. By the mid‐1990s most citizens worldwide shared widespread aspirations to the ideals and principles of democratic government, although at the same time there remains a marked gap between evaluations of the ideal and the practice of democracy. The publics in many newer democracies in Central and Eastern Europe and in Latin America have proved deeply critical of the performance of their governing regimes, and during the 1980s many established democracies saw a decline in public confidence in the core institutions of representative democracy, including parliaments, the legal system, and political parties. The book considers the causes and consequences of the development of critical citizens in three main parts: cross‐national trends in confidence in governance, testing theories with case studies, and explanations of trends.";"EduHist";"Book";1999;"Norris, Pippa";"Critical Citizens: Global Support for Democratic Government";
540;"Fabricating Europe has within it a core idea, a crucial but imprecise idea, that of a European educational space, which transnational governance, networks and cultural and economic projects are creating now. Yet, the perceptible creation of this contemporary space of European policy making and networking has not been a subject of study. It appears offstage in studies of national systems in which national and professional identity, political organization, policy formation and public/private markets are all viewed as contained within the borders of the state. Fabricating Europe is concerned with the new possibilities to be discerned and imagined in the European public and institutional spaces and discourses in education and the lack of impetus within the broad area of educational studies to meet the task of creating analyses and responses.";"PolScience";"Book";2002;"Nóvoa, A. & Lawn, M.";"Fabricating Europe: the formation of an education space";
541;"This paper contributes to the growing body of scholarship aimed at advancing our understanding of the experience of community by empirically investigating sense of community responsibility (SOC-R) in relation to traditional measures of sense of community (SOC) and indices of satisfaction, engagement, and leadership in interorganizational collaborative settings. Findings support the proposition that, although both are related to the experience of community, SOC and SOC-R emphasize different aspects of that experience and operate under different theoretical mechanisms of influence. SOC emphasizes community as a resource which was found to be a more salient aspect in differentiating those who will be more or less satisfied with their experience. In addition, SOC was found to predict general participation in a community collaborative. SOC-R emphasizes the experience of community as a responsibility which appears to be a stronger predictor in explaining higher order engagement requiring greater investment of time and resources. Even more importantly, this study indicates that SOC-R is uniquely equipped to help us advance models of community leadership. As such, it represents an important contribution to expanding our understanding of the factors that drive members' willingness to give of themselves toward collective aims.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Nowell, B., & Boyd, N.M.";"Sense of Community Responsibility in Community Collaboratives: Advancing a Theory of Community as Resource and Responsibility";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 54, No 3-4, pp. 229-242"
542;"The environmental and cultural problems in Thailand are large and widely distributed. To address these problems, public awareness must be raised and all sectors of society must assume their civic responsibilities to assist in sustaining both our environment and the local culture. This study sought to engage undergraduate students in civic engagement projects in order to enhance their self-efficacy to address such problems through service learning experiences. One hundred and ninety six undergraduate students participated in a general education course on civic education during the first semester of 2012. This course provided students the opportunity to explore theoretical aspects of citizenship as well as the opportunity to practice community service. Such community service allows the students to experience and learn how the community members live. Data was collected by a variety of methods, self-efficacy questionnaires, student reports, journal writing and reflections, and interviews. Findings revealed that the students had high levels of self-efficacy and increased their levels of civic engagement through the community service conducted";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Nuangchalerm, P.";"Self-efficacy and civic engagement in undergraduate students: Empirical results of a service learning program in Thailand. ";"International Journal for Service Learning in Engineering, Vol. 9, No 2, pp. 150-156"
543;"This paper draws on a recently published study on xenophobia in Southern Africa to discuss the hierarchies and inequalities that underpin citizenship. Paradoxically, national citizenship and its emphasis on large-scale, assimilationist and bounded belonging are facing their greatest challenge from their inherent contradictions and closures, and from an upsurge in rights claims and the politics of recognition and representation by small-scale communities claiming autochthony at a historical juncture where the rhetoric highlights flexible mobility, postmodern flux and discontinuity. In Africa as elsewhere, accelerated mobility and increased uncertainty are generating mounting tensions fuelled by autonomy-seeking difference. Such ever decreasing circles of inclusion demonstrate that no amount of questioning by immigrants immersed in the reality of flexible mobility seems adequate to de-essentialize the growing global fixation with an “authentic” place called home. Thus trapped in cosmopolitan spaces in a context where states and their hierarchy of “privileged” citizens believe in the coercive illusion of fixed and bounded locations, immigrants, diasporas, ethnic minorities and others who straddle borders are bound to feel like travellers in permanent transit. This calls for scholarship, politics and policies informed by historical immigration patterns and their benefits for recipient communities. The paper argues in favour of greater scholarly and political attention on the success stories of forging new relationships of understanding between citizens and subjects that are suggestive of new, more flexible, negotiated, cosmopolitan and popular forms of citizenship, with the emphasis on inclusion, conviviality and the celebration of difference.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Nyamnjoh, Francis B.";"From Bounded to Flexible Citizenship: Lessons from Africa";"Citizenship Studies 11 1 73-82"
544;"Community-based youth organizations represent potentially powerful settings for activism among marginalized urban youth. This article uses quantitative and qualitative data collected in one such organization to examine the link between youth—adult relationships and youth activism. Survey data point to adults as contributing to youth's activist development and reveal pathways that lead to this outcome. Interview and observation data clarify youth's perceptions of adult support, highlight the complexity of building egalitarian relationships, and situate youth—adult interactions within broader public action. Analyses direct attention to transformations among youth and convey the challenges inherent in breaking out of conventional patterns of youth—adult interaction";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"O'Donoghue, J.L., & Strobel, K.R";"Directivity and Freedom: Adult Support of Activism Among Urban Youth. ";"American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 51, No 3, pp. 465-485"
545;"This book is based on the doctoral thesis which the author prepared and defended at the European University Institute in Florence. Following the adoption of the Treaty on European Union, the concept of Community or Union citizenship has been the subject of widespread academic and political debate. Part I of this book provides a framework within which to examine the concept of Community or Union citizenship. It distinguishes nationality and citizenship, discusses the importance of Member State nationality for both free movement of persons in the European Community and Union citizenship and, finally, examines the traditional requirement in Community law of involvement in an economic activity. Part II focuses on the relationship between the principle of equal treatment and Union citizenship, given the fact that many of the rights conferred on Union citizens are simply extended to them on the basis of the principle of equal treatment. Finally, Part III looks beyond equal treatment and questions whether a direct relationship can be said to exist between Union citizens and the Union. It also suggests some of the issues relevant to citizenship which may feature at the forthcoming Intergovernmental Conference in 1996. The overall objective of the book is to discuss whether citizenship is an appropriate description of the rights which Union citizens enjoy on the basis of Community law or the duties to which they may become subject";"ComPsy";"Book";1996;"O'Leary, S.";"The Evolving Concept of Community Citizenship: From the free movement of persons to Union citizenship";
546;"In many states, there are concerns about declining levels of political engagement and participation among young people. Our understanding of this decline, however, is limited because much of the research on youth politics is based on a narrow conception of 'the political', little attempt is made to explore how people themselves define politics, non-participation is not adequately problematised, and there are in sufficient youth-specific explanations for declining participation among young people. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Britain, I argue there is a need to develop an approach and research methodology that engages with young people's conceptions of the political.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2003;"O'Toole, Therese";"Engaging with Young People's Conceptions of the Political";"Children's Geographies 1 1 71-90"
547;"This article will examine how researchers of political participation have attempted to explain the decline of youth political participation in UK elections. We argue that work on this issue has been limited in its capacity to explain declining electoral turnout and levels of interest in formal politics—both among the population in general and among young people particularly. In the first section of this paper, we review research on political participation, arguing that much of it is constrained by a narrow definition of political participation and a top-down research methodology, which inhibits the understanding of how people participate, and also why they do not. This critique of the literature has clear conceptual and methodological implications. The second section sets out the arguments and basis for a broader understanding of political participation, whilst the third section proposes an alternative methodological approach which attempts to address the issues we have identified. This approach underpins our research into young people’s political participation, which is currently underway. In this article, then, we argue there are certain key concerns that need to be addressed if we are to understand whether people (and especially the young) are indeed ‘tuning out’ of politics.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2003;"O'Toole, Therese, Lister, Michael, Marsh, Dave, Jones, Su, McDonagh, Alex";"Tuning out or left out? Participation and non-participation among young people";"Contemporary Politics 9 1 45-61"
548;"The transition to adulthood is characterised by potential for both positive development and problem outcomes such as psychopathology, yet little is known about relationships between the two. Given the diversity of pathways observed during this transition period, there is likely to be significant heterogeneity in young people’s experiences of these outcomes. Drawing on data from 1158 19–20 year olds in the Australian Temperament Project and using latent profile analysis, we identified six subgroups. For most, higherpositive development was associated with lower psychopathology and vice versa. One group (33.6%) was high across all positive development measures and low on psychopathology, and another (47.7%) average in both areas. The remaining four groups were low onpositive development but differentiated by average psychopathology (4.7%), high internalising(5.5%), and moderate (7.2%) and severe (1.3%) externalising problems. Tailored intervention strategies that address both the promotion of competence and prevention of problem outcomes are needed.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2011;"O’Connor, M., Sanson, A., Hawkins, M.T., Olsson, C., Frydenberg, E., Toumbourou, J.W., & Letcher, P.";"The relationship between positive development and psychopathology during the transition to adulthood: A person-centred approach. ";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 35, No 3, pp. 701-712"
549;"In many states, there are concerns about declining levels of political engagement and participation among young people. Our understanding of this decline, however, is limited because much of the research on youth politics is based on a narrow conception of 'the political', little attempt is made to explore how people themselves define politics, non-participation is not adequately problematised, and there are in sufficient youth-specific explanations for declining participation among young people. Drawing on fieldwork carried out in Britain, I argue there is a need to develop an approach and research methodology that engages with young people's conceptions of the political.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"O´Toole, Therese";"Engaging with Young People's Conceptions of the Political";"Children's Geographies, Vol 1, No. 1, pp. 71-90"
550;"Despite public and media attention to ethnic minority young people's political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration of the range, or distinctive forms, of political action among ethnic minority young people. The purpose of this article is to address this by presenting qualitative research on political activism among ethnic minority young people in Birmingham and Bradford. We find evidence for ‘new grammars of action’ and highly ‘glocal’ (as distinct from transnational and diasporic) political orientations among the activists with whom we worked, as well as the significance of religious (as distinct from ethnic) identities in informing some activists’ political engagements. We conclude that, while there is evidence for changing political subjectivities, there is a need to take account of the interplay between old and new grammars of political action.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2010;"O´Toole, Therese & Gale,Richard ";"Contemporary grammars of political action among ethnic minority young activists";"Ethnic & Racial Studies, Vol. 33, No. 1, pp. 126-142"
551;"Civic engagement was studied in relation to overall development in adolescence, emerging adulthood, and young adulthood to examine how earlier activity involvement and success in prior and concurrent age-salient domains of competence may contribute to 2 forms of civic engagement in adulthood (citizenship and volunteering). Data on 163 youth were drawn from a longitudinal study of competence in a normative, urban school sample. Results indicate that competence and activity involvement in adolescence predict citizenship and volunteering in adulthood, 10 to 15 years later. As hypothesized, however, the level of competence in developmentally salient domains in adolescence and emerging adulthood fully mediate the predictive significance of concurrent activity involvement for civic engagement outcomes in adulthood. Findings also suggest that citizenship and volunteering are distinct types of civic engagement that should be studied separately.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2007;"Obradović, J., & Masten, A.S.";"Developmental antecedents of young adult civic engagement. Applied developmental science, 11(1), 2-19.";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 11, No 1, pp. 2-19"
552;"The engagement of residents in poor, disadvantaged communities has been a focus of social work practice since the early part of the twentieth century. In the person:environment configuration, a renewed appreciation is building for community-level factors in human behavior and functioning. Poor neighborhoods are transactional settings that can negatively impact human behavior and development. However, active citizen participation can positively impact neighborhoods, including strengthening residents' individual and collective capacities and relationships. This article uses the ecological perspective to examine the neighborhood as a transactional setting that influences individual and collective behavior and outcomes and citizen participation as vehicle for improving outcomes for residents living in poor communities. The article also discusses theory and research on self- and collective efficacy and sense of community to understand the motivation for and benefits of citizen participation. Implications for social work research and practice are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Ohmer, M.L.";"How theory and research inform citizen participation in poor communities: The ecological perspective and theories on self- and collective efficacy and sense of community";"Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, Vol. 20, No 1, pp. 1-19"
553;"A major resource of small voluntary neighborhood organizations is their members, who give their time and energy to the organization to improve their community. In recent years, there has been a revitalization of strategies that focus on engaging residents to volunteer for neighborhood-based organizations. The current study was guided by organizational empowerment theory and explored the relationship between resident members' perceptions of their neighborhood organization and their level of involvement and perceived personal and collective benefits from participation. The results demonstrated that members' perceptions of their neighborhood organizations' characteristics and effectiveness were more related to their perceived benefits from involvement than their level of participation. Members' perceptions of their neighborhood organizations' effectiveness, particularly the ability to make tangible community improvements, were the most related to their perceived benefits, including their ability to influence government policies, knowledge and skills in neighborhood and community development, and sense of community. Implications for research and practice are also discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Ohmer, M.L.";"The relationship between members' perceptions of their neighborhood organization and their involvement and perceived benefits from participation";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 36, No 7, pp. 851-870"
554;"This article problematizes the construction of youth as a ""driving force"" in the contemporary configuration of the European Union (EU) as an educational and political space. The study draws empirical nourishment out of documents that are central to the ongoing formation of the Union, be it White Papers, scripts or memos concerning political arenas such as youth and education policies and the Bologna process. Theoretically the article draws on insights from post-Foucauldian traditions with a focus on mentalities, subject constructions, technologies and practices operating within the ongoing governmentalization of Europe. Central questions are ""who"" and ""what"" the problematization of youth as political technology is about. Drawing on homologies in the coding of citizen, independent of age, the authors claim that problematization of youth is directed to all of us. We are all, in the name of youth, expected to constantly ""adapt"" ourselves in compliance with the aim of the Lisbon process. Furthermore, as the Union itself is coded in a similar way, we may even claim that the EU, literally speaking, appears as a youth project in itself. Thus, the notion that youth can be seen as political rationality that becomes a powerful driving force in the ongoing European project.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Olsson, Ulf, Petersson, Kenneth, Krejsler, John B.";"Youth Making Us Fit: On Europe as Operator of Political Technologies";"European Educational Research Journal 10 1 42014"
555;"In the recent debate about changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, Scandinavian countries are often considered the frontrunners of the development of a new kind of engaged citizenship. The majority of recent empirical scholarship in this field, however, has  focused on the United States. In this article latent class analysis is used to ascertain whether the ideal types of engaged citizenship and duty-based citizenship norms are relevant concepts for adolescents in Scandinavia, and whether there are significant changes in these norms between 1999 and 2009. The findings confirm that engaged and duty-based citizens can be clearly identified and that engaged citizenship norms are becoming more prevalent. It is also found, however, that engaged and duty-based norms are not the only norms identified in the analysis, and that important differences are evident in the background characteristics of those ascribing to different citizen norms that contradict expectations in the literature. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications of these findings for changing citizenship norms in advanced democracies, including the potential implications of these changing norms for political behaviour.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Oser, Jennifer & Hooghe, Marc";"The Evolution of Citizenship Norms among Scandinavian Adolescents, 1999–2009";"Scandinavian Political Studies,Vol. 36, No. 4, pp. 320-346"
556;"This book provides a framework for Citizenship Education in the context of cultural diversity. Underpinning Citizenship Education has to be an understanding and practice of human rights. The contributors show how human rights principles are used by schools to challenge structural inequality, discrimination and exclusion and to support young people in developing confident identities in contexts of diversity. Case studies illustrate how students can realise their rights and responsibilities as citizens. Leading researchers and expert teachers worked over two years in seminars funded by the ESRC and in debate with Bernard Crick, to produce this authoritative and coherent work. ""Citizenship and Democracy in Schools"" is the core text for continuing professional development courses in Citizenship Education and will also be required reading on initial teacher training. The book is essentially designed for the UK, but international and comparative approaches are provided by several contributors.";"PolScience";"Book";2000;"Osler, A.";"Citizenship and Democracy in Schools: Diversity, Identity, Equality";
557;"This paper examines and compares recent citizenship education policy documents from France and England and explores the extent to which they encourage inclusive or exclusive concepts of national identity and citizenship. Current policies are being developed in a context of perceived disillusionment and political apathy amongst the young. Whilst citizenship education has traditionally aimed to prepare young people to take their place in adult society and a national community, today the notion of a single national identity is increasingly questioned. Using framing questions from the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) survey of civic education, we examine programmes of study in each country to determine the extent to which they promote human rights as shared values, make positive references to cultural diversity, and conceptualise minorities. We consider the potential of citizenship education thus de ned to contribute towards the development of justice and equality in society and challenge racism and xenophobia. We note the strengths and limitations of each approach to education for citizenship and suggest what each might gain from the other.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2001;"Osler, A., & Starkey, H.";"Citizenship Education and National Identities in France and England: inclusive or exclusive?";"Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 287-305"
558;"Democracy and a commitment to human rights are key defining features of the European Union. Nevertheless, the inhabitants of Europe, living their local realities sometimes based in poverty and unemployment, and subject to racism, inadequate housing and high levels of crime, may not recognise that the European project is, in its intention, inclusive, since an inclusive society is far removed from their actual experience. European transnational education programmes are intended to promote a sense of involvement in European development. In 1997 the European Commission initiated a study to identify features of projects within its transnational education, training and youth programmes which contribute effectively to political education, and in particular to the development of active citizenship among participants. Projects initiated in 18 European countries, including all 15 European Union Member States, were analysed for the quality of information offered, their capacity to provide practice in democratic skills and opportunities for exploring multiple identities, and the extent to which they worked on democratic lines and enabled participants to feel involved. This article reports on the findings of this study, illustrating best practice in education for active citizenship and proposing a framework which might be applied to any programme of political education.";"EduHist";"JArticle";1999;"Osler, Audrey, Starkey, Hugh";"Rights, Identities and Inclusion: European action programmes as political education";"Oxford Review of Education 25 42006 199-215"
559;"The revolutions and protests arising from the Arab Spring, combined with the establishment of the Islamic State in Syria and Iraq, challenged dominant ideas about what people in the Middle East expect from their governments. At the same time, a new wave of migration has been created, once again showing how the local, regional and global are connected in the identity of citizens and concepts of citizenship. This turmoil and its human cost —tragically captured in the image of drowned toddler Aylan Kurdi—have called into question prevailing modes of thinking about the Middle East, as well as the policy of EU governments towards refugees and immigration. These seismic events have compounded underlying changes in the internal composition of contemporary liberal democracies, which, together with the challenges imposed by globalization on the state, are demanding a rethink of theories of citizenship, particularly in a transnational sense.By bringing together new perspectives on these critical issues, this timely and thought-provoking book deconstructs the processes that are shaping and reshaping debates on migration and integration in Europe, and illuminates emerging patterns in key areas such as citizenship and cultural identity, education, and second generation networks.Introduction: Celebrating Difference: In Search of Paradigms Addressing Barriers to Transnational Migration — Annemarie Profanter and Francis OwtramChapter One: The Impact of the Arab Spring on Issues of MENA: Europe Migration in the Context of Globalization — Kristian Coates UlrichsenChapter Two: Modernity and Islamic Immigration: Examining the Historical Roots of Identity and Difference — Nigel M. Greaves Chapter Three: The Burgeoning of Transnationalism: Narrowing the Transitional Gap from Emigrant to Citizen — Annemarie ProfanterChapter Four: Citizenship and Education: Economic Competitiveness, Social Cohesion and Human Rights — Christine DifatoChapter Five: Acquiring and Losing Turkish Citizenship under the New Turkish Citizenship Act — Necla OzturkChapter Six: Xenophobia, Alienation, Heterotopias and Cultural Limits: Fictional Boundaries of the Athens Pakistani and Afghani Communities — Sotirios S. LivasChapter Seven: Arab Diasporas in the UK: Yemeni Citizenship still in Transition? — Khawlah AhmedChapter Eight: Muslim Society Trondheim: The Dialectics of Islamic Doctrine, Integration Policy and Institutional Practices — Ulrika MårtenssonChapter Nine: Yalla, Lombards! Second Generations in Lombardy: Looking for a Model — Francesco Mazzucotelli";"SocPhil";"Book";2013;"Owtram, F., & Profanter, A.";"Citizenship in Transition: New Perspectives on Transnational Migration From the Middle East to Europe";
560;"Although there is much practice of community-based participatory research in economically-developing countries and increasingly in North America, there has been little systematic assessment of empowerment effects. Youth-led participatory research holds particular promise for fostering positive development and civic participation among economically disadvantaged urban youth. The present investigation uses a clustered-randomized, within-school experimental design to test the effects of youth-led participatory research on the psychological empowerment of 401 students attending urban public schools. We find that attending a participatory research elective class during the school day was associated with increases in sociopolitical skills, motivation to influence their schools and communities, and participatory behavior. We found no significant effects for perceived control at school. The implications for participatory research and related youth development interventions are discussed.";"Policy";"JArticle";2013;"Ozer, E.J., & Douglas, L.";"The Impact of Participatory Research on Urban Teens: An Experimental Evaluation";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 51, No 1-2, pp. 66-75"
561;"This multi-method study examines tensions in the practice of youth-led participatory research (YPAR) in urban high schools among 15 semester-cohorts. Student participants in the present study were 77 ethnically diverse youth from four high schools in a major metropolitan school district. Data were gathered using systematic classroom observations, interviews with teachers and students involved in the projects, and participant observation. The two most commonly-constrained phases of the YPAR project were issue selection and action steps. A central tension in the issue selection phase for projects enacted across multiple semester cohorts was the tension between original inquiry and ""traction:"" Sticking with the same topic enabled sustained building of strategic alliances and expertise for making change, but limited the incoming cohort's power to define the problem to be addressed. In further analyses, we identified processes that promoted student power despite continuity-related constraints-teachers' framing and buy-in strategies, ""micro-power"" compensation, and alignment of students' interests with the prior cohort-as well as constraints in other phases of the projects. This study's findings regarding the promotion of youth power in the face of constraints advance the integration of theory and practice in youth-led research and have implications for participatory research more broadly.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Ozer, E.J., Newlan, S., Douglas, L., & Hubbard, E.";"""Bounded"" Empowerment: Analyzing Tensions in the Practice of Youth-Led Participatory Research in Urban Public Schools";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 52, No 1-2, pp. 13-26"
562;"Late childhood and early adolescence represent a critical transition in the developmental and academic trajectory of youth, a time in which there is an upsurge in academic disengagement and psychopathology. PAR projects that can promote youth's sense of meaningful engagement in school and a sense of efficacy and mattering can be particularly powerful given the challenges of this developmental stage. In the present study, we draw on data from our own collaborative implementation of PAR projects in secondary schools to consider two central questions: (1) How do features of middle school settings and the developmental characteristics of the youth promote or inhibit the processes, outcomes, and sustainability of the PAR endeavor? and (2) How can the broad principles and concepts of PAR be effectively translated into specific intervention activities in schools, both within and outside of the classroom? In particular, we discuss a participatory research project conducted with 6th and 7th graders at an urban middle school as a means of highlighting the opportunities, constraints, and lessons learned in our efforts to contribute to the high-quality implementation and evaluation of PAR in diverse urban public schools.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Ozer, E.J., Ritterman, M.L., & Wanis, M.G.";"Participatory action research (PAR) in middle school: Opportunities, constraints, and key processes";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 46, No 1-2, pp. 152-166"
563;"During the 1990s competing images emerged of what constitutes European identity, who belongs to it, and what are its internal and external boundaries. This has forced reflection on the links between state territoriality, and territorialities occurring on and between other spatial scales. This paper analyses images of Europe, narratives on European identity, and how these images have implied different forms and conceptualizations of spatiality. Europe is understood as an experience, a structural body and an institution. Structural interpretations have traditionally been dominant, but now an institutional-bureaucratic view has taken a dominant position in defining what Europe is. Growing flows of refugees and immigrants call into question the state-centred identities and narratives of nationally bounded cultures. In the current situation a more cosmopolitan view is needed instead of the established, exclusive concept of place. The paper suggests that this can be done by understanding place as a cumulative archive of personal experience that is not bound with some specific location. Regions, for their part, may be understood as collective institutional structures. A challenge for research is to reflect how regions and places come together and what kind of spatial imaginaries and ideologies are involved in this process.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2001;"Paasi, A.";"Europe as a Social Process and Discourse Considerations of Place, Boundaries and Identity";"European Urban & Regional Studies, Vol. 8, No 1, pp. 7-28"
564;"In this article, we seek to provide the most comprehensive exploration to date of the effects of economic and social disadvantage on young citizens' voter turnout. We look at four overlapping domains of hardship—those rooted in (a) the family context, (b) the community context, (c) the school context, and (d) major events and life transitions. Our conceptual model of cumulative advantage/disadvantage identifies the different ways in which disadvantages can have cumulative effects on social outcomes generally and on civic participation in particular. Our framework also suggests how patterns of advantage and disadvantage may be mediated by social institutions. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey, we show that disadvantages rooted in the family have major impact on all groups of young citizens and that family disadvantage interacts with school disadvantage for whites. We also show that the effects of early parenthood, being arrested, and dropping out of school have differential effects depending on race. We also show that community colleges function as civic leveling institutions—especially for African American youth.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Pacheco, J.S., & Plutzer, E.";"Political participation and cumulative disadvantage: The impact of economic and social hardship on young citizens";"Journal of Social Issue, Vol. 64, No 3, pp. 571-593"
565;"Research has shown a marked decline in civic engagement over the last 30 years. People are voting less, participating in fewer community organizations, and, in general, are less connected to their communities and their nation. This book focuses on active citizenship and civic participation—the ways in which individuals form connections with their communities through activities such as volunteering, joining school and community groups, participating in politics, or becoming involved in social activism and social movements. It examines the role that families and peers play, as well as the role that institutions such as schools, neighborhoods, churches, and workplaces play in this process. It also looks at how governments and other societal-level factors influence civic engagement. A voluminous body of research, described in the book, documents the profound impact that civic participation can have particularly on young people, but also on individuals throughout their lives, and on entire communities and nations. The book presents a conceptual framework—the integrated model of civic engagement—that helps organize the large body of research on the topic. It also provides suggestions for future research and discusses the ways in which existing knowledge can be used in the development of programs and policies that will build citizenship and enhance civic life.";"DevPsy";"Book";2015;"Pancer, S.M.";"The Psychology of Citizenship and Civic Engagement";
566;"What distinguishes adolescents who are active in community and political life from those who are not? In an attempt to answer this question, students in their last years of secondary school completed a measure of community and political activities, along with measures of parent and peer interactions, identity development, and adjustment. Cluster analysis of activities reported in the questionnaire identified 4 distinct groupings of adolescents: Activists (who had high levels of involvement in a wide range of political and community activities), Helpers (who were involved in helping individuals from their communities but not in political activities), Responders (who responded to but did not initiate helping or political activities), and Uninvolved adolescents. Comparisons revealed several differences among the groups in terms of parent and peer interactions, identity development, and adjustment, with the Activists and Helpers showing more frequent discussions with parents and peers, more advanced identity development, and better adjustment than the Responders and Uninvolved adolescents. Results are discussed with regard to the role that family and peers may play in fostering adolescents' community and political involvements and the relationship between involvement and the development of adolescent identity.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Pancer, S.M., Pratt, M., Hunsberger, B., & Alisat, S.";"Community and political involvement in adolescence: What distinguishes the activists from the uninvolved?";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 741-759"
567;"Despite the fact that historically the university has been the par excellence locus for the discussion of public issues and the formation of citizens, current European Union education policies promote and foster citizenship in secondary education, while the civic dimension of higher education is less prominent. This paper presents the case study of a small peripheral Greek university, which provides for the teaching of citizenship, through a dedicated taught module. According to the analysis a strategy of exposure to current problems, heightened due to the crisis in Greece, has affected students' behaviour and their understanding of the concept of ""active citizenship"" as promoted by European Union policy. Finally implications are drawn for the prospect of promoting active citizenship through university education";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Papadiamantaki, Y.";"Active Citizenship in University Education: Lessons Learnt in Times of Crisis.";"Journal of Social Science Education, Vol. 13, No 3, pp. 90-97"
568;"This research examines the role of the mass media in young people's disengagement from politics. In a nationally representative telephone survey (N= 1,501), young people (ages 14 to 22) reported their habits for 12 different uses of mass media as well as awareness of current national politics and time spent in civic activities. Following Putnam's hypothesis about the beneficial effects of civic ties on political involvement, the authors predict and find that civic activity is positively associated with political awareness. Contrary to Putnam, they find that media use, whether information or entertainment oriented, facilitates civic engagement, whereas news media are especially effective in promoting political awareness. Although heavy use of media interferes with both political and civic engagement, the overall effect of media use is favorable for each outcome. The results are discussed in regard to the potentially greater use of the media to build community engagement in young people";"Policy";"JArticle";2006;"Pasek, Josh, Kenski, Kate, Romer, Daniel, Jamieson, Kathleen Hall";"America's Youth and Community Engagement: How Use of Mass Media Is Related to Civic Activity and Political Awareness in 14- to 22-Year-Olds";"Communication Research. Jun2006, Vol. 33 Issue 3, p115-135."
569;"Analysis of patterns of participation revealed three dimensions of civic activism in modern Britain:  individualistic activism, contact activism, and collective activism. Three alternative theories of participation were examined to account for these dimensions: general incentives, social capital, and civic voluntarism. None proved sufficient in itself to account for civic activism in modern Britain: each provided only part of the explanation.";"Media";"JArticle";2003;"Pattie, Charles & Seyd, Patrick";"Citizenship and Civic Engagement: Attitudes and Behaviour in Britain";"Political Studies, Vol 51, No. 3, pp.443-468"
570;"In 2002, Citizenship will become a compulsory subject in all English secondary schools. This collection, based on contributions to an IPPR conference held during the summer of 1999, examines contemporary concepts of citizenship and their implications for education.";"PolScience";"Book";2000;"Pearce, N., & Hallgarten, J.";"Tomorrow's citizens: critical debates in citizenship and education";
571;"In this text I explore youth's discourse during the protests and riots that took place in Greece in December 2008. These riots occurred after the assassination of a 15-year-old student by a police officer in the centre of Athens. The uproar caused by the event had a major impact not only everywhere in Greece but also all over the world. Young students played a leading and central role in the protests so that the majority of journalists as well as many politicians and theorists claimed that it was a ‘revolution of the youth’, the ‘democracy of children’ and so forth. In this framework, a new discourse cropped up. Young people claimed the democratisation of the state and society, they demanded it happened ‘here and now’ instead of being a future utopia. Young people engaged dynamically in the conflict, and they did so on their own terms, stemming from their unique social experience as children, as students and as young people. Drawing from discourse theory, sociology of childhood and youth, I intend to examine how their own experience has affected and reconceptualised universals such as ‘democracy’, ‘citizenship’, ‘youth’, ‘childhood’ and so on.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2011;"Pechtelidis, Yannis";"December uprising 2008: universality and particularity in young people's discourse";"Journal of Youth Studies 14 4 449-462"
572;"Little research has been done to date on the contribution of sport to a lifestyle of community participation. This is despite theoretical support from the social capital literature for the suggestion that the relationships and trust fostered through sport participation should lead to involvement in community activities outside of sport. The present study addresses this gap in the research by testing whether participation in organized youth sport positively predicts involvement in particular community activities as an adult. Based on an analysis of survey data collected from a representative sample of Canadians, the findings show that youth sport participation was positively related to adult involvement in community activities, although the predictive effects of youth sport participation were small. The findings also show that the effects of youth sport participation on adult participation in community activities lasted throughout the lifecycle. Both findings are consistent with the social capital literature.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Perks, T.";"Does sport foster social capital? The contribution of sport to a lifestyle of community participation. ";"Sociology of Sport Journal, Vol. 24, No 4, 378-401"
573;"Sociopolitical control (SPC) is generally considered to be a vital element of the intrapersonal component of psychological empowerment, despite contradictory findings concerning the dimensionality of the construct when applied to a youth population. This study tested the Sociopolitical Control Scale for Youth (SPCS-Y), which was designed to represent the two hypothesized dimensions of leadership competence and policy control, using data from a sample of urban youth (n=865) located in the northeastern United States. Results indicated that the hypothesized 2-factor model provided an adequate model-to-data fit, and that this model was a significantly better fit to the data than the 1-factor model. Further analysis showed that SPC profile groups differed significantly on measures of community and school participation, neighborhood attachment, perceived school importance, and drug use. Findings provide empirical support for the validity of the SPCS-Y and its underlying bidimensional model of SPC. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Peterson, N.A., Peterson, C.H., Agre, L., Christens, B.D., & Morton, C.M.";"Measuring youth empowerment: Validation of a Sociopolitical Control Scale for Youth in an urban community context";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 39, No 5, pp. 592-605"
574;"Present study sheds more light on the conceptualization of citizenship and civic engagement among majority and minority youth. In order to understand the meanings of citizenship, fourteen focus groups were conducted with young people aged 16-26, with both civically engaged and disengaged young ethnic Czechs, Roma, and Ukrainians. Results suggest that young people understand the citizenship as having multiple dimensions (legal and personal, and in terms of rights and responsibilities) and civic engagement as being focused on various aspects. The way people described their position within society was influenced by the social background and mirrored in the views on full citizenship.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Petrovičová, Z., Šerek, J., Porubanová, M., & Macek, P.";"Citizenship as given or taken? Meanings and practices among majority and minority youth";"Human Affairs,  Vol. 22, No. 3, pp. 335-344"
575;"This special issue of JCS has examined the changes and challenges facing citizenship education policy and curricula by way of case studies from Europe and beyond. It is indicated that European and/or global integration have had an impact on all of the citizenship curricula examined. However, it is also noted that each case conceptualizes supra?national citizenship and its relationship to national citizenship and other groups in differing ways. It is argued that these ways present issues of exclusion, as curricula often remain centred on the nation?state and use European citizenship as a means to exclude ?non?Europeans?. The article concludes by discussing the research implications of these findings within the context of discussions over supranational and cosmopolitan modes of creating, and educating for, citizenship.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Philippou, S., Keating, A., & Ortloff, D. H.";"Citizenship education curricula: comparing the multiple meanings of supra‐national citizenship in Europe and beyond";"Journal of Curriculum Studies, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 291-299"
576;"This paper examines empirical data with regard to recent theorizing and conceptualizing of children's citizenship. It draws on a doctoral study where the author told social justice stories to one class of children aged five to six years to investigate the active citizenship that the stories set in motion. By imagining this action research study rhizomatically, organic and tangent pathways were mapped of what the stories set in motion. Analysis was informed by poststructuralist discourse theory and critical theory on political action, which enabled identification of enablers and constrainers of young children's actual practice of citizenship. A case is argued for acknowledgement of young children's political identities and capacity to act as communitarian citizens.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2010;"Phillips, L.G.";"Social justice storytelling and young children's active citizenship. ";"Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, Vol. 31, No 3, pp. 363-376"
577;"How does a rational mind attain truth? This is the central question addressed by Piaget in Sociological Studies. It concerns the developmental mechanism which makes possible both the acquisition of available knowledge and the creation of novel knowledge.  Social orthodoxy, the rigid conformity of closed societies, ideological fervour and the power of tradition are familiar social phenomena. But none provides a guarantee of truth. Piaget's question, then, concerns how the developing mind comes to understand that some available beliefs are true rather than false, and how one generation comes to replace false values by true values. There is a widely held belief that Piaget's work offers, at best, an incomplete account of the social basis for the formation of knowledge. Sociological Studies shows that this is untrue and reveals how Piaget examines the extent to which psycho-social experience contributes to the development of rationality. In this first English translation, an international team of Piagetian scholars has ensured that this important text is available for wider analysis. Sociological Studies highlights the continuing relevance of Piaget's work today.";"DevPsy";"Book";1995;"Piaget, J.";"Sociological Studies";
578;"Abstract Most research on European identity in political science and sociology either applies a theoretical and/or normative framework or concentrates on the magnitude of identification. This study goes beyond this by exploring the socio-structural conditions of European identity. Instead of bluntly asking how many identify with Europe, we look at social stratification as a potential cause of identification with Europe. Using Eurobarometer data from more than 30 countries, we report considerable differences in identification with Europe according to almost every social divide. Characteristics such as gender, age, education, area of living and social class play important roles in this respect. Our research further shows different divides in European identity across different European countries. This emphasizes that in order to better understand European identity in the future we should examine its background rather than the magnitude and allocate resources to the cross-national study of European identity.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Pichler, Florian";"Social-Structural Differences in Identification with Europe";"Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9 4 381-396"
579;"More often than not, European identity is portrayed as one coherent identity for people across the whole continent. However, why should European identity not vary across countries? In this paper, we examine contents and structures of European identities in nine very different European countries. We draw on theoretical and normative approaches and differentiate between a political and a cultural component. In contrast to other studies, we consider national variation in the determination of the contents of both dimensions. Our findings suggest that European identities vary considerably across the continent. Certainly, there is no single picture of a European identity. A two-fold distinction between political and cultural elements prevails in some countries, whereas in other countries political and more pragmatic issues dominate the people's ideas about what it means to be European. Finally, we discuss some of the implications of these findings for policy makers at both the national and European level.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2008;"Pichler, Florian";"European Identities from Below: Meanings of Identification with Europe";"Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9 4 411-430"
580;"This introductory article introduces the MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement) project, the findings of which are the basis of the articles in this volume. MYPLACE maps the relationship between political heritage, current levels and forms of civic and political engagement of young people in Europe, and their potential receptivity to radical and populist political agendas. In this introductory article, the implications of the project's three-way gaze ‚Äì to the past, present and future ‚Äì are explored by addressing three questions that run through contributions to this volume: What is politics, and why do many young people say they hate it? How does the past shape the present and the future? Are young people receptive to populist and radical right political agendas? The article outlines the distinctive case study approach to the project and its integrated mixed method design, detailing the common survey, interview, focus group and ethnographic research instruments employed in the project and the principles followed for the analysis of survey and qualitative research data.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Pilkington, Hilary, Pollock, Gary";" ‘Politics Are Bollocks’: Youth, Politics and Activism in Contemporary Europe.";"The Sociological Review 63 S2 12785"
581;"Exercise full citizenship is to have civil, political and social rights. This book deals with the historical process that led to Western society to win these rights, as well as the steps remaining to integrate those who are not full citizens. The work begins with the prehistory of citizenship, examines the foundations of modern citizenship, describes its expansion and then brings the question to Brazil.";"SocPhil";"Book";2003;"Pinsky, J., & Pinsky, C. B.";"Historia Da Cidadania";
582;"During the period following the Spanish Civil War, the regime of Francisco Franco utilized an authoritative discourse rooted in Fascist ideology as a means for justifying absolute power and indoctrinating the masses. Perhaps the demographic group most heavily targeted by this aggressive campaign of propaganda was children, who in the eyes of Franco, had to be indoctrinated early before their noble feelings of youth were corrupted. This desire to reach out to the youth is evident in Así quiero ser: El niño del nuevo Estado, an elementary school textbook that imposes a rigid Fascist ideology. The totalitarian rhetoric of the text includes unyielding adoration of the Caudillo, a Utopian vision of reality, and covert strategies of persuasion and control that together comprise a powerful tool of manipulation. Taking into account both the sociopolitical context of the era and the genre of didactic literature, this critical discourse analysis of Así quiero ser incorporates the Bakhtinian notion of authoritative discourse with other approaches to analysing persuasive discourse, such as those employed by Kinneavy (1971), Harré (1985) and Menz (1989), among others.";"EduHist";"JArticle";"#NULL!";"Pinto, D.";"Indoctrinating the youth of post-war Spain: a discourse analysis of a Fascist civics textbook";"Discourse & Society Vol. 15, No. 5, pp. 649–667"
583;"On the background of the dispute of liberalism and communitarism, the study formulates the basic sociological and social psychological questions connected with the realization of individual freedom in the civic, political, and social sense, both in the context of contemporary Western postmaterialistic culture and in the context of postcommunist society. It introduces problems of active participation and active citizenship as important factors in solving the topical societal problems, respectively. The question is asked, if the contemporary youth, not influenced by the past regime, is prepared sufficiently to the role of an active citizen. Referring to empirical studies the author states that although the young generation has sufficient knowledge, its relation to politics is rather reserved. It is assumed that the only rational strategy consists in such a socialization that would support and develop abilities and competences of children and youth enabling them to solve and to participate in solving the societal problems. For inspiration, the overview of educational and participative projects that are being conducted both in Western and in Central and Eastern Europe is mentioned.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2004;"Plichtová, Jana.";"Active citizenship in social and psychological contexts";"Československá  Psychologie 48 1 52-68"
584;"The essays in this collection represent a major contribution to our understanding of youth and transitions to key areas of adult citizenship, including employment, independent living arrangements and political participation. The education of children and young people in 'citizenship' usually emphasizes either rights or responsibilities, through the concept of 'active citizenship'. The central concern of the book is to address the tensions and contradictions between the teaching of active citizenship and the real life difficulties many young people face in the practical transition to being adult citizens in modern life.";"SocPhil";"Book";2005;"Pole, ., Pilcher, J., & Williams, J. (Eds.)";"Young People in Transition. Becoming Citizens?";
585;"In the USA, civic involvement in adolescence includes political and nonpolitical activities. Given that identities can motivate behavior, how do political and moral identities relate to civic activity choices? In this study, high school students (N = 1578) were surveyed about their political and nonpolitical civic actions and their moral and political identities. Overall, students were more involved in service than they were in political activities. Hierarchical regression analyses were used to investigate the relation between identity and involvement, controlling for known correlates of involvement: sex, ethnicity, parent education, peer civic engagement, parent civic engagement and school civic opportunities. Moral and political identity were positively related to overall involvement. Political identity was positively related to political involvement, but was not related to nonpolitical service. Moral identity was positively related to service andexpressive-political involvement, but negatively related to traditional-political involvement. Findings are discussed in light of civic and moral education initiatives.";"Policy";"JArticle";2013;"Porter, T.J.";"Moral and political identity and civic involvement in adolescents";"Journal of Moral Education, Vol. 42, No 2, pp. 239-255"
586;"Across the Anglo-American world, a pervasive sense of wariness and concern about strangers continues to haunt influential discourses and practices that regulate and shape youth citizenship. In particular, (1) media-centred accounts of ?stranger danger?, (2) dominant citizenship discourses taught in schools and (3) government policies regulating young people's civic lives, remain significant in shaping how strangers are made meaningful for youth. Through these discourses and practices, the stranger increasingly comes to be a fetish figure, a body and symbolic form whose very figurability is rendered a problem in the first instance. These developments are problematic, in large part because strangers are a necessary and enabling feature of modern democracies. Accordingly, in this paper, I examine the three aforementioned fields of discourse and practice as they have operated broadly over the past decade in Canada, Britain and the United States. I show how strangers are made difficult and dangerous others for youth and make clear how these constructions regulate and threaten a vibrant public world. I conclude by hinting at how stranger hospitality might be taken up differently in schools (and other public fora) as part of nurturing our collective democratic futures.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Poyntz, Stuart Robert";"Eyes wide open: stranger hospitality and the regulation of youth citizenship";"Journal of Youth Studies 16 7 864-880"
587;"Outside work can complement what goes on in the classroom in ways that benefit both the community and students. Of course, AQ readers may have heard of tendentious programs and faculty ideologues, who channel student enthusiasm into partisan activism. Still, statistical survey analysis presented here by Mary Prentice suggests that participation in service learning can increase students’ civic engagement, when civic engagement is defined as more than just political action.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Prentice, M.";"Service learning and civic engagement";"Academic Questions, Vol. 20, No 2, pp. 135-145"
588;"Participatory Action Research (PAR) with children and youth is at the intersection of child wellness and social inclusion. Exclusion and marginalization detract from personal and collective health. Inclusion, on the contrary, contributes to wellness. Hence, we should study inclusion and exclusion in the overall context of child wellness. This special issue offers a wealth of methodologies and lessons for fostering inclusion of young people through PAR. In an effort to synthesize my concerns with child wellness, inclusion, and the scholarly work of this special issue, this paper will (a) articulate the values underpinning the philosophy of social inclusion and child wellness, (b) suggest roles and responsibilities for putting these values into action, and (c) integrate the contributions of this special issue into the emerging framework for social inclusion and child wellness.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Prilleltensky, I.";"Child Wellness and Social Inclusion: Values for Action";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 46, No 1-2, pp. 238-249"
589;"The power to promote wellness, resist oppression, and foster liberation is grounded in psychological and political dynamics. Hitherto, these two sources of power have been treated in isolation, both for descriptive and prescriptive purposes. As a result, we lack an integrative theory that explains the role of power in promoting human welfare and preventing suffering, and we lack a framework for combining psychological and political power for the purpose of social change. In this article, the author puts forth a psychopolitical conceptualization of power, wellness, oppression, and liberation. Furthermore, he introduces the concept of psychopolitical validity, which is designed to help community psychologists to put power issues at the forefront of research and action. Two types of psychopolitical validity are introduced: type I—epistemic, and type II—transformative. Whereas the former demands that psychological and political power be incorporated into community psychology studies, the latter requires that interventions move beyond ameliorative efforts and towards structural change.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Prilleltensky, I.";"The role of power in wellness, oppression, and liberation: The promise of psychopolitical validity.";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 116-136"
590;"Wellness and justice have attracted recent attention in psychology. Both within our discipline and within society at large, more needs to be done to elucidate the link between the two while taking into account the role of power and context. We suggest that wellness is achieved by the balanced and synergistic satisfaction of personal, relational, and collective needs, which, in turn, are dependent on how much justice people experience in each domain. We explore how affective, polarized, acquired, situated, and invested cultural distortions misrepresent the two realms as isolated from each other. To help counter these negative outcomes, we propose psychopolitical literacy and psychopolitical validity. The more youth are exposed to these antidotes, the better equipped they will be to resist cultural distortions and enhance both wellness and justice.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Prilleltensky, I., & Fox, D.R.";"Psychopolitical literacy for wellness and justice";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 793-805"
591;"The literature on powerlessness, empowerment and control tends to be adult-centric and psycho-centric. It is adult-centric in that most studies deal with the experience of powerlessness in adults or interpret children's realities from an adult point of view. At the same time, the literature is quite psycho-centric in that it focuses on the emotional and cognitive dimensions of powerlessness, to the relative neglect of social and political power. The purpose of this article is to redress these biases and elucidate the role of power and control in pathways toward health, resilience and problems in children's lives. We define wellness as a satisfactory state of affairs, brought about by the acquisition and development of material and psychological resources, participation and self-determination, competence and self-efficacy. Power and control are defined as opportunities afforded by social, community, and family environments to develop these three dimensions of health and wellness. We highlight basic research which describes pathways toward wellness, resilience, and problems in life, as well as applied research on promising interventions to improve children's health and wellness. This literature is interpreted in terms of our conceptual framework that links power/control and wellness through the three dimensions that we have proposed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2001;"Prilleltensky, I., Nelson, G., & Peirson, L.";"The role of power and control in children's lives: An ecological analysis of pathways toward wellness, resilience and problems";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 11, No 2, pp. 143-158"
592;"Citizenship education in established democracies is challenged by declining youth participation in democracy. Youth disenchantment and disengagement in democracy is primarily evident in formal political behaviour, especially through voting, declining membership of political parties, assisting at elections, contacting politicians, and the like. If citizenship education is to play a major role in addressing these concerns it will need to review the impact it is making on young people in schools.  This paper reviews a major national project on youth participation in democracy in Australia set in the context of a national citizenship education programme. The Youth Electoral Study found that citizenship education in Australian schools has at best been marginally successful and substantially more is required to raise levels of democratic engagement. The paper explores many opportunities available to education systems and schools to address these issues through reconceptualising aspects of the formal and the informal curriculum.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Print, Murray";"Citizenship Education and Youth Participation in Democracy";"British Journal of Educational Studies 55 3 325-345"
593;"Some people are more politically interested than others, but political scientists do not know how stable these  differences are and why they occur. This paper examines stability in political interest. Eleven different panel surveys taken in  four different countries over 40 years are used to measure stability. Several studies include a much larger number of interview waves—up to 23—than commonly used panels.The analys is empirically characterizes the stability of interest over time using a model that accounts for measurement error and a dynamic panel model.The large number of panel waves makes it possible to relax many restrictive assumptions to ensure robustness. With one exception  (Germanyreunification), political interest is exceptionally stable in the short run and over long periods of time. Hence, this study provides strong justification for efforts to understand how political interest forms among young people.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Prior, Markus";"You’ve Either Got It or You Don’t? The Stability of Political Interest over the Life Cycle";"The Journal of Politics, Vol. 72, No. 3, pp. 747-766"
594;"Racial, ethnic, and class-based gaps in civic engagement may leave many Latino/a adolescents without a key avenue for positive development. While Photovoice, a community-based participatory research method based in photography, is typically used in research, it also offers potential as an intervention to empower and strengthen Latino/a adolescents' civic engagement. A mixed-method study design examined the impacts of Photovoice on 15 high school students. While pre- and post-test survey data suggest a limited impact on adolescents' civic attitudes and behaviors, rich focus group data indicate increased self-efficacy, empowerment, community attachment, community awareness, and intended civic engagement. Yet, results also indicate substantial student frustration at the perceived hypocrisy of adults in their community toward civic involvement.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Pritzker, S., LaChapelle, A., & Tatum, J.";"""We need their help"": Encouraging and discouraging adolescent civic engagement through Photovoice";"Children and Youth Services Review, Vol. 34, No 11, pp. 2247-2254"
595;"Summary: Drawing on vast new data that reveal Americans’ changing behavior, Putnam shows how we have become increasingly disconnected from one another and how social structures—whether they be PTA, church, or political parties—have disintegrated. Until the publication of this groundbreaking work, no one had so deftly diagnosed the harm that these broken bonds have wreaked on our physical and civic health, nor had anyone exalted their fundamental power in creating a society that is happy, healthy, and safe. Like defining works from the past, such as The Lonely Crowd and The Affluent Society, and like the works of C. Wright Mills and Betty Friedan, Putnam’s Bowling Alone has identified a central crisis at the heart of our society and suggests what we can do. Review from D. Harper, University of Rochester: According to Putnam, people participated to a considerable degree in various public and private groups well into the 1960s, but since then such participation, referred to as ""social capital"" because of its potential benefits, has declined. The author devotes eight of the book's 24 chapters to an attempt to provide evidence for reduced participation in political organizations, churches, and various social clubs and interest groups. Among the alleged causes for this putative decrease: the demands of work leaving less time for other activities, the frequent movement of many people from one community to another working against the formation of close ties, more time spent watching TV and ""surfing the Web,"" leaving less time for interacting with others. Putman argues that this erosion is worrisome because social capital serves important needs such as resolving conflicts in the community and increasing the physical and mental health of individuals. In the final chapter, Putnam urges the reader to work at reversing the trend he has seen, but his exhortations contain few specific proposals. The book concludes with three appendixes and about 50 pages of notes. The Web site for the book appears on the dust jacket. General readers and above";"ComPsy";"Book";2000;"Putnam, Robert D.";"Bowling alone: the collapse and revival of American community";
596;"Historically, the Chilean evangelical Churches belonged to a marginal religious category, discriminated against by the dominant Catholic culture. Nevertheless, during the last 20 years, new generations of believers are challenging the authorities and traditional power relations in their Churches, elaborating new forms of civil participation and changing the previous evangelical identity. The higher levels of education and living standards allow the religious youth to question their pastors' power and to form more secular relations with national politics and society. This could be leading to a clash between the new generations of evangelicals with a university education and the established Church authorities, producing more diversity within evangelical religiosity, conflicts inside the communities, and/or 'extra-ecclesial' forms of the religious manifestations: inter-denominational movements, research centers, non-governmental organizations, websites. From another perspective, higher education and relative secularization are helping to liberate young evangelicals from marginality and include them in society, with the same socio-political status as Catholic and agnostic Chileans.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2014;"Pype, Katrien, Melice, Anne, Van Wolputte, Steven, Fediakova, Evguenia";"Evangelicals in democratic Chile: Clash of generations?";"Social Compass 61 1 108-120"
597;"Political participation is a prerequisite for democracy. Therefore, political sociologists have advised to socialize people by encouraging political participation from a young age onward. Parents are one of the most important political socialization agents, especially at a young age. Although the intergenerational transmission of political attitudes has been studied quite intensively, the transmission of the political participation intention has been neglected. This study explores the effect of both mothers’ and fathers’ political activity on their offspring’s intention to participate. Using a data set from 2085 Belgian parent–child triads, we tested the direct and indirect transmission of political participation intention. We found that although there is a direct transmission of political participation intention, after controlling for political discussion, political interest and socio-economic status, this effect is completely mediated. Therefore, we conclude that intergenerational transmission is an indirect process, supported by a high socio-economic status, more political interest and a more politicized family environment in which politics is clearly perceived as salient.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Quintelier, E.";"Intergenerational transmission of political participation intention. ";"Acta Politica, Vol. 50, pp. 279–296"
598;"While various recent studies have sounded the alarm about young people’s civic and political participation, schools are often cited as an important means of counteracting this trend. Not only do schools prepare students for the ‘real’ world but they also provide them with essential resources required for political participation. However, it is not always clear how schools can enhance young people’s political participation. In this article, I empirically test how schools can encourage young people’s political participation. Through a multilevel analysis, the simultaneous effect of formal civic education, active learning strategies and school characteristics on political participation among Flemish pupils is investigated. The evidence suggests that especially formal education and active learning strategies are successful in stimulating political participation. On the other hand, the level of political participation does not depend on school characteristics.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Quintelier, E.";"The effect of schools on political participation: a multilevel logistic analysis";"Research Papers in Education, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 137-154"
599;"Research on the political participation of ethnic minorities routinely reveals that immigrants have lower levels of participation, mainly due to their lower socio-economic status. This article investigates whether younger immigrants also display lower levels of political participation. It is based on a representative survey of 6,330 16-year-olds in Belgium. The results demonstrate that, while young immigrant people do not have lower levels of political participation, there are clear differences: participation is influenced by gender, socio-economic situation, mother tongue and sense of group identity, not by citizenship status, television or religion.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Quintelier, E.";"The political participation of immigrant youth in Belgium ";"Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 919-937"
600;"Most research finds that voluntary engagement leads to more political participation. However, it is not entirely clear which type of organization encourages political participation and what skills are required. There is also some discussion about whether multiple memberships promote political participation. In this article, I use the Belgian Youth Survey (n = 6,330) in investigating the effect that type of organization, the time spent in organizations, the number of memberships and skills-related activities has on political participation. My findings suggest that voluntary organizations are powerful political socialization agents leading to young people engaging in politics. Young people who are members of several organizations are more active in politics, while spending a greater amount of time in one organization does not increase level of political participation. Cultural, deliberative and help organizations are more successful than expressive, religious—ethnic and youth groups in fostering political engagement. Finally, organizations that allow young people to take up a leadership role, or to organize activities, encourage participation in political activities.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Quintelier, E.";"Who is politically active: The athlete, the scout member or the environmental activist? Young people, voluntary engagement and political participation. ";"Acta Sociologica, Vol. 51, No 4, pp. 355-370"
601;"While Europe is celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the signing of the Rome Treaty, there is much doubt about the extent of citizens’ emotional attachment to Europe. In this article we examine whether young Belgians show a sense of European citizenship, using a range of questions about the European Union (EU) from a survey administered to more than 6000 secondary school students. We show that a genuine identification with Europe – one that is not purely based on a positive evaluation of the EU from a utilitarian point of view – is related to higher levels of tolerance towards ethnic minorities, Muslims and immigrants. In addition, we will provide an overview of the literature on European citizenship and its potential connection to a higher degree of tolerance towards different cultures.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Quintelier, E., & Dejaeghere, Y.";"Does European Citizenship Increase Tolerance in Young People?";"European Union Politics, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 339-362"
602;"In the literature it is expected that a participatory democratic climate is associated with civic and political engagement intentions of adolescents. In this paper we use a three level multilevel analysis to explore these relations: the individual, school and country level. Using data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (2009) from 35 countries, we find that the individual student perception of a participatory democratic climate, especially openness in classroom discussions at the individual level, is positively associated with intended political participation. The teacher’s and principals’ perception of the participatory climate, on the other hand, were not related to the intention to participate. In this discussion we offer some ideas on how this individual level effect might be explained.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2013;"Quintelier, E., & Hooghe, M.";"The Relationship between Political Participation Intentions of Adolescents and a Participatory Democratic Climate at school in 35 countries.";"Oxford Review of Education, Vol. 39, No 5, pp. 567-589"
603;"The expectation that participation entails socialization effects on political attitudes is not routinely tested in a longitudinal manner. In this article, we report on a two-year panel study among 4325 late adolescents in Belgium. By means of a cross-lagged structural equation model, it was ascertained that the relationship between participation and attitudes is reciprocal. The relationship between participation (at Time1) and attitudes (at Time2) was significantly stronger than the relationship between attitudes (at Time1) and participation (at Time2). Therefore, the current study supports the socialization perspective. Individual and collective forms of participation have equally strong socialization effects.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Quintelier, E., & Hooghe, M.";"Political attitudes and political participation: A panel study on socialization and self-selection effects among late adolescents.";"International Political Science Review, Vol. 33, No 1, pp. 63-81"
604;"Young people's political participation is often considered to be low or insufficient. In the literature we find three possible explanations for these findings: young people have fewer resources for political participation because of 'lifecycle effects', secondly, they prefer different forms of participation than those practised by adults, and these forms are not always surveyed, thirdly, young people have a very limited conception of politics and display lower levels of trust, interest, etc. than do older respondents. However, these results depend greatly on the survey population of the research. Lifecycle effects, for instance, have a greater impact on voting attitudes than on other of political participation, and young people prefer different forms of political participation than do older people. Finally, while young people view political parties negatively, their levels of trust and interest do not differ significantly from those of the adult population.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Quintelier, Ellen ";"Differences in political participation between young and old people";"Contemporary Politics, Vol 13, No. 2, 165-180"
605;"This longitudinal study aimed to investigate the contributions of family functioning (in terms of support and control) to the development of civic engagement in term of personal values (i.e., values related to health, school, religion, and disapproval of deviance) as well as participation in groups that pursue cultural, religious-volunteer, and sport goals. The study controlled for sociodemographic factors, such as parental level of education and integrity of the family. Two waves of data were collected among 175 Italian late adolescents at a one-year interval. Hierarchical regression analyses showed that the average level of parental support positively related to both health value and religion value, increased parental control positively related to health value and disapproval of deviance, and average levels of both parental support and control positively related to religious-volunteer group. However, increased parental support negatively related to participation in a cultural group. The discussion focused on the important role of the family in current Italian society for youth socialization in regard to civic engagement.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Rabaglietti, E., Roggero, A., Begotti, T., Borca, G., & Ciairano, S.";"Family Functioning's Contributions to Values and Group Participation in Italian Late Adolescents: A Longitudinal Study. ";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community, Vol. 40, No 1, pp. 37-48"
606;"This paper explores how citizenship norms of duty to vote and to volunteer in one's community influence political participation, and the role of group identities in producing these norms. By showing how citizenship norms influence an array of political activities, and by drawing on social psychology literature that shows how citizenship norms are shaped by group identifications, the paper offers a more complete picture of the relationship between citizenship norms and political participation beyond traditional civic duty/federal vote models that currently dominate Canadian political research. The central argument forwarded is that not only do citizenship norms matter to political participation, but that group identities matter, too.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Raney, Tracey &  Berdahl, Loleen";"Birds of a Feather? Citizenship Norms, Group Identity, and Political Participation in Western Canada";"Journal of Political Science / Revue canadienne de science politique, Vol. 42, No . 1, pp. 187-209"
607;"In both academic and non academic discourses ‘youth’ is often regarded as the stage of life when ‘identity’ becomes a more established and settled socio-psychic state. However, as ‘identity’ itself has become a matter of key theoretical and em- pirical concern in the social sciences, a considerable debate has developed as to its proper conceptualisation and the research strategies most appropriate to its investi- gation. Moreover, the approaches taken inevitably vary between disciplines and between different theoretical orientations within disciplines. Thus, while a great deal has been written about identities, especially those of young people, the current literature contains a wide variety of narratives about the social identities of youth. This chapter discusses some of the approaches which have been developed in the analysis of young people’s identities and will highlight some important new theo- risations, research strategies and findings.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2005;"Rattansi, Ali, Phoenix, Ann";"Rethinking Youth Identities: Modernist and Postmodernist Frameworks";"Identity 5 2 97-123"
608;"Europe has become a vivid example of intergroup dynamics with all the risks and chances it holds for peaceful and respectful co-existence. While Europe as a superordinate social category has the capability of solidarity between its subcategories (i.e., nations), negative emotions and behaviors among the countries’ citizens have become more prevalent throughout the emerging crisis. This article aims to analyze the psychological outcomes (i.e., negative attitudes) following on from the structural and economic imbalances within the European Union. More precisely, we argue that political reactions towards the Euro crisis facilitated routes to nationalism and thereby fostered supremacy in a few countries. This perceived supremacy of some countries, in turn, legitimized negative reactions towards others. Based on predictions from a social identity perspective, we describe how these processes perpetuate themselves. We also suggest strategies that might prevent the idea of a common Europe from failing.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Reese, G., & Lauenstein, O.";"The Eurozone Crisis: Psychological Mechanisms Undermining and Supporting European Solidarity";"Social Sciences, Vol. 3, No 1, pp. 160-171 "
609;"In European Union (EU) countries, public debates about immigrants and citizenship are increasingly framed in cultural terms. Yet, there is no agreement within the citizenship literature on whether a cultural citizenship representation can be distinguished from the more established ethnic and civic representations and on how its measures relate to anti-immigrant attitudes. The present study tested measures of citizenship representations among high school students (N = 1476) in six EU countries (Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, the Neth- erlands, and Sweden). Factor analyses favored a three-factor model of citizenship representations (i.e., ethnic, cultural, and civic factors), which showed partial metric invariance. Across countries, ethnic and cultural scales correlated positively with each other and negatively with the civic scale. Moreover, ethnic and cultural scales related positively and the civic scale negatively to anti-immigrant attitudes. However, when analyzed simultaneously, relations of the ethnic scale with anti-immigrant attitudes were no longer significant, while those of the cultural and civic scales proved to be robust. Implications of these findings are discussed.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Reijerse, A., Van Acker, K., Vanbeselaere, N., Phalet, K., Duriez, B.";"Beyond the ethnic-civic dichotomy: Cultural citizenship as a new way of excluding immigrants.";"Political Psychology, Vol. 34, No 4, pp. 611-630"
610;"This study focused on the role of school-based required community service in promoting adolescents' prosocial behavior and intended future civic involvement when service is differentiated by types and by adolescents' perceived experience. A longitudinal data set of high school students (N = 603) was analyzed to investigate the developmental steps from types of service through intended civic behavior. Results showed that service involving direct interaction with people in need led students to judge that they had made contributions to sponsoring organizations and, consequently, altered their self-awareness. In turn, changed awareness enhanced reports of helping behavior toward strangers, which then led to the likelihood of future volunteering and of voting, working on a political campaign, and demonstrating for a cause. Additional causal analyses supported the directional sequence that began with service experiences, led to prosocial behavior, and eventuated in intended future civic involvement.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Reinders, H., & Youniss, J.";"School-based required community service and civic development in adolescents. ";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 10, No 1, pp. 2-12"
611;"In the last decades, Citizenship Education (CE) has been at the forefront of both educational policies and international research regarding curriculum design and impact on pupils' knowledge, values and skills. However, not only what citizenship ""is"" is diversely conceived by different democratic traditions (Eisenstadt, 2000, Heater, 1999) but, obviously, CE also involves organisations beyond the walls of schools. This paper confronts educational policies with the views of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in 20 European countries. Results suggest that the vision of CE as a priority in educational policy documents is questioned by NGOs that consider schools are too focused on formal democracy and overemphasize respect for rules, values and responsibilities, rather than promoting critical, informed and active citizens. Especially in countries with an authoritarian past, NGOs consider that models of conformism and submission are still dominant, and emphasize the role of CE in promoting a strong civil society.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Ribeiro, A. B., Rodrigues, M., Caetano, A., Pais, S., & Menezes, I.";"Promoting ""Active Citizens""? The Critical Vision of NGOs over Citizenship Education as an Educational Priority across Europe. ";"International Journal of Progressive Education, Vol. 8, No. 3, pp. 32-47"
612;"The institution of the European Union has had important implications on educational policies throughout Europe, with a growing emphasis on ‘Citizenship Education’ since the mid-1990s. This can be interpreted as a response to phenomena such as the rise of ethnocentrism and xenophobia and of political disaffection of both older and younger citizens. Departing from Weiler’s notion of educational reform as compensatory legitimation, this article analyses the case of migrant youth in Portugal, which is particularly interesting for two reasons. The first is that migrant policies in Portugal have been extremely well evaluated by international agencies, in terms of their potential for the inclusion of migrants. The second is the fact that the migrant groups considered here, Angolans and Brazilians, both have Portuguese as their first language, hence not facing a ‘classical’ barrier to social inclusion. The research presents Portuguese data collected under the European project, Processes Influencing Democratic Ownership and Participation (PIDOP), and confronts the vision of policy makers, national and migrant youths, their parents, and their teachers. On the whole, results suggest that there is a huge gap between educational policy and the real life of schools that partly explains the (dis)empowerment of both migrant and national youth. However, in looking at this process, we must also recognise the complex role of generational factors, cultural capital, and political structures (both in the home and host contexts) in explaining youth civic and political engagement and participation.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2012;"Ribeiro, N., Almeida, C. M., Fernandes-Jesus, M., Neves, T., Ferreira, P. D., & Menezes, I.";"Education and Citizenship: redemption or disempowerment? A Study of Portuguese-Speaking Migrant (and Non-migrant) Youth in Portugal.";"Power and Education, Vol. 4, No. 2, pp. 207-218"
613;"This article aims to compare discourses about national and European policies on active citizenship and democratic participation, with a particular focus on youth and migrants. For this purpose we analysed official documents of public institutions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in order to assess how the process of Europeanization has influenced national policies with regard to increasing political participation and citizens' civic awareness. Additionally, we conducted interviews with policy makers and NGO leaders in order to integrate and compare different levels of discourse and thus identify potential dissonances. Analysis of the documents shows that there is a strong concern to match national policy priorities with those established by international organizations. Notwithstanding positive perceptions, NGO leaders and policy makers criticize the ways policies have been implemented, stressing the need to adopt a strategy that bridges the gap between the prescribed and the real, as well as the importance of overcoming the hegemony of economic factors in policy decisions. In this regard, NGO leaders criticize the cynicism of political leaders and policies motivated by demographic and economic concerns. In relation to European identity and integration, NGO leaders argue that Europe must be collectively constructed, yet, policy makers stress that the failure of the Constitutional Treaty in 2005 resulted from a deficit in the negotiation process. In sum, this article suggests that it is necessary to promote greater involvement of civil society in the design and implementation of policies which, in turn, may contribute to the strengthening of shared democratic principles.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Ribeiro, N., Malafaia, C., Fernandes-Jesus, M., Neves, T., & Menezes, I.";"Europe as a Beacon of Democracy? Citizenship Policies Relating to Youth and Migrants in Portugal";"Journal of Civil Society, Vol. 10, No. 1, pp. 51-68"
614;"This article aims to compare discourses about national and European policies on active citizenship and democratic participation, with a particular focus on youth and migrants. For this purpose we analysed official documents of public institutions and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in order to assess how the process of Europeanization has influenced national policies with regard to increasing political participation and citizens' civic awareness. Additionally, we conducted interviews with policy makers and NGO leaders in order to integrate and compare different levels of discourse and thus identify potential dissonances. Analysis of the documents shows that there is a strong concern to match national policy priorities with those established by international organizations. Notwithstanding positive perceptions, NGO leaders and policy makers criticize the ways policies have been implemented, stressing the need to adopt a strategy that bridges the gap between the prescribed and the real, as well as the importance of overcoming the hegemony of economic factors in policy decisions. In this regard, NGO leaders criticize the cynicism of political leaders and policies motivated by demographic and economic concerns. In relation to European identity and integration, NGO leaders argue that Europe must be collectively constructed, yet, policy makers stress that the failure of the Constitutional Treaty in 2005 resulted from a deficit in the negotiation process. In sum, this article suggests that it is necessary to promote greater involvement of civil society in the design and implementation of policies which, in turn, may contribute to the strengthening of shared democratic principles.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Ribeiro, Norberto, Malafaia, Carla, Fernandes-Jesus, Maria, Neves, Tiago, Menezes, Isabel";"Europe as a Beacon of Democracy? Citizenship Policies Relating to Youth and Migrants in Portugal";"Journal of Civil Society 10 1 51-68"
615;"Youth civic and political participation (CPP) has been a central concern of research and public policy. This situation has been motivated by growing signs of the disaffection of younger generations, at least regarding conventional forms of participation. Recent theoretical debates stress how forms of CPP are evolving, nevertheless it is obviously important to integrate young people's views in the discussion, particularly taking into account groups at risk of exclusion, such as immigrants. This paper intends to contribute to this discussion by considering the meanings that young people attribute to their civic and political experiences, using data collected with focus groups (N = 94) that address the factors that facilitate and/or inhibit the participation of young people from immigrant (Brazilian and Angolan) and non-immigrant (Portuguese) backgrounds. Data will be analysed according to three main dimensions: (1) participants' sources of knowledge, information and influence, (2) participants' views on civic and political engagement: relevance, resources, personal experiences, trustworthiness and efficacy, and (3) participants' perceptions of excluded groups and proposals to promote inclusion. Results show that the experiences and levels of participation of young people of Brazilian and Angolan origin are influenced by their immigrant background. In addition, they indicate a strong tendency of young people to emphasise constraints over opportunities. They feel like incomplete or in-the-making citizens, and state their claim for rights and opportunities to be heard and to be civic and politically engaged.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Ribeiro, Norberto, Malafaia, Carla, Neves, Tiago, Ferreira, Pedro D., Menezes, Isabel";"Constraints and opportunities for civic and political participation: perceptions of young people from immigrant and non-immigrant background in Portugal";"Journal of Youth Studies 18 6 685-705"
616;"Book that provides a general overview of the evolution of citizenship ideas in Western culture ranging from Greek antiquity to the French Revolution. Book asserts that ""if any message can be drawn from this book, it is of the power of the citizen ideal. Citizenship, here conceived as moral choice and action, has been extolled by so many different socieities, pagan and Christian, because it has been viewed not only as an instrument useful in controlling the passions and attenuating private concerns, but also as a means well suited to draw out the best in people. In citizenship the passions normally dedicated to self and kin are directed to a higher purpose, the public good. Citizenship has survived so long and served in so many political environments because of its great inspirational challenge to individuals to make their neighbor's, their fellow citizen's, life better and, by so doing, make their own nobler"" (p. xi).";"SocPhil";"Book";1992;"Riesenberg, P. N. ";"Citizenship in the Western tradition : Plato to Rousseau.";
617;"Social participation plays a key role in predicting positive youth development (PYD). As a previous step of this link, this research examined how children and adolescents' relational lifestyles influenced their participation in political and civic activities. This research provides a multi-dimensional approach to the study of children's social participation, based on six children's lifestyles factors (i.e. family dialogue, risky behaviours, cultural activities, civic values, family supervision and peer group relationships). Using data from an international survey that included 6130 participants (2198 Spanish, 3932 Italian, Mage = 13.8), this study's results show that relational lifestyles (especially family dialogue and out-of-school cultural activities) are positively related to political and civic participation among children and adolescents. On the contrary, some peer group relationships decreased their social participation in those key dimensions for PYD. Limitations of the current study, implications for future policy decisions and applications to children social programs are discussed.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2016;"Rivera, R., & Santos, D.";"Civic and Political Participation of Children and Adolescents: A Lifestyle Analysis for Positive Youth Developmental Programs.";"Children & Society, Vol. 30, No 1, pp. 59-70"
618;"In this paper the relationship between religious identity and engagement in citizenship is examined from an educational point of view. The Dutch systematic theologian Erik Borgman refers to the development of European citizenship as a project of ‘fellowship of fate’: we will need to rediscover a common vision on humanity for Europe as fellow human beings, living in similar urban and multicultural contexts. This issue is both of a (religious) educational and a theological nature. The main research question is: How can we coexist as fellows of fate and at the same time consider ourselves as participants to particular fellowships of faith? This question is addressed by reference to the latest developments in the field of religious education theory and practice, generally acknowledged as a field with a longstanding tradition of vision and discernment.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Roebben, B.";"Fellowship of fate and fellowships of faith: religious education and citizenship education in Europe";"Journal of Beliefs & Values, Vol. 29, No. 2, pp. 207-211"
619;"This is the final volume of this important series on current developments and research in Europe, published in association with CiCe - the European Union Thematic Network Programme - 'Children's Identity and Citizenship in Europe'. Together they offer reflection, analysis and contextualisation of recent findings, locate these in pedagogic practice, and indicate their implications for education.In this concluding volume, the series editor pulls together and analyzes current perspectives on intercultural education and the efforts to include European citizenship education in the education of teachers. The series highlights the development of identity in the countries of Europe, which has new relevance in the developing political, demographic and social character, and will be of interest to sociologists as well as educators across Europe.";"EduHist";"Book";2008;"Ross, A.";"A European education: Citizenship, identities and young people";
620;"This paper explores concepts of multiple and nested identities and how these relate to citizenship and rights, and the implications of identities and rights for active citizenship education. Various theoretical conceptions of identity are analysed, and in particular ideas concerning multiple identities that are used contingently, and about identities that do not necessarily include feeling a strong affinity with others in the group. The argument then moves to the relationship between identity and citizenship, and particularly citizenship and rights. Citizenship is treated non-legalistically, as one of the locations of belonging. The paper draws on three successive categorisations of citizenship rights: by T.H. Marshall in the 1950s, Karel Vasak in the late 1970s and John Urry in the 1990s, and is illustrated in part by the development of European citizenship in parallel to national identity. This is then linked to how contemporary citizenship education might use the exploration of contested rights as a way of developing practical enactive skills of citizenship.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Ross, A.";"Multiple Identities and Education for Active Citizenship";"British Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 55, No 3, pp. 286-303"
621;"Young people express an increasing rejection of institutional politics and its classic actors, which has led to the assertion that youth are apathetic. This article intends to show why this affirmation is partial and does not reflect the underlying complexity of what motivates political participation in young people. The hypothesis is that since young people interpret the youth condition as transitory, they do not consider youth political participation an end in itself. While the youth condition does not structure political participation or constitute actors and political projects, there are specificities of youth political participation that need to be identified. For the purpose of identifying what motivates youth to participate –and how and where do they tend to do so– three cases of political involvement are presented: ATTAC Argentina, the Klampun Community of Papua New Guinea and the World YWCA. The theoretical sections rest on a broadly based research study suggest a reformulation of the common adult perception on youth political participation.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Rossi, F.M.";"Youth Political Participation: Is This the End of Generational Cleavage?";"International Sociology, Vol. 24, No 4, pp. 467-497"
622;"This study explores identification with one's national group using two distinct but interrelated concepts: identity content and relational orientation. Theoretical distinctions were drawn between two forms of identity content: traditional-cultural and civic, and between two forms of relational orientation: blind and constructive. The multidimensionality of both identity content and relational orientation and the relationships amongst these components were examined in a British sample: positive relationships were hypothesized between blind orientation and traditional-cultural content and between constructive orientation and civic content. Principal components analyses confirmed the hypothesized factor structures, and the resulting scales were highly reliable. Relationships amongst the resulting factors were explored using regression analyses. The overall results indicate support for the orthogonality of both the two orientation dimensions and the two content dimensions. Moreover, the hypothesized relationships between forms of orientation and content were largely supported. In conclusion, this study highlights the importance of looking at the relationship between identity content and relational orientation. The implications of these observations for theory and research are discussed with reference to using categories to ""group"" participants in research, citizenship education, and more general attitudes towards social change. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Rothi, D., Lyons, E., & Chryssochoou, X.";"National Attachment and Patriotism in a European Nation: A British Study.";"Political Psychology, Vol. 26, No 1, pp. 135-155"
623;"Qualitative research describing and theorizing about the emerging civic identities of diverse youth is scarce. This study provides a textured view of how civic identity is constructed and negotiated by racially and socioeconomically diverse adolescents, based on interviews and in-class discussions conducted with students in four public secondary schools. Youth living in distinct contexts come to school-based civic education with varied understandings—shaped by disparate daily experiences—of what it means to be an American citizen and a participant in the civic life of a democracy. This investigator’s examination of diverse adolescents’ discussions of their in-school and out-of-school civic experiences suggests a “typology” of civic identity that runs counter to prevalent views of the civic engagement of urban, minority youth. The study illustrates sharp disparities in daily civic experiences of youth from diverse racial and socioeconomic backgrounds, and suggests that schools can either hinder or encourage development of engaged, action-oriented civic identities among students from various contexts.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Rubin, B.C.";"“There’s Still Not Justice”: Youth Civic Identity Development Amid Distinct School and Community Contexts";"Teachers College Record, Vol. 109, No 2, pp. 449-481"
624;"When societies worry about media effects, why do they focus so much on young people? Is advertising to blame for binge drinking? Do films and video games inspire school shootings? Tackling these kinds of questions, Youth and Media explains why young people are at the centre of how we understand the media. Exploring key issues in politics, technology, celebrity, advertising, gender and globalization, Andy Ruddock offers a fascinating introduction to how media define the identities and social imaginations of young people. The result is a systematic guide to how the notion of media influence 'works' when daily life compels young people to act out their relationships through media content and technologies. Complete with helpful chapter guides, summaries and lively case studies drawn from a truly global context, Youth and Media is an engaging and accessible introduction to how the media shape our lives. This book is ideal for students of media studies, communication studies and sociology.";"DevPsy";"Book";2013;"Ruddok, A";"Youth and Media";
625;"Many scholars in the area of citizenship education take deliberative approaches to democracy, especially as put forward by John Rawls, as their point of departure. From there, they explore how students’ capacity for political and/or moral reasoning can be fostered. Recent work by political theorist Chantal Mouffe, however, questions some of the central tenets of deliberative conceptions of democracy. In the paper I first explain the central differences between Mouffe’s and Rawls’s conceptions of democracy and politics. To this end I take Eamonn Callan’s Creating Citizens as an example of Rawlsian political education and focus on the role of conflict and disagreement in his account. I then address three areas in which political education would need to change if it were to accept Mouffe’s critiques of deliberative approaches to democracy and her proposal for an agonistic public sphere. The first area is the education of political emotions, the second is fostering an understanding of the difference between the moral and the political, the third is developing an awareness of the historical and contemporary political projects of the “left” and “right.” I propose that a radical democratic citizenship education would be an education of political adversaries.";"Media";"JArticle";2008;"Ruitenberg, C. W.";"Educating Political Adversaries: Chantal Mouffe and Radical Democratic Citizenship Education";"Studies in Philosophy and Education, Vol. 28, No. 3, pp. 269-281"
626;"In the field of positive youth development programs, ""empowerment"" is used interchangeably with youth activism, leadership, civic participation and self-efficacy. However, few studies have captured what empowerment means to young people in diverse contexts. This article explores how youth define and experience empowerment in youth-led organizations characterized by social justice goals: high school Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs). Through focus group interviews, fifteen youth leaders of GSAs from different regions of California explain what they think empowerment means and how they became empowered through their involvement with the GSA. Youth describe three inter-related dimensions of empowerment: personal empowerment, relational empowerment, and strategic empowerment through having and using knowledge. When these three dimensions are experienced in combination, GSA leaders have the potential for individual and collective empowerment as agents of social change at school. By understanding these youth's perspectives on the meanings of empowerment, this article clarifies the conceptual arena for future studies of socially marginalized youth and of positive youth development.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2009;"Russell, S.T., Muraco, A., Subramaniam, A., & Laub, C.";"Youth empowerment and high school gay-straight alliances";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 38, No 7, pp. 891-903"
627;"Civic participation of young people around the world is routinely described in deficit terms, as they are labelled apathetic, devoid of political knowledge, disengaged from the community and self‐absorbed. This paper argues that the connectivity of time, space and social values are integral to understanding the performances of young people as civic subjects. Today’s youth negotiate unstable social, economic and environmental conditions, new technologies and new forms of community. Loyalty, citizenship and notions of belonging take on new meanings in these changing global conditions. Using the socio‐spatial theories of Lefebvre and Foucault and the tools of critical discourse analysis this paper argues that the chronotope, or time/space relationship of universities, produces student citizens who, in resistance to a complex global society, create a cocooned space, which focuses on moral and spiritual values that can be enacted on a personal level.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Ryan, M.";"Productions of space: Civic participation of young people at university. ";"British Educational Research Journal, Vol. 37, No 6, pp. 1015-1031"
628;"Borders are a unique political space, in which both sovereignty and citizenship are performed by individuals and sovereigns. Using the work of Agamben and Foucault, this article examines how decisions made at the border alienate each and every traveler crossing the frontier, not simply the 'sans papiers' or refugees. The governmentality at play in the border examination relies on an embedded confessionary complex and the 'neurotic citizen', as well as structures of identity, documentation, and data management. The state border is a permanent state of exception that clearly demonstrates the importance of biopolitics to the smooth operation of sovereign power.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Salter, Mark B.";"When the exception becomes the rule: borders, sovereignty, and citizenship";"Citizenship Studies 12 4 365-380"
629;"This report presents the results of analyses of students’ dispositions in Year 9 (age 14). Reports on student’s academic and social-behavioural development at this age are published separately (Sammons et al. 2011a, Sammons et al. 2011b). The original EPPE sample was recruited to the study at age 3 years plus and monitored to the end of Key Stage 3 (Year 9) in secondary school. An additional home sample of children (who had not attended a pre-school setting) was recruited when the pre-school sample started primary school. In addition to exploring pre-school influences, the EPPSE 3-14 research identifies the influence of primary and secondary school on students’ later educational outcomes and trajectories, as well as investigating any continuing pre-school effects.";"SocPhil";"Book";2011;"Sammons, P., Sylva, K., Melhuish, E., Siraj-Blatchford, I., Taggart, B., Smees, R., & Toth, K.";"Influences on Students’ Dispositions in Key Stage 3: Exploring Enjoyment of School, Popularity, Anxiety, Citizenship Values and Academic Self-Concept in Year 9";
630;"This study investigated the effectiveness of a program to promote civic responsibility and prevent antisocial behavior in a sample of Italian adolescents. Participants were 83 Italian male adolescents, attending the second year of high school (Mean age=15.79, SD=0.87). In order to test the efficacy of different strategies (in-classroom training and service activity in a voluntary organization) we divided students into two experimental groups - one classroom of students participated in both strategies (training+volunteering group) and another classroom only participated in the training (training only group)and one control group. Process and efficacy evaluations were completed. Data were collected before and following the intervention. The process evaluation revealed that the program was highly accepted and appreciated by students. The efficacy evaluation revealed no intervention effects on civic responsibility. However, the training+volunteering group reported a significant decrease in antisocial behavior after the program. Thus, the program was effective in preventing antisocial behavior but not in promoting civic responsibility in our sample.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2012;"Santinello, M., Cristini, F., Vieno, A., & Scacchi, L.";"""Volunteering by chance"" to promote civic responsibility and civic engagement: Does it work?";"Journal of Prevention and Intervention in the Community, Vol. 40, No 1, pp. 64-79"
631;"The field of political socialization is often stereotyped in terms of some of the earliest work in the field and is neglected outside certain areas of American political behavior. However, the continuing and vibrant stream of work in political socialization holds potential for addressing many critical issues across American, comparative, and international politics. This article discusses three themes: the construction of a more genuinely comparative field of political socialization, a reconsideration of the relevance of childhood to politics following its virtual abandonment by the field for many years, and the importance of understanding the origins of preferences.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Sapiro, V.";"Not Your Parents’ Political Socialization: Introduction for a New Generation";"Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 7, pp. 1-23"
632;"Civic engagement has been defined broadly as “Individual and collective actions designed to identify and address issues of public concern” (APA, 2014) and can take different forms such as individual volunteerism and political participation. Despite relevant publications that summarize the state of the art, such as the “Handbook of Research on Civic Engagement in outh” (Sherrod, Torney-Purta, & Flanagan, 2010), until recently only few longitudinal studies investigated the development of civic engagement. This was especially true for longitudinal studies spanning from childhood to adulthood, which are crucial for an investigation of developmental origins, life-course correlates, and long-term consequences of civic engagement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Scheithauer, H., & Denissen, J.";"The Development of Civic Engagement: Results from Longitudinal Studies";"Intenational Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3, pp. 65-67"
633;"If civic ENGAGMENT is on the skids, does it really matter? Discussions about the health of civil society are ordinarily conducted as if the reasons for concern are self-evident. When we bother to ask why we care about civic engagement, however, several answers suggest themselves. Participation in voluntary activity matters for three broad categories of reasons: the development of the capacities of the individual, the creation of community and the cultivation of democratic virtues, and the equal protection of interests in public life. In this chapter, we focus on the last of these and explore the implications of patterns of citizen participation in American politics for equal protection of interests.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";1999;"Schlozman, Kay Lehman, Verba, Sidney & Brady Henry E.";" Civic participation and the equality problem";"Chapter  12 in  Skocpol, Theda, and Morris P. Fiorina, eds. Civic engagement in American democracy, pp. 427-59"
634;"This paper addresses questions regarding the origins of individual variations in political trust. In two prospective longitudinal studies we examine the associations between family background, general cognitive ability (g) and school motivation at early age, educational and occupational attainment in adulthood, and political trust measured in early and mid adulthood in two large representative samples of the British population born in 1958 (N = 8,804) and in 1970 (N = 7,194). A lifetime learning model of political trust is tested, using Structural Equation Modelling to map the pathways linking early experiences to adult outcomes. Results show that political trust is shaped by both early and later experiences with institutions in society. Individuals who have accumulated more socio-economic, educational, and motivational resources throughout their life course express higher levels of political trust than those with fewer resources.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2011;"Schoon, I., & Cheng, H.";"Determinants of Political Trust: A Lifetime Learning Model. ";"Developmental Psychology, Vol. 47, No 3, pp. 619-631"
635;"The International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) studied the ways in which countries prepare their young people to undertake their roles as citizens. ICCS was based on the premise that preparing students for citizenship roles involves helping them develop relevant knowledge and understanding and form positive attitudes toward being a citizen and participating in activities related to civic and citizenship education. These notions were elaborated in the ICCS framework, which was the first publication to emerge from ICCS (Schulz, Fraillon, Ainley, Losito, & Kerr, 2008). This report of results from ICCS documents differences among countries in relation to a wide range of different civic-related learning outcomes, actions, and dispositions. It also documents differences in the relationship between those outcomes and characteristics of countries, and in the relationship of these outcomes with student characteristics and school contexts. ICCS considered six research questions concerned with the following:  1. Variations in civic knowledge,  2. Changes in content knowledge since 1999, 3. Students’ interest in engaging in public and political life and their disposition to do so, 4. Perceptions of threats to civil society,  5. Features of education systems, schools, and classrooms related to civic and citizenship education, and 6. Aspects of students’ backgrounds related to the outcomes of civic and citizenship education.";"DevPsy";"Other";2010;"Schulz, W., Ainley, J., Fraillon, J., Kerr, D., & Losito, B.";"ICCS 2009 International Report: Civic knowledge, attitudes and engagement among lower secondary school students in thirty-eight countries";
636;"This study presents the results of a collaborative community-based research project evaluating Youth Force, a youth community organizing program. Participants included urban youth in middle school and high school from minority racial and ethnic backgrounds. Employing a mixed methods research design, the study investigated the impacts of the program on youth participants, as well as the processes through which program experiences influenced youth outcomes. Results indicated that youth community organizing programs influence a range of youth development outcomes, including the development of skills, knowledge, civic engagement, empowerment, and positive changes in self-concept.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2013;"Schwartz, S., Suyemoto, K.";"Creating Change From The Inside: Youth Development Within A Youth Community Organizing Program";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 41, No 3, pp. 341-358"
637;"The study of emerging adulthood—the prolonged transition to adulthood extending into the 20s—is a rapidly growing area of research. Although identity issues are prominent during this period, the role of personal agency and individualization in the identity formation process during these years is not well understood. This study examines three psychological aspects of identity formation (style, status, and process) in relation to personal agency associated with the individualization process. Structural equation modeling analyses suggest that higher levels of agency are positively related to exploration and flexible commitment, unrelated to conformity, and negatively related to avoidance. Cluster analysis was used to examine and support a theorized polarity between developmental and default forms of individualization. Replicated across three U.S. ethnic groups, the results suggest that emerging adults utilize agentic capacities to varying degrees, and that the degree of agency utilized is directly related to the coherence of the emerging adult’s identity.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Schwartz, S.J., Côté, J.E., & Arnett, J.J.";"Identity and agency in emerging adulthood: Two Developmental Routes in the Individualization Process";"Youth & Society, Vol. 37, No 2, pp. 201-229 "
638;"Citizenship education is a current concern of policymakers in various parts of the world. Debates focus on modern notions of citizenship, and the need for citizenship education in a rapidly changing world. This need for citizenship education and corresponding definitions have changed over time, but a persistent characteristic would seem to be a fear of indoctrination and a lack of a coherent vision due in part to the notion of citizenship being a contested concept. Different notions of citizenship in turn underpin different theories of citizenship education, and a number of commentators have examined its role and rationale at various points in time and identified ideal forms of pedagogy, values, skills, curricular content, and assessment. Contributors address the following concerns: universality and equal opportunity, social literacy and citizenship, citizenship education and curriculum, race, different citizenship patterns in civic education, assessment, cultivating respect in human relations, and global citizenship education. Adopting a comparative approach discussing citizenship education in New Zealand, England, Iceland, Israel, Ireland, and Europe, the book presents various debates and develops new frameworks for understanding the issues.";"DevPsy";"Book";2002;"Scott, D., & Lawson, H.";"Citizenship Education and the Curriculum";
639;"When streams of research are isolated from one another by methodological style and ideological character, the fact that they share similar explanatory principles is easily overlooked. Thus, since the 1950s many quantitative and ‘pluralistic’ American studies have argued that political leaders are more likely than the public to support procedural rules of the game. And since at least the 1930s, many qualitative and ‘left-wing’ European commentaries have argued that, in matters of socio-economic policy, members of parliaments become more moderate than their parties' activists. These important claims are embedded in two partial theories which have previously been treated as unrelated, the theories of institutional support and of deradicalization. And yet, different as these theories may be in many respects, they are driven by similar socialization principles which accompany movement from one role in the political system to another. Such socialization principles are a conservative force inculcating both institutional support in procedural rules of the game and deradicalization in orientations towards public policy.";"EduHist";"JArticle";1989;"Searing, Donald D.";"A Theory of Political Socialization: Institutional Support and Deradicalization in Britain";"British Journal of Political Science / Volume 16 / Issue 03 / July 1986, pp 341 - 376"
640;"This study considered the impact of the SERVE Program at Ignatius University upon participating students’ expected political involvement. The SERVE Program is a community service learning program sponsored jointly by Ignatius University’s philosophy and theology departments. Through a mixed methods research design, the authors found that Ignatius University students participating in the SERVE Program demonstrated statistically significant increases in their expected political voice in comparison with peers in a control group. Qualitative interviews with SERVE participants revealed that the program increased students’ awareness of political and social issues, heightened their commitment to philanthropy, fostered their interest in pursuing socially responsible work, and strengthened their commitment to working for social change.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Seider, S.C., Gillmor, S. & Rabinowicz, S.";"The Impact of Community Service Learning Upon the Expected Political Voice of Participating College Students";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 27, No 1, pp. 44-77"
641;"Citizenship is a critically important area of adult functioning so that its development should be of much greater significance in developmental science. Furthermore, it provides a means of exploring a number of key issues in developmental science. It is a prime example of social cognition, and lends itself to examination of interesting issues about development itself and developmental processes. Because it results from lifelong socialization and is influenced by most childhood socialization factors such as families and schools, it offers a useful means of studying socialization. It varies across most indicators of youth diversity so can be a safe way of indexing the increasingheterogeneity of our youth. And it is both a contributor to and an expression of positive youth development, a powerful new approach to research and policy. In this regard, it provides a useful tool for investigating the development of human capital. It should be one of the most important topics in developmental science, not a side issue that only a few people study, that is not covered in child development texts, as is now the case. But attention is needed to the development of theory and measurement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Sherrod, L.R.";"Recognizing Civic Engagement as a Critical Domain of Human Development";"Research in Human Development, Vol. 12, No 3-4, pp. 312-318"
642;"The first half of this chapter offers some reflections on the PYD (postive youth development) approach. The second and longer half examines youth civic engagement as an expression of positive youth development. Civic engagement in youth is an understudied topic that merits research, but it also offers an attractive topic for research because of its usefulness in pursuing a PYD approach. This chapter examines how assets, both internal and external, contribute to the development of civic engagement in young people and how youth’s civic participation contributes to building assets in communities and societies. The chapter concludes by considering what social policies and programs are needed to promote the development of civic engagement as an expression of positive youth development.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2007;"Sherrod, L.R.";"Civic Engagement as an Expression of Positive Youth Development ";"Approaches to positive youth development, pp. 59-74 (edited by R. K. Silbereisen & R. M. Lerner)"
643;"Our research examines youth's political attitudes and socialization experiences in regard to family, race, and religion in order to discover a potential ""hook"" or ""handle"" which could be used to redirect youth attention and interest to citizenship. Political attitudes are a form of civic engagement found even in youth who do not participate politically. Thus, the study of political attitudes provides a means of examining civic engagement in all youth. We hope eventually to develop an intervention to promote the civic engagement of youth.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Sherrod, L.R.";"Promoting the Development of Citizenship in Diverse Youth";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 36, No.2, pp. 287-292 "
644;"The Critical Importance of Civic Engagement - History of Research on Civic Engagement - Conceptualizing and Defining Civic Engagement - The Multifaceted Nature of Civic Engagement - Social and Human Capital - The Civic Status of Today's Youth - The Development of Civic Engagement - The Socialization into Citizenship - Programs Designed to Promote Civic Engagement - Individual Differences in the Socialization into Citizenship - Conclusions: A Conceptualization of Civic Engagement";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2009;"Sherrod, L.R., & Lauckhardt, J.";"The Development of Citizenship";"Handbook of Adolescent Psychology, 3rd ed., pp. 372-407 (edited by R. M. Lerner & L. Steinberg)"
645;"In this concluding article we consider the definition and conceptualization of citizenship, why youth should be interested in citizenship, when developmentally should we as a society try to foster it, where in youth's lives should our efforts be placed, and the existence of potentially different needs and usefulness of different strategies in diverse populations of youth. In addressing the what, why, when, where, and who of citizenship development, we review the contributions to this issue as well as other literature. We conclude the chapter with a charge for future research.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Sherrod, L.R., Flanagan, C., & Youniss, J.";"Dimensions of Citizenship and Opportunities for Youth Development: The What, Why, When, Where, and Who of Citizenship Development";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 264-272"
646;"Engaging youth in civic life has become a central concern to a broad array of researchers in a variety of academic fields as well to policy makers and practitioners globally. This book is both international and multidisciplinary, consisting of three sections that respectively cover conceptual issues, developmental and educational topics, and methodological and measurement issues. Broad in its coverage of topics, this book supports scholars, philanthropists, business leaders, government officials, teachers, parents, and community practitioners in their drive to engage more young people in community and civic actions.";"DevPsy";"Book";2010;"Sherrod, L.R., Torney-Purta, J., & Flanagan, C.A. (Eds.)";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth";
647;"This article presents a case study on the political thought and citizenship conceptions of children and adolescents. Considering children and adolescents as reflexive citizens and partners in community development processes, it is our purpose to understand the development of political thought, and particularly how children conceive the exercise of citizenship and participation. Participants were 97 children of a primary and middle secondary (basic) school, aged 5 to 14 years, organized into age groups of 12 children each. Focus group discussions were used as participatory research methodology which involves children as active collaborators, a method that appears to be a good alternative to the traditional individual interviews used in previous research. Results point to the existence of a developmental process of political thought that begins before the start of formal schooling, and a parallel evolution of the conception of social organization and the concepts of citizenship and participation.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Silva Dias, T., & Menezes, I. ";"Children and adolescents as political actors: Collective visions of politics and citizenship";"Journal of Moral Education, Vol. 43, No. 3, pp. 250-268"
648;"The development of civic responsibility is considered to be an important component of healthy adolescent development. However, the study of its development has been relatively neglected and few studies have attempted to ground understanding of its development in a theoretical framework. The present study operationalized civic responsibility as attitudes and behaviors relating to political and community issues that are beneficial to society and compared two theoretical causal models, the social development model (SDM) and a coping-competency model for their predictive value. Gender differences were also assessed. A total of 500 subjects, drawn from a longitudinal study (the Australian Temperament Project), participated in the study, using questionnaire and interview data. Approximately 1 in 5 adolescents actively engaged in behaviors reflecting community civic responsibility and less than 1 in 10 actively participated in the political arena. However, positive levels of social awareness were evident. Hierarchical multiple regression analyses indicated that the SDM had the most predictive value for political and community civic responsibility. Peer encouragement and peer participation were the most significant predictors. Variables from the coping-competency model played some role in the prediction of community, but not political, civic responsibility. Gender differences in community civic responsibility, but not political civic responsibility, were found. One in two adolescents indicated that they would participate in volunteer work or political activities if more opportunities existed. This suggests the need for greater availability of appropriate community-oriented activities for adolescents.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2004;"Silva, L.D., Sanson, A., Smart, D., & Toumbourou, J.";"Civic responsibility among Australian adolescents: Testing two competing models.";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 32, No 3, pp. 229-255"
649;"This book attempts to address an important question: where is the European project going?. As Europe struggles with the most profound economic and social crises in recent history, what happens to the promises of freedom, democracy, equality and respect for the inviolable and inalienable rights of the human person proclaimed in the Preamble of the Treaty on European Union? How does the European Union intend to demonstrate its commitment to fundamental social rights at a time of widespread deregulation and an increasingly precarious labour market? How can we further enhance the democratic and efficient functioning of European institutions when there is a growing distance between citizens and political elites?. This publication is based on papers given at the international conference «Citizenship and Solidarity in the European Union – from the Charter of Fundamental Rights to the Crisis: The State of the Art», which took place in the School of Law at the University of Minho, Portugal, in May 2012. The line-up of contributors includes scholars from southern and northern Europe and Brazil, and together the papers constitute a lively and productive debate about the future of Europe.";"ComPsy";"Book";2013;"Silveira, A., Canotilho, M., & Madeira Froufe, P. (Eds.)";"Citizenship and Solidarity in the European Union: From the Charter of Fundamental Rights to the Crisis, the State of the Art";
650;"The idea behind citizenship education is that it will help both to integrate the demands of justice, equality and community and to prevent the increasing apathy towards politics and government, which may damage the health and stability of a modern liberal democracy. The recent British Report on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of Democracy in Schools (the Crick Report) can be seen as a response to those concerns. This article discusses these concerns and offers an evaluation of the main recommendations of the Crick Report from the perspective of ethnic minorities and disadvantaged groups. If citizenship education as defined by the Crick Report is intimately linked to ideas of entitlement, justice and tolerance of difference, would such an education help students to acquire the necessary knowledge and understanding, skills and dispositions to tackle racism, discrimination and disadvantage? An incisive education must help to remove social, racial and sex barriers that prevent some citizens from enjoying their full citizenship rights. This article offers some critical general conceptual perspectives that aim to help inform teachers thinking about those issues.";"Policy";"JArticle";2001;"Singh, B. R.";"Citizenship education and the challenge of racism, discrimination and disadvantage";"Contemporary Politics,  Vol. 7, No. 4, pp. 299-318"
651;"This article focuses on civic democracy in the United States of America between the 1960s and 1990s, considering the nature of changes in voluntary groups and the effects of those changes on political participation and the workings of democratic politics. During recent decades, the article claims, cross-class, federated voluntary associations, which were a major component in mid-twentieth-century American society, have dwindled in membership and influence. In their place, professionally run interest associations have proliferated and now play a major role in the politicalprocess. The leadership and activists in these new professional advocacy associations tend to be predominantly middle class and higher-educated. This shift from membership groups to professionally managed associations has implications for the level and nature of political participation in th e United States, and affects public debates and the types of issues championed by voluntary groups. Although changes in civic democracy in the United States have enhanced variety and voice, the top tiers of society have gained influence, while access and participation have declined for citizens lacking wealth or higher education. These developments may well undercut support for broad, more egalitarian social policies in America.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2004;"Skocpol, Theda";"Voice and Inequality: The Transformation of American Civic Democracy";"Perspectives on Politics / Volume 2 / Issue 01 / March 2004, pp 3-20"
652;"This article examines how producers of civic websites and youth themselves understand the role of deliberation and the public sphere and how this influences their political participation. The authors analyze interviews with young people and with producers of civic websites aimed at young people in Slovenia and contrast the normative ideas of respondents with theories of deliberative democracy. The respondents view civil society as essentially nonconflictual and therefore place a high premium on the common good and universal interest, a view that is similar to Jürgen Habermas's early account of the public sphere in Structural Transformations. Politics is seen as the antipode of civil society, fraught with conflict, and carrying a strong negative connotation. The article suggest that this rejection of political conflict, while having some objective justification in the unresponsiveness of the political system, is ultimately dangerous because (as critics of Habermas have pointed out) politics will always involve negotiations between competing interests.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2010;"Slaček, Aleksander Sašo Brlek, Turnšek, Maja Hančič";"Utopia and Its Discontents: How Young People Are Making Sense of the Public Sphere";"International Journal of Learning and Media, Winter 2010, Vol. 2, No. 1, Pages 25-37"
653;"This article examines the formation of European identity among children in two very different countries: the traditionally Eurosceptic United Kingdom and the enthusiastic EU newcomer, Bulgaria. The paper revisits existing debates about the relationships between European identity, knowledge and the political and historical context, paying particular attention to the meanings attached to Europe. It demonstrates that children who identify as European are more likely to see Europe in geographic terms, which facilitates the perception of the European identity as 'default'. In contrast, children who refuse to describe themselves as European see Europe as an exclusive political entity, associated with high standards and distant elites. These perceptions are significantly more common among Bulgarian children, who often depict Europe as a dream, and perceive the European identity as an ideal they aspire to reach. The article also shows how ethnicity and the images of Europe influence the relationship between national and European identities.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2013;"Slavtcheva-Petkova, Vera, Mihelj, Sabina";"Europe - a default or a dream? European identity formation among Bulgarian and English children";"Ethnicities 13 5 565-583"
654;"Public involvement in traditional political institutions has declined significantly over the past few decades, leading to what some have seen as a crisis in citizenship. This trend is most striking amongst young people, who have become increasingly alienated from mainstream electoral politics in Europe. Nevertheless, there is overwhelming evidence to show that younger citizens are not apathetic about 'politics' - they have their own views and engage in democracy in a wide variety of ways that seem relevant to their everyday lives. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, young Europeans have borne the brunt of austerity in public spending: from spiralling youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services, to increased university tuition fees. In this context, the rise and proliferation of youth protest in Europe is hardly surprising. Indeed, youth activism has become a major feature of the European political landscape: from mass demonstrations of the 'outraged young' against political corruption and youth unemployment, to the Occupy movement against the excesses of global capitalism, to the emergence of new political parties. This article examines the role that the new media has played in the development of these protest movements across the continent. It argues that 'digitally networked action' has enabled a 'quickening' of youth participation - an intensification of political participation amongst young, highly educated citizens in search of a mouthpiece for their 'indignation'.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Sloam, J.";" 'The outraged young': young Europeans, civic engagement and the new media in a time of crisis.";"Information, Communication & Society (Special Issue The Networked Young Citizen) Vol. 17, No 2, pp. 217-231"
655;"Academics and policy-makers have highlighted the increasing disconnection between citizens and electoral politics in Europe. Declining citizen involvement in traditional forms of politics has manifested itself in lower voter turnout and a dramatic shrinkage in the membership of political parties. Citizens have turned to alternative forms of civic and political engagement. These trends are most marked amongst young people. Whilst a number of studies have examined the nature of political participation in Europe, and the participation of young people in individual countries or specific political activities (such as voting), hardly any research has looked at patterns of engagement ‘within’ a generation of young people across different democracies. This article examines the political participation of young Europeans in national democracies in 15 European Union member states. Previous studies have shown that citizens are increasingly moving away from electoral forms of participation towards alternative forms of engagement that are (for the population as a whole) much less socially equal. Using data from the European Social Survey, this article finds that the social inequalities of participation are (with the major exception of voting) much less profound for young people. This latter finding has important implications for public efforts to promote greater youth participation in democracy";"Media";"JArticle";2013;"Sloam, J.";"""Voice and Equality"": Young People’s Politics in the European Union";"West European Politics, Vol. 36, No 4, pp. 836-858"
656;"Based on a major qualitative study, this article examines young people's status as citizens. It argues that UK social policy assumes that young people lack citizenship—and so need interventions to develop their citizenship—but that this assumption is not based on concepts of citizenship, but on how youth is (mis)perceived. The research found that the young people prescribed to a number of different interpretations of citizenship, often simultaneously. It found that certain narrow conceptions—such as the employment-oriented model—can serve to exclude young people. Other models—such as that relating to socially constructive participation—better highlight young people's citizenship. The paper concludes by calling for a more conceptually comprehensive and inclusive view of citizenship, so that young people's status as citizens can be better appreciated.";"Policy";"JArticle";2005;"Smith, Noel, Lister,  Ruth, Middleton, Sue & Cox, Lynne";"Young People as Real Citizens: Towards an Inclusionary Understanding of Citizenship";"Journal of youth studies 8.4 (2005): 425-443."
657;"Based on a major qualitative study, this article examines young people’s status as citizens. It argues that UK social policy assumes that young people lack citizenship - and so need interventions to develop their citizenship - but that this assumption is not based on concepts of citizenship, but on how youth is (mis)perceived. The research found that the young people prescribed to a number of different interpretations of citizenship, often simultaneously. It found that certain narrow conceptions - such as the employment- oriented model - can serve to exclude young people. Other models - such as that relating to socially constructive participation- better highlight young people’s citizenship. The paper concludes by calling for a more conceptually comprehensive and inclusive view of citizenship, so that young people’s status as citizens can be better appreciated.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2005;"Smith, Noel, Lister, Ruth, Middleton, Sue, Cox, Lynne";"Young People as Real Citizens: Towards an Inclusionary Understanding of Citizenship ";"Journal of Youth Studies 8 4 425-443"
658;"Political engagement among U.S. emerging adults aged 18 to 24 was examined via quantitative and qualitative data. The data analyzed are from the National Study of Youth and Religion (NSYR). The NSYR consists of three waves of a nationally representative (a) telephone survey (Wave 1 n = 4,161), (b) in-person interviews (Wave 3 n = 230) collected with adolescents and emerging adults, and (c) in the first wave, their parents (n = 3,235). Third-wave interview transcripts are examined for descriptions of political engagement. Findings indicate that emerging adults are generally politically disengaged. Political engagement is disaggregated into six types based on levels of and motivations for political engagement. A number of hypotheses are examined for explanations of political involvement variance. Voluntary association participation, religious practices, political affiliation, and parental political engagement are found to be insufficient explanations. Results indicate that individualized moral beliefs are a significant predictor of political engagement, especially certain types of disengagement.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Snell, P.";"Emerging adult civic and political disengagement: A longitudinal analysis of lack of involvement with politics";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 25, No 2, pp. 258-287"
659;"In recent decades, a series of transformations have occurred that have changed young people's relationships with politics. In most Western countries, young people vote less and protest more. Survey research has detected this two-fold process in participation behaviour, but has failed to detect this same process in the field of political attitudes. In particular, the emergence of a specific dimension of psychological political involvement with a special impact on youth has gone unnoticed in survey-based research. Based on some recent qualitative studies, this research tries to identify and measure a specific dimension of interest in politics using a new question in a survey carried out in Catalonia in 2011. An interest directly oriented to political issues and causes – particularly those relevant in young people's everyday lives – is identified. The article also evaluates how traditional survey indicators of political involvement do capture, or not, this particular dimension of interest in politics. Finally, the new cause-oriented interest indicator is tested to analyse its impact on different types of participation in order to better understand patterns of activism in young people.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Soler-i-Martí, Roger";"Youth political involvement update: measuring the role of cause-oriented political interest in young people's activism";"Journal of Youth Studies 18 3 396-416"
660;"As envisioned by T.H. Marshall, social citizenship was a corrective to the injustices caused by the capitalist market. Entitlements and protections guaranteed by the welfare state would prevent social and economic exclusions that civil and political rights, on their own, simply could not. Such protections consequently would ensure social cohesion and solidarity, as well as a productive economy and market. European welfare states successfully followed this formula for the most part of the post-World War II period, however the last couple of decades witnessed significant changes. For one, the very meaning of ‘work’ and ‘worker’ on which the welfare state is based has changed – flexibility, risk, and precariousness have become defining elements of working life. The welfare state itself has gone through a transformation as well, increasingly moving away from a system of ‘passive benefits’ to ‘social investment’ in human capital. These developments are coupled with an emphasis on education in ‘active citizenship’, which envisions participatory individuals who are adaptable in an increasingly globalized society, and ready to contribute at local, national and transnational levels. The emergent European social project draws on a re-alignment between these strands: work, social investment, and active participation. In this article, I consider the implications of this project for immigrant populations in Europe in particular and for the conceptions of citizenship and human rights in general. In contrast to the recent commentary on the neoliberal turn and the return of nation-state centered citizenship projects in Europe, I emphasize the broader trends in the post-World War II period that indicate a significant shift in the very foundations of good citizenship and social justice. The new social project transpires a citizenship model that privileges individuality and its transformative capacity as a collective good. Thus, while expanding the boundaries and forms of participation in society, this project at the same time burdens the individual, rather than the state, with the obligation of ensuring social cohesion and solidarity, disadvantaging not only non-European migrants but also the ‘lesser’ Europeans. The new social project brings into focus the relationship between universalistic individual rights and their effective exercise. I conclude that rather than treating human rights and citizenship as a dichotomy we should pay attention to their entangled practice in order to understand the contingent accomplishments and possible expansions of citizenship in Europe";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Soysal, Y.N.";"Citizenship, immigration, and the European social project: Rights and obligations of individuality";"British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 63, No 1, pp. 1-21"
661;"How do young people in Europe perceive politics? How do they engage in the political realm? Which groups of young people are actively involved? And which learning environments and opportunity structures can foster participation? In this study, methodological problems of comparative participation research are discussed. The book also presents the measurement instrument developed for this European research project, which will certainly be useful for similar studiesAgainst the backdrop of the debate on the crisis of western democracies and the supposed decline in young people's willingness to take on citizenship duties this book presents results of the EU-project ""Political Participation of Young People in Europe"". It refers to the findings of the qualitative interviews and focus group discussions as well as the results of the representative surveys carried out among 15 to 25 year olds in Germany, Austria, Slovakia, Italy, France, Great Britain, Finland and Estonia. On the one hand, the young people's concepts, images and perspectives on the political realm will be illuminated drawing attention to the complexity and ambivalence inherent in the ideals and accounts of political reality as well as the actual shortcomings of the system of representative democracy in modern society. On the other hand, forms and extent of political participation will be discussed in a comparative perspective and the impact of socio-cultural and economic resources as well as opportunity structures for learning and participation analysed. In this context socialisation and transmission of values, cultures and behaviour by parents, peers, school and voluntary associations are of particular interest. Beyond the presentation of the empirical findings the book will discuss methodological difficulties of comparative participation research and problems of validity.";"Policy";"Book";2008;"Spannring, R., Ogris, G., & Gaiser, W. (Eds.)";"Youth and Political Participation in Europe: Results of the Comparative Study EUYOUPART";
662;"Abstract The paper looks at young people's sense of being European in a number of European regions: Madrid and Bilbao, Vienna and Vorarlberg, Manchester and Edinburgh, Chemnitz and Bielefeld, Prague and Bratislava. We considered the ways in which ?exposure? to Europe through travel and speaking languages as well as cognitive mobilisation through discussing politics made young people aged 18?24 more European. However, the most important factor in differentiating ideas of Europe was the region itself with people in Central European regions (Austria, Germany, Czech and Slovak Republics) having much stronger European identification than those in peripheral regions (Spain and the UK). These ideas are explored using both quantitative and qualitative data from the regions and the explanations advanced are framed in terms of a theory of ?entitativity? or people's identification with something beyond themselves.";"Policy";"JArticle";2008;"Spannring, Reingard, Wallace, Claire, Datler, Georg";"What Leads Young People to Identify with Europe? An Exploration of the Impact of Exposure to Europe and Political Engagement on European Identity among Young Europeans";"Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9 4 480-498"
663;"This text relates to the manner in which western cultures investigate other cultures. Spivak uses the example of the Indian Sati practice of widow suicide to illustrate the ethical problems of investigating a different culture base on ""universal"" concepts and frameworks. The text posits that western academic thinking is produced in order to support western economical interests. Spivak holds that knowledge is never innocent and that it expresses the interests of its producers. For Spivak knowledge is like any other commodity that is exported from the west to the third world for financial and other types of gain. Spivak is wondering how can the third world subject be studied without cooperation with the colonial project. Spivak points to the fact that research is in a way always colonial, in defining the ""other"", the ""over there"" subject as the object of study and as something that knowledge should be extracted from and brought back ""here"".  Basically we're talking about white men speaking to white men about colored men/women. When Spivak examines the validity of the western representation of the other, she proposes that the discursive institutions which regulate writing about the other are shut off to postcolonial or feminist scrutiny. This limitation, Spivak holds, is sue to the fact that critical thinking about the ""other"" tends to articulate its relation to the other with the hegemonic vocabulary. This is similar to feminist writers which abide by the patriarchic rules for academic writing.";"SocPhil";"BookChap";1988;"Spivak, G. ";"Can the Subaltern Speak? ";".In Marxism and the Interpretation of Culture. C. N. a. L. Grossberg. Basingstoke, Macmillan Education: 271-313."
664;"Citizenship education, defined as learning to live together, requires agreement on certain common principles. One central purpose of a state education system is the transmission of common normative standards such as the human rights and fundamental freedoms that underpin liberal democratic societies. The paper identifies the conceptual roots of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) in the sociological concept of utopia and Enlightenment cosmopolitanism. In the UDHR, the vision of freedoms that may promote human flourishing provides a precise way of conceptualising limits on state power. Whilst human rights is not a general theory, the concept has the hugely beneficial property of enabling people whose value systems are diverse and apparently incompatible, nonetheless to recognise and accept common standards and principles that make living in society possible. The implications of this are that human rights education is rightfully recognised as an essential component of citizenship education.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2012;"Starkey, H.";"Human rights, cosmopolitanism and utopias: implications for citizenship education";"Cambridge Journal of Education, Vol. 42, No. 1,  pp. 21-35."
665;"Scholars in international comparative education are calling for a new paradigm - a multi-level qualitative analysis of cross-national data. In response, this volume demonstrates the application of a multi-level analysis to qualitative data. Based on an international data base and case studies on civic education in 24 countries that were gathered in the IEA Civic Education Study, scholars in civic education and international comparative education identify, analyze, and discuss three areas: first, the nature and status of civic education within countries, as well as common themes across countries, second, the paradoxes, puzzles, and complexities presented within countries, and third, new paradigms and methodologies for qualitative cross-national analyses. This work contributes to both the content of research in civic education and the methodology of research in international comparative education. Political systems of participating countries include those that are historically of a free-market orientation, as well as those of formerly socialist countries that have, in the 1990s, undergone massive political and economic change.";"EduHist";"Book";2002;"Steiner-Khamsi, G., Torney-Purta, J., & Schwille, J.";"New Paradigms and Recurring Paradoxes in Education for Citizenship: An International Comparison";
666;"After presenting demographic data to demonstrate why immigrant youth are and will be important, this article addresses the limited literature on immigrant youth civic engagement. It also examines the historical literature of immigrant youth in the United States, specifically that of the last great wave of immigration approximately 100 years ago, along with the literature on contemporary adult immigrant civic engagement. It concludes that today's immigrant youth are Americanizing. Nevertheless, when U.S. society and particularly the U.S. state treats immigrant youth as different, the immigrant youth respond with pride by defending their cultural integrity, their right to be different. Contemporary immigrant youth also have the opportunity to maintain transnational ties with their homeland. In response to these forces and opportunities, immigrant youth maintain multiple identities, sometimes identifying with their homeland culture at other times with the United States. The unanswered question is what difference these multiple ties may make for civic engagement.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2002;"Stepick, A., & Stepick, C.D.";"Becoming American, constructing ethnicity: Immigrant youth and civic engagement";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 246-257"
667;"Although most immigrants are adults, their foreign and U.S.-born children are the fastest-growing component of the U.S. population. How these children integrate into U.S. society and the ways that they civically engage will greatly determine the nature of civil society in the United States over the next few decades. Using qualitative and quantitative data, this study compares the patterns of civic engagement of immigrant and nonimmigrant youth in Miami, Florida, a region of the United States with the highest proportion of immigrants. By almost all measures, immigrant civic engagement is statistically similar to that of nonimmigrants. Because immigrants engage more in civic actions that benefit their ethnic group, they are often missed by traditional civic engagement measures. Those of immigrant extraction, for example, devote considerable activity to using their bilingual skills and helping other immigrants. Like native minorities, immigrants also become heavily engaged in politically related activities in response to discrimination.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Stepick, A., Stepick, C.D., & Labissiere, Y.";"South Florida's immigrant youth and civic engagement: Major engagement: Minor differences ";"Applied Development Science, Vol. 12, No 2, pp. 57-65"
668;"We provide a developmental account of civic engagement-specifically, political participation. Civic engagement is more likely among people with politicized identities, an activist stance, and an interest in diverse peers. The form of civic engagement (focused on transmission of parental values or on social change) is shaped by different generations' relative tendency to identify horizontally (with each other) or vertically (with previous generations). Adolescence is proposed as a formative period for the development of a politicized identity and student activism as providing an opportunity to develop both personal efficacy in the political realm and experience working toward a goal with diverse peers. The intersection of late adolescence with periods of intense social discontinuity increases within-generation identification and decreases interest in cross-generational transmission of values. Young American women in the middle to late 20th century experienced such a confluence of factors, and we focus on studies of women's political participation and development of politicized identities at this time. Thus, forms of civic engagement are shaped not only by individual experiences but also by cohort or generational identity.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Stewart, A.J., & McDermott, C.";"Civic engagement, political identity, and generation in developmental context ";"Research in Human Development, Vol. 1, No 3, pp. 189-203"
669;"The aim of the article is to provide a transdisciplinary view on the approaches of European citizenship and European identity, with respect to the socio-psychological and political aspects. The focus is on youth as the representatives of social categories (nation, region) who will, thanks to the growing mobility, enter into interactions with peers from other countries most intensively. In the first part, the group and social (collective) identity in relation to the transformation of social categories to common (European) identity is characterised. In the second part, the issues of citizenship are analysed in connection with the national and local (regional) identity. The third part is devoted to the young generation, as the main participant in the formation of Europe and its relationship to European Union. The fourth part is concentrated on the specifics of the Slovak Republic in the context of the Central European space in the sense of integration of these countries into European Union. Finally, questions whose empirical solution could contribute to better understanding of the new formed European identity are raised. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved) (journal abstract)";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Štichová, S., & Popper, M.";"Citizenship and European identity in young people: Social psychological and political psychological aspects.";"Československá Psychologie, Vol. 48, No 4, pp. 351-363"
670;"This article argues that a reconfiguration of the modern social contract is taking place as a process that involves the reconceptualisation of citizenship as difference. At the base of this process is one the authors have previously described as ‘the rebellions of differences' (Stoer & Magalhães, 2001). The rebellions are against the cultural, political and epistemological yoke of Western modernity. What characterises differences and their social relations today is precisely their heterogeneity and their inescapable resistance to any attempts at epistemological or cultural domestication. The implications of this rebellion of differences for the concept and practices of citizenship are profound. The main implication explored here is the reconfiguration of what we call ‘attributed citizenship’ into ‘demanded’ or ‘claimed citizenship’. The authors conclude by relating the latter to the political management of education systems.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Stoer, S. R., & Magalhães, A. M.";"The Reconfiguration of the Modern Social Contract, New Forms of Citizenship and Education";"European Educational Research Journal, Vol. 1, No. 4, pp. 692-704"
671;"Both anecdotal and case-study evidence have long suggested that consumer behavior such as the buying or boycotting of products and services for political and ethical reasons can take on political significance. Despite recent claims that such behavior has become more widespread in recent years, political consumerism has not been studied systematically in survey research on political participation. Through the use of a pilot survey conducted among 1015 Canadian, Belgian, and Swedish students, we ascertain whether political consumerism is a sufficiently consistent behavioral pattern to be measured and studied meaningfully. The data from this pilot survey allow us to build a “political consumerism index” incorporating attitudinal, behavioral, and frequency measurements. Our analysis of this cross-national student sample suggests that political consumerism is primarily a tool of those who are distrustful of political institutions. However, political consumers have more trust in other citizens, and they are disproportionately involved in checkbook organizations. They also tend to score highly on measures of political efficacy and post-materialism. We strongly suggest including measurements of political consumerism together with other emerging forms of activism in future population surveys on political participation.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2005;"Stolle, Dietlind, Hooghe, Marc and Micheletti, Michele ";"Politics in the Supermarket: Political Consumerism as a Form of Political Participation";"International Political Science Review (2005), Vol 26, No. 3, 245–269"
672;"Youth civic engagement is an important means of overcoming disrespect and marginalization of young people that, when done right, can contribute to positive change for all of society. Youth service as a form of civic engagement has been promoted by private foundation and government interests, and youth civic engagement in politics, either as voters or in campaigns, is an essential way to empower our nation's young people, but youth programs can go far beyond community service without treading down partisan paths. Through involvement in (a) project creation, (b) institution governance, and (c) issue-based advocacy, the energy young people often waste in powerlessness, boredom, and drifting can be unleashed and reinvested in more constructive activities. This article offers proven strategies for generating greater youth participation in project creation, increasing the impact of youth in leadership and governance, and utilizing youth as a powerful resource for public advocacy.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2002;"Stoneman, D.";"The role of youth programming in the development of civic engagement ";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 221-226"
673;"This chapter draws upon data from an after-school program to adress the question what are the features that enable youth to engage effectively in social change.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2006;"Strobel, K., Osberg, J., & McLaughlin, M.";"Participation in social change: Shifting adolescents’ developmental pathways";"Beyond Resistance: Youth Activism and Community Change, pp. 197-214 (edited by P. Noguera, J., Cammarota, & S. Ginwright)"
674;"The rationale behind a personal and social education (PSE) initiative coordinated by the author in Malta1 is critically reviewed. The social context for the emergence of PSE in a number of countries is compared and contrasted, linking this ‘new’ development with issues of legitimation on the one hand, and problems posed by bureaucratic school structures on the other. Some of the normative dilemmas with PSE are explored, notably its tendency to reduce ‘education’ to a technocratic focus on the development and learning of skills. It is suggested that there is a danger that PSE could become yet another compensatory divide which reinforces the social-control function of schools, but that this can be averted if there is a creative rapprochement between two disparate educational perspectives, namely humanistic education and critical theory/pedagogy. The convergence of the two approaches would ensure that both the personal and the political goals of a true education would be achieved.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1992;"Sultana, R. G. ";" Personal and social education: curriculum innovation and school bureaucracies in Malta. British ";"Journal of Guidance and Counselling, Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 164-185"
675;"Western democracies have seen a decrease in political participation, with young people singled out as the most problematic group. But young people are also the most avid users of online media. It has therefore been argued that online media could be used to evoke their interest in politics, and thus contribute to the reinvigoration of democratic citizenship. Using a mixed qualitative methods approach, this article takes a closer look at 26 young Swedes’ experiences and understandings of social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, as used for political discussions. Compared to the average Swedish 17 to 18-year-olds, the participants are relatively interested in civic and political questions. By focusing on this segment, the article mirrors the experiences of an understudied group – young people who are interested in politics but not engaged. The participants were skeptical about social media as used in relation to politics, and expressed doubts about their suitability and usefulness. Four themes were identified, where three have to do with perceived risks: for conflict, misunderstandings and deceit. The participants also expressed the idea of online political activities as being less authentic than their offline equivalents. The idea that young people want and expect something that political organizations cannot live up to is one of the most dominant discourses that characterize the discussion on youth political participation today. However, while some properties of social media fit well into what young people have been found to prefer, for the participants, negative traits seem to outweigh the positive ones, thus discouraging them from participating.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Sveningsson, M. ";"“I don’t like it and I think it’s useless, people discussing politics on Facebook”: Young Swedes’ understandings of social media use for political discussion";"Cyberpsychology: Journal of Psychosocial Research on Cyberspace, 8(3), pp. 1-12."
676;"The empirical challenge is to study how this connection in fact is established. This is possible to do by examining one of the practices, or dimensions, Dahlgren (2004) points out as being perhaps the most important one within the concept of civic culture: discussions. Participating in discussions online involves an informal learning of norms by doing. Lave and Wenger (1991) conceptualize communicative arenas such as chat rooms and message boards as Communi- ties of Practice, where participants learn, not by formal instructions but infor- mally, by their participation.";"Media";"BookChap";2010;"Svensson, Anders ";"Young Men, ICTs and Sports. Fan Cultures and Civic Cultures";"Olsson, Tobias & Dahlgren, Peter (Eds.), Young People, ICTs and Democracy. Theories, Policies, Identities, and Websites, pp. 211-229"
677;"Many studies indicate that participation and sense of community (SoC) are associated factors enhancing community development. However, research has almost completely ignored the magnitude of the association between the two and the stability of this relationship across contexts, populations and different forms of community participation. A meta-analysis was conducted to assess the following: (a) the strength and stability of the SoC-participation relationship, (b) variations in this relationship associated with different forms of participation (i.e., civic and political), and (c) the influence of population characteristics on the SoC-participation relationship. The results showed that the SoC-participation relationship is significant, positive and moderately strong for forms of participation in the adult population and specific cultural contexts. Implications for theory and applications are discussed.";"Media";"JArticle";2014;"Talò, C., Mannarini, T., & Rochira, A.";"Sense of Community and Community Participation: A Meta-Analytic Review";"Social Indicators Research, Vol. 117, No 1, pp. 1-28"
678;"This paper treats both substantive and methodological issues in assessing agent influence on individual political attitudes. From a substantive perspective, the effect of perceptual accuracy, issue salience, and parent-peer orientation on attitude relationships among adolescents, parents, and peers is analyzed. These variables are found to affect relationships in a similar fashion, but their marginal distributions generally lead to higher correlations between adolescents and parents than between adolescents and peers. From a methodological perspective the link between statistical techniques for measuring paired comparisons and conceptions of influence is analyzed. It is argued that parents and peers can have divergent political attitudes, yet both influence the individual in the same direction";"ComPsy";"JArticle";1980;"Tedin, Kent L.";"Assessing Peer and Parent Influence on Adolescent Political Attitudes";"American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 24, No. 1 (Feb., 1980), pp. 136-154"
679;"This article proposes an agenda for political participation research aimed at providing empirical answers to questions derived from normative political theory. Based on a threefold distinction between responsive, participatory and deliberative models of democracy, the article first distinguishes three conceptions of political participation: as influencing attempts, as direct decision making, and as political discussion. Second, it is argued that each of the three models is associated with different desired consequences of political participation: equal protection of interests, self-development and subjective legitimacy. Third, a procedural standard is identified from which to evaluate the mechanism generating the three types of participation. By analogy with theories of distributive justice, this mechanism should be sensitive to incentives but insensitive to resources. The empirical questions thus implied are finally drawn together into an integrated agenda for future participation studies.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2006;"Teorell, Jan";"Political participation and three theories of democracy:A research inventory and agenda";"European Journal of Political Research 45.5 (2006): 787-810"
680;"Is it possible for people to join their way to good citizenship? Contemporary thinking, both academic and popular, often leaves the impression that it is, but a careful investigation of the evidence raises serious doubts. In actuality, belonging to voluntary associations is a woefully inadequate foundation for good citizenship for three primary reasons: People join groups that are homogeneous, not heterogeneous, civic participation does not lead to, and may turn people away from, political participation, and not all groups promote democratic values. Good citizens need to learn that democracy is messy, inefficient, and conflict-ridden. Voluntary associations do not teach these lessons.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2005;"Theiss-Morse, E. & Hibbing, J. R. ";"Citizenship and civic engagement";"Annual Review of Political Science, Vol. 8, pp. 227-249"
681;"Over the past decade, Internet and politics scholarship has been concerned with the effects of the Internet on forms of civic and political participation. Recent research has moved on to examine the effects of social networking sites like Facebook. Although past studies have generally found positive – albeit weak or moderate – relationships between social networking sites use and civic and political participation, reliance on cross-sectional surveys has not produced conclusive evidence of the direction of causality. We use a two-wave panel survey of 15- and 16-year-olds to examine how Facebook use affects various forms of political and non-political entertainment-oriented participation (both online and offline). We find that Facebook use is positively related to civic and entertainment-oriented, but not to online or offline political, participation. Further analysis using structural equation modelling shows that prior levels of civic participation have a stronger effect on Facebook use than Facebook use has on civic participation. Facebook use only leads clearly to entertainment-oriented participation. The implications of these findings are discussed.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2014;"Theocharis, Yannis & Quintelier, Ellen";"Stimulating citizenship or expanding entertainment? The effect of Facebook on adolescent participation";"New Media & Society"
682;"This paper brings Bourdieu's trilogy of theoretical concepts habitus, capital and field to bear on the concept of European identity. By employing a framework analysis of secondary qualitative data in the form of in-depth interviews undertaken with young Scottish adults, it is hypothesised that individuals with knowledge or experience of Europe and European culture are more likely to positively identify with Europe and the European Union than those with either little or no knowledge or experience at all. The results support the hypothesis and the argument is advanced that social groups who stand little or nothing to gain from identifying with Europe are indeed highly unlikely to do so. The author offers specific suggestions for future research.";"Media";"JArticle";2008;"Thorpe, Chris";"The Distinguishing Function of European Identity: Attitudes Towards and Visions of Europe and the European Union among Young Scottish Adults";"Perspectives on European Politics and Society 9 4 499-513"
683;"Over the past two decades, in several Northern and Western European Union countries responsibility for general youth policy has been transferred from the central government to the local level of municipalities. In this transformation process the local authorities, guided by central government's advice, have decided to give the participation of children and young people in policy decision-making an unprecedented policy prominence. In the Netherlands, as in the UK, youth's participation in policy decision-making was linked to the idea of fostering among young people a greater commitment to democracy. Democratic citizenship became the new pedagogical ideal. This evaluation study of youth policy in 25 municipalities shows the discrepancies between democratic ideals and youth's participation in practice. Most local authorities only pay lip service to the idea of engaging young people in the democratic process. Full participation and the creation of a culture of participation remain exceptional.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2009;"Timmerman, Greetje ";"Youth policy and participation: An analysis of pedagogical ideals in municipal youth policy in the Netherlands";"Children and Youth Services Review 31 (2009) 572–576"
684;"The past 2 decades have seen an increasingly intense debate on how the rise of Internet-mediated communication has impacted politics in (semi)authoritarian regimes. Previous works have adopted a wide array of approaches. Yet, to date no major study has investigated how citizens in these regimes are making sense of political messages they encounter online in the new, more fragmented media environments of the Internet age. In an initial attempt to fill this gap, this explorative study juxtaposes how young Russians make sense of a liberal-democratic blog entry and, by contrast, a news broadcast from state-controlled TV. On the basis of the findings from 20 in-depth interviews, the article discusses promising avenues for future audience research in hybrid regimes.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2013;"Toepfel, Florian";"Making Sense of the News in a Hybrid Regime: How Young Russians Decode State TV and an Oppositional Blog. ";"Journal of Communication, Vol 63 (2), 244-265"
685;"In 2008, the Labour government established the Youth Citizenship Commission (YCC). The (independent) Commission, staffed by individuals of varying backgrounds and serviced by the Ministry of Justice, was asked to examine how young people define citizenship and to explore how that citizenship might better be connected to political activity. Additionally, the YCC was required to lead a consultation on whether the voting age should be lowered. From the perspective of two participants, this article examines the key debates which exercised the YCC and discusses some of its most important recommendations, but also looks at its workings. Could the Commission (or other independent Commissions) operate differently in terms of evidence-gathering, deliberations, recommendations or implementation of proposals?";"Media";"JArticle";2010;"Tonge, Jonathan & Mycock, Andrew";"Citizenship and Political Engagement Among Young People: The Workings and Findings of the Youth Citizenship Commission";"Parliamentary Affairs Vol. 63 No. 1, pp. 182–200"
686;"Schools achieve the best results in fostering civic engagement when they rigorously teach civic content and skills, ensure an open classroom climate for discussing issues, emphasize the importance of the electoral process, and encourage a participative school culture. Schools whose students do not plan to attend college and have few educational resources at home face a special challenge. These are among the conclusions of the IEA Civic Education Study in which 90,000 14-year-olds in 28 countries were tested on knowledge of civic content and skills and were surveyed about concepts of citizenship, attitudes toward governmental and civic institutions, and political actions.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2002;"Torney-Purta, J.";"The school's role in developing civic engagement: A study of adolescents in twenty-eight countries";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 203-212"
687;"This article is based on the assumption that the right to vote in national elections is not an essential dimension of citizenship for early adolescents as long as adolescents’ other competencies and attitudes are nurtured in their everyday settings. The article addresses the issue of children or early adolescents and their political and civic participation from three perspectives. First, it examines how human rights and action in community settings have been viewed across the several decades in which political socialization research has been conducted. The idea of emergent participatory citizenship for young adolescents is introduced. Second, the authors examine findings from survey research to determine whether the socialization and developmental experiences of the majority of early adolescents entering the twenty-first century have resulted in attitudes and skills appropriate to being full citizens. The third section examines studies using qualitative methodologies—observations and interviews—to show how the spaces for adolescents to exercise participatory and deliberative capabilities can be enhanced.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Torney-Purta, J., & Amadeo, J.A.";"Participatory niches for emergent citizenship in early adolescence: An international perspective ";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social science, Vol. 633, No 1, pp. 180-200"
688;"The article reviews the IEA Civic Education Study from a cross-national perspective.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Torney-Purta, J., & Amadeo, J.A.";"A cross-national analysis of political and civic involvement among adolescents";"Political Science and Politics, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 269-274"
689;"In this article we are taking a first step toward understanding the preparation for citizenship of immigrant adolescents. We analyze data from 14-year-old students tested and surveyed in the IEA Civic Education Study to look at the civic knowledge, attitudes, and engagement of four groups of adolescents in the United States: Hispanic immigrants, Hispanic non-immigrants, non-Hispanic immigrants, and non-Hispanic nonimmigrants. In the future we plan to examine immigrant groups in other countries that participated in this study.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Torney-Purta, J., Barber, C., & Wilkenfeld, B.";"Differences in the civic knowledge and attitudes of adolescents in the United States by immigrant status and Hispanic background. ";"Prospects, Vol. 36, No 3, pp. 343-354"
690;"Many studies have reported gaps between Latino and non-Latino adolescents in academic and political outcomes. The current study presents possible explanations for such gaps, both at the individual and school level. Hierarchical linear modeling is employed to examine data from 2,811 American ninth graders (approximately 14 years of age) who had participated in the IEA Civic Education study. Analyses of large data bases enable the consideration of individual characteristics and experiences, as well as the context of classrooms and schools. In comparison with non-Latino students, Latino adolescents report more positive attitudes toward immigrants’ rights but have lower civic knowledge and expected civic participation. These differences were apparent even when controlling for language, country of birth, and political discussions with parents. School characteristics that explain a portion of this gap include open classroom climate and time devoted to study of political topics and democratic ideals. Results are discussed within the framework of developmental assets and political socialization. Implications for educational policy and ways to use large data sets are also discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Torney-Purta, J., Barber, C.H., & Wilkenfeld, B.";"Latino adolescents’ civic development in the United States: Research results from the IEA Civic Education Study";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 36, No 2, pp. 111-125"
691;"The International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement, known as IEA, is an independent, international consortium of national research institutions and governmental research agencies, with headquarters in Amsterdam. Its primary purpose is to conduct large-scale comparative studies of educational achievement with the aim of gaining more in-depth understanding of the effects of policies and practices within and across systems of education.";"DevPsy";"Book";2001;"Torney-Purta, J., Lehman, R., Oswald, H., & Schulz, W.";"Citizenship and education in twenty-eight countries: Civic knowledge and engagement at age fourteen";
692;"The purpose of this paper is to examine different facets of trust in the political system or civic realm and how they are correlated to the expected civic or political engagement of young people. The nature and effects of trust in social and political institutions have been studied in adults, distinguishing between various types of trust (in institutions compared with more generalized trust in people). Few studies have focused on how trust affects the political socialization of children and adolescents, who are in the process of developing their attitudes towards government and other social institutions. Our analysis uses data collected in 1999 from the IEA Civic Education Study of 14-year-olds to examine trust at three levels—trust in institutions with which individuals have little or no daily contact (those delegated as representatives in institutions such as the national legislature), trust in institutions with whose representatives individuals interact frequently (schools), and trust in other people. First in this analysis, levels of these three types of trust are compared in five democracies whose levels of political stability vary (Bulgaria, Chile, Colombia, England and the United States). Second, correlates of individuals’ levels of trust (including school climate and experiences with family) are examined. Third, trust, civic knowledge, school experiences, and family variables are used to predict levels of three types of civic or political engagement (voting, conventional political participation that goes beyond voting, and community participation). Levels of trust relate to the stability of democracy in the countries examined and to participation, suggesting a “threshold” of trustworthiness which a political system needs to establish in order to foster civic and political participation in young people. Additionally, different types of civic engagement are influenced differentially by trust and by other aspects of experience in schools. Civic knowledge is a predictor of the expectation of voting (and obtaining information about candidates), but it is not related to the expectation of civic participation in the community (through volunteering or collecting for charity). Service learning experiences show small positive effects on expectations of voting and larger effects on expectations of civic participation in the community (especially in the United States).";"EduHist";"Other";2004;"Torney-Purta, J., Richardson, W.K., & Barber, C.H.";"Trust in Government-Related Institutions and Civic Engagement among Adolescents: Analysis of Five Countries from the IEA Civic Education Study (CIRCLE Working Paper 17). ";
693;"This volume reports the results of the first phase of the Civic Education Study conducted by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA). During 1996 and 1997, researchers in 24 countries collected documentary evidence on the circumstances, contents, and processes of civic education in response to a common set of framing questions. They also solicited the views of experts on what 14-year-olds should know about a variety of political and civic issues. Each chapter provides a summary of these national case studies and highlights pressing issues or themes of current importance within civic education. This volume will give educators and policy-makers cross-national information to enhance consideration of the role and status of civic education within their countries, especially in light of growing concerns about youth participation in democratic society.";"DevPsy";"Book";1999;"Torney-Purta, J., Schwille, J., & Amadeo, J. A.";"Civic education across countries: Twenty-four case studies from the IEA Civic Education Project";
694;"The recently completed IEA Civic Education Study collected data from 140,000 adolescent students in a total of 29 countries. A recent examination of the work of Nevitt Sanford shows that many aspects of the IEA Civic Education Study are parallel to methods and conclusions of his research from the 1950’s through the 1970’s and partake in the spirit of his work as well as extending it. These parallels include the use of a contextualized approach in the study of adolescents’ socialization and the value of studying groups with extreme response patterns.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2004;"Torney‐Purta, J.";"Adolescents’ political socialization in changing contexts: An international study in the spirit of Nevitt Sanford";"Political Psychology, Vol. 25, No 3, pp. 465-478"
695;"This important book looks at developments that are changing our understanding of the role of education in citizenship and the possibilities of democratic participation. The first chapter reviews theories of citizenship and education based on the classical contributions to political theory of C.B. MacPherson and T.H. Marshall. The second chapter challenges educators to think more politically about education. It is based on a seminal analysis that shows the role education plays in the liberal, neoliberal, and neoconservative state, incorporating critical perspectives from neo-Marxism, postmodernism, and feminism. In chapter three Professor Torres analyzes the transition from the welfare state to the neoliberal state, including the role of international organizations in promoting educational reform and privatization policies. In the concluding chapter Torres draws on Hobbes, Locke, Jefferson, Kant, Hegel, Marx and other writers such as C. Mouffe and C. Pateman to outline contemporary approaches to multiculturalism in education and citizenship.";"DevPsy";"Book";1998;"Torres, C. A. ";"Democracy, Education, and Multiculturalism: Dilemmas of Citizenship in a Global World";
696;"The most urgent problem facing the European Union is to develop the best approach to conflicts over integration in the fields of culture, economics and foreign policy. The essay argues that a particular form of democratic integration is better than the two predominant approaches. This approach draws on the actual practices of the democratic negotiation of integration that citizens engage in on a daily basis but which tend to be overlooked and overridden in the dominant approaches.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2007;"Tully, J. ";"A New Kind of Europe?: Democratic Integration in the European Union.";"Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 10(1): 71-86."
697;"The ways citizen participation and democracy are changing are poorly understood due to the dominance of theories inherited from the eighteenth centruy: Democratic citizenship can be better understood if critical reflection is re-oriented around the games of concrete freedom here and now as recommended by Hannah Arendt, Ludwing Wittgenstein, Michel Foucault and Quentin Skinner. This orientation brings to light two distrinctive types of citizen freedom in the present: diverse forms of citizen participation and diverse practices of governance in which citizens participate.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1999;"Tully, J. ";"The agonic freedom of citizens";"Economy and Society 28(2): 161-182."
698;"Societies face two contradictory principles. They are organised around issues of scarcity, which result in exclusionary structures such as gender divisions, social classes and status groups, but they must also secure social solidarity. In social science, these contradictory principles are characteristically referred to as the allocative and integrative requirements. In a secular society, especially where social inequality is intensified by economic rationalism, citizenship functions as a major foundation of social solidarity. The article also explores the scope of citizenship studies through an examination of identity, civic virtue and community. It concludes with an extensive critique of the legacy of T. H. Marshall, pointing to the future of citizenship studies around the theme of globalisation and human rights.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";1997;"Turner, Bryan S.";"Citizenship studies: A general theory";"Citizenship Studies 1 1 42142"
699;"Tracing a route through the recent ?ugly history? of British citizenship, this article advances two central claims. Firstly, British citizenship has been designed to fail specific groups and populations. Failure, it argues, is a design principle of British citizenship, in the most active and violent sense of the verb to design: to mark out, to indicate, to designate. Secondly, British citizenship is a biopolitics ? a field of techniques and practices (legal, social, moral) through which populations are controlled and fashioned. This article begins with the 1981 Nationality Act and the violent conflicts between the police and black communities in Brixton that accompanied the passage of the Act through the British parliament. Employing Michel Foucault's concept of state racism, it argues that the 1981 Nationality Act marked a pivotal moment in the design of British citizenship and has operated as the template for a glut of subsequent nationality legislation that has shaped who can achieve citizenship. The central argument is that the existence of populations of failed citizens within Britain is not an accident of flawed design, but is foundational to British citizenship. For many ?national minorities? the lived realities of biopolitical citizenship stand in stark contradistinction to contemporary governmental accounts of citizenship that stress community cohesion, political participation, social responsibility, rights and pride in shared national belonging.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2010;"Tyler, Imogen";"Designed to fail: A biopolitics of British citizenship";"Citizenship Studies 14 1 61-74"
700;"The participation of children in schools, community action, organizations, media, programmes, policy advocacy and governance has gained growing support over the past 15 years. This interest in children’s active involvement is being stimulated by an increased understanding of children’s development, abilities and contributions, and a greater recognition of children’s citizenship and their rights to expression, decision making, information and association. The spread of children’s participation has produced a large amount of materials on a wide range of aspects of child and youth participation. As this resource guide shows, documents are available on children’s participation in education, HIV prevention, health, hygiene and sanitation promotion, environmental protection, urban planning, emergency response and preparedness, and the protection of children and adolescents from exploitation, violence and abuse, to name only a few. Children’s participation has moved far beyond the exclusive domain of child rights organizations and is well on its way to becoming a mainstream concern. As this compilation shows, children’s participation means different things in different sectors and is more developed in some programme areas than in others. Much of the information on child and youth participation is not easily accessible in one place. Materials on children’s participation in a specific sector can be difficult to find. Moreover, it is often difficult to identify the most useful resources for a specific purpose. This resource guide has been compiled in response to a growing need expressed by practitioners to organize the large and diverse literature on children’s participation. The guide provides a user-friendly directory of key resources through an extensive annotated bibliography with links to websites, where available. The guide also includes a searchable CD-ROM, which provides easy access to full-text documents. It is hoped that this annotated resource guide will further stimulate the promotion of children’s involvement in decisions and actions that affect and concern them.";"SocPhil";"Other";2006;"UNICEF";"Child and Youth Participation: Resource Guide.";
701;"Today, we have the largest generation of young people the world has ever known. One third of them live in countries that have suffered a violent conflict, 75 million are unemployed, and political representation is systematically much older, in all regions of the world, than the society it represents. In other words, the institutional public space is scarce for young men and women, if war was a tragedy for all, peace is difficult for them and jobs are hard to get and tough to keep. The young generations have made their voices heard loud and clear about the future they want. In the Post-2015 Consultations, they have demanded, more than anything else, education, jobs, honest and responsive govern- ments, and greater and meaningful participation in decision-making. Their views must count. Politics needs rejuvenation, balancing the weight of experience with the needs, energy and innovative force of youth. Labour markets must offer young people a decent chance in life. Education has to attain the quality that allows students to learn and be competitive. Basic equality has to be acquired at birth, established in childhood and consolidated during the youth years. UNDP’s first-ever corporate Youth Strategy, “Empowered Youth, Sustain- able Future”, is about resilience, sustainable and human development, and effective and democratic governance. It calls on the young generations to become even more committed agents of change in development processes.  Together with the United Nations Secretary-General’s Envoy on Youth, UNDP is also increasing its engagement with young women and men, their organisations, and other stakeholders that matter. The UNDP Youth Strategy carries the message of our Strategic Plan to young people. It is about hope in the future, but it is mostly about a present of opportunity.";"DevPsy";"Other";2014;"United Nations Development Programme";"UNDP Youth Strategy 2014-2017. Empowered Youth, Sustainable Future";
702;"The International School Correspondence Program (ISCP) was one of just a few Junior Red Cross (JRC) programs that were designed to bring pupils from different parts of the globe together outside of the work of war relief. A valuable, primary source publication that documented the activities of the ISCP is entitled Our Book Our Very Own Book (1937). This collection of schoolwork and memories is examined here as a means to explore an expanded notion of social service activities performed by youth during the inter-war period. The article is divided into two interrelated sections that outline the establishment of the JRC ISCP as a transnational organization for youth and then explores their recollections of citizenship and service. The article begins with the historical context and purpose of the JRC, first in North America, then internationally. Active citizenship was an important component for JRC programs and the addition of the ISPC provided a means to transmit a JRC understanding of active citizenship internationally. In this manner, schools were sites for formal and informal social construction via official and unofficial forms of curriculum and thus served as critical places that inculcated citizenship ideals. Schools were also the transnational 'borders' across which JRC ideals about active citizenship traveled. The second half of the article demonstrates through schoolwork how the JRC youth articulated and performed social service as a practice of active citizenship.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Valdes, Annmarie";"I, being a member of the Junior Red Cross, gladly offered my services: Transnational practices of citizenship by the international Junior Red Cross youth";"Transnational Social Review 5 2 161-175"
703;"Cool Places explores the contrasting experiences of contemporary youth. The chapters draw on techno music and ecstasy in Germany, clubbing in London, global backpacking and gangs in Santa Cruz as well as expereinces at home, on the streets and seeking employment. The contributors use these examples to explore representation and resistance and geographical concepts of scale and place in young people's lives within social, cultural and feminist studies to focus upon the complexities of youth cultures and their spatial representations and interactions.";"SocPhil";"Book";"#NULL!";"Valentine, Gill, Skelton, Tracey";"""Cool Places: an introduction to youth and youth cultures""";"In, Cool Places: Geographies of Youth Cultures. Eds. Skelton, T and Valentine, G."
704;"ALDA – The Association of Local Democracy Agencies – is an organisation dedicated to the promotion of good governance and citizen participation at the local level. It is made up of over 160 members comprising local authorities and civil society organisations in the enlarged Europe. Recently, new forms of interaction between citizens and decision makers have been put in place. By analysing ALDA's 15 years of hands-on activities with its members and partners, this publication contributes to a better understanding of the added value of citizen participation at the local level in Europe and its neighbouring countries. This book brings together the work of the Director and staff of ALDA and of the Local Democracy Agencies, as well as numerous practices and voices from the members and partners of its vast network. Through the field experiences presented, ALDA shows how and why citizen participation leads to the adoption of better solutions, and, at the same time, fosters long lasting, balanced development. This publication formulates conclusions and offers insightful input for future activities aiming at building truly democratic local democracy. It is therefore particularly useful for all those who intend to work within the recently adopted programme ‘Europe for Citizens'2014-2020, as well as to bridge the topics of active citizenship and development – the focus of the European Years 2013 and 2015.";"SocPhil";"Book";2014;"Valmorbida, A.";"Citizens' Participation at the Local Level in Europe and Neighbouring Countries: Contribution of the Association of Local Democracy Agencies";
705;"In a search for the 'good European citizen', the prevalent views of European Union (EU) policymakers, civil society bodies, and citizens are confronted. The civil society and ordinary citizens are both content with strengthening the position of civil society and not increasing the participatory demands on citizens. Ideas among EU policymakers about civil society as a means to integrate citizens and to close the gap between citizens and the EU are misplaced and incongruent with other images of the 'good European citizen'";"Policy";"JArticle";2009;"Van Deth , Jan W, ";"The ‘good european citizen’: congruence and consequences of different points of view";"European Political Science, Vol. 8, No. 2, pp. 175–189"
706;"Summary/comnents from review (Coffé, Hilde, 2009, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 71, No. 3, pp. 1204-1205): The issues of citizenship and involvement have recently witnessed a strong revival of interest in the academic world. Also outside the research community, the notion that a well-developed democracy relies on the combination of political, social, and civic involvement among its citizens has been stressed. The present edited volume’s aim is to illustrate to what extent European citizens actually realize this ideal of citizenship. To describe citizens’ realization of citizenship, the authors draw on a largescale cross-national survey (Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy, CID) conducted at the turn of the century (1999– 2002) in 12 longstanding as well as recent European democracies. Next to an introductory and concluding chapter, the book is divided into four major parts, each focusing on one aspect of citizenship. The first section (chaps.2–5) tackles the issue of civic orientations, as represented by social and political trust, confidence in representative democracy, norms of good citizenship, and political and social tolerance. These attitudes are described, compared between nations and explained. Whereas the first part focuses on dispositions, the following parts investigate activities. The main activity studied in the second part (chaps. 6–8) is the issue of participation involuntary associations and social networks. It describes and explains different types of involvement in a wide range of organisations. In addition to involvement in voluntary organisations, the second section includes a chapter on networks inside as well as outside oranisational life, such as friendship networks, support networks, networks in organizational life, and workplace networks. The third section (chaps.9–11) focuses on participation in small scale democracy defined as actions taken by citizens in order to control their own personal situation. It investigates the determinants to take action in four domains (child education, healthcare, working life, and student education), and the consequences there of. The central topic of the final part (chaps.12–15) is participation in large-scale democracy which is to a large extent defined as political participation yet including both mainstream and less mainstream types of political participation. Besides describing and explaining different types of political participation, a typology of political involvement is introduced combining the extent to which citizens express a subjective interest in politics and the importance they attribute to it in their lives. In sum, the14 empirical chapters cover a wide range of dimensions of political and civic participation. Whereas some topics are classical issues in the academic literature (such as voting), others (such as norms of good citizenship) are less common and understudied at best. Besides, the CID survey is a rich dataset that offers the authors the possibility to measure the different topics in a detailed way. This makes the book worth reading for both active researchers in the field of citizenship and students. The comparative perspective, consequently showing significant differences between newer and older democracies, also makes the volume informative for cross-national comparative scholars. With the cross-national comparative perspective consequently adopted in all empirical chapters, thework also achieves its original goal of providing an overview of citizens’ civic orientations and participation in civil society and political life in various countries on the European continent. The manuscript has a coherent structure in which the different parts are integrated, confirming the editors’ argument that citizenship is an interrelated multidimensional topic.";"PolScience";"Book";2007;"Van Deth , Jan W, Montero, José Ramon & westholm, Anders (editors)";"Citizenship and involvement in European democracies: a comparative analysis";
707;"How would you recognize a mode of participation if you see one? Owing to the rapid expansion of political activities in the last decades this question has become increasingly difficult to answer. Neither the development of all-embracing nominal definitions, nor deductive analyses of existing modes of participation seem to be helpful. In addition, the spread of expressive modes of participation makes it hard to avoid purely subjective definitions. The aim of this discussion paper is to develop an operational definition of political participation, which allows us to cover distinct conceptualizations systematically, efficiently and consistently. This goal can only be arrived at if the conventional approach of presenting nominal definitions to solve conceptual problems is left behind. Instead, available definitions are included in a set of decision rules to distinguish three main variants of political participation. A fourth variant is distinguished for non-political activities used for political purposes. Together, the four variants of political participation cover the whole range of political participation systematically without excluding any mode of political participation unknown yet. At the same time, the endless expansion of the modes of political participation in modern democracies does not result in an endless conceptual expansion. Implications for research and various examples are discussed.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2014;"Van Deth, Jan W.";"A conceptual map of political participation";"Acta Politica Vol. 49, No. 3, pp. 349–367"
708;"A great challenge for university educators is teaching so that students become “owners” of the knowledge imparted in the classroom. As suggested in this chapter that challenge grows exponentially when another learning outcome of academic curriculum, whether it be Political Science in general or European Studies in particular, is to produce lifelong, engaged citizens. Thus, this author explores the fact that, simultaneous to governmental pressures being placed on American educators, both the European Union and the Council of Europe have also called for civic education to ensure long-term, active citizenship. In fact, European and American governmental elites, civil society organizations, nongovernmental educational organizations, and European Studies scholars have contributed diverse ideas, strategies, and tactics to the now rich conversation about the European Identity and the meaning of “good” European citizenship. Their efforts coincide with similar efforts by American political scientists. Finally, this author examines what is needed at the classroom level to help European Studies students connect academic learning with the practical realities of citizenship. This examination considers the development of civic skills and key competences and the value of active and experiential learning in engaging students as citizens of Europe—and of the global arena.";"PolScience";"BookChap";2014;"Van Dyke, G. J.";"Educating for EU Citizenship and Civic Engagement Through Active Learning";"Innovation and Change in Professional Education, Vol. 9: Teaching and Learning the European Union, pp. 39-53 (edited by S. Baroncelli, R. Farneti, I. Horga, & S. Vanhoonacker)"
709;"This study examined the effect of community service program-quality on changes in adolescents’ intentions to volunteer. Based on the literature, volunteering intentions were expected to increase by programs with high quality community service activities (e.g., instructive activities) and educational activities including reflection. Adolescents (N= 361, M age = 15.67, SD = 0.74) divided in three groups were compared: community service students who were randomly assigned to a reflection intervention (N= 172) or no intervention (N= 142), and students who did not perform community service (N= 47). Data were collected before and after community service, and a half year after finishing community service. Results showed that adolescents’ volunteering intentions increased when performing high quality service activities. When performing low quality servicemactivities, volunteering intentions declined, unless adolescents received the reflection intervention. Thus, high quality activities and reflection are key community service characteristics for stimulating adolescents’ volunteering intentions.";"Policy";"JArticle";2014;"Van Goethem, A.A.J., Van Hoof, A., Orobio de Castro, B., & Van Aken, M.A.";"Quality is Key - The Impact of Community Service, Community Service Quality, and Reflection on Adolescents’ Volunteering Intentions";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 137-147"
710;"Community psychology and the psychology of liberation provide a framework to analyze colonization. Puerto Rico has always been a colony. This experience has direct negative effects on Puerto Ricans' national identities and their emotions. The purpose of this study was to explore emotions associated with Puerto Rican national identities in a sample of 35 high school students. While participating in 4 focus groups, the youths discussed negative and positive emotions associated to their national identities. The most frequent ones were shame and pride. They also identified situations which promoted negative and positive emotions. The role of a community psychology of liberation in understanding these phenomena as well as in embracing resistance to colonization is discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Varas-Díaz, N., & Serrano-García, I.";"The challenge of a positive self-image in a colonial context: A psychology of liberation for the Puerto Rican experience";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 31, No 1-2, pp. 103-115"
711;"Freire's theory of social change informs analysis of youth-focused participatory research, with researchers describing links between participation and young people's critical thinking. There is less analysis of how youth move from the safe social space of a participatory research project to take health-promoting action in difficult real-world contexts. This article analyses a project conducted with Papua New Guinean youth, disrupting assumptions that critical thinking inevitably leads to critical action on health. Findings suggest the need to shift the focus of participatory research from supporting 'safe social spaces' to supporting 'transformative action in context' to concretely contribute to improving youth health.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Vaughan, C.";"Participatory research with youth: Idealising safe social spaces or building transformative links in difficult environments?";"Journal of Health Psychology, Vol. 19, No 1, pp. 184-192"
712;"This paper is intended to analyse some variables related to youth participation in voluntary nonprofit associations in order to identify the factors which lead young people to engage in active participation in society. Particularly, we present some preliminary results from a sample of young people aged 14 to 30 years old in Spain. Different measures were taken with regards to participants' socio-demographic variables, current or past participation in different kinds of associations, intentions to enter a nonprofit association in the future, and expressive and instrumental motivations towards youth organizing. Results support that young people are more likely to take active part in expressive associations oriented to personal goals than in instrumental associations focused in social pursuits. Similarly, sociability and ludic motives are the main reasons mentioned for joining an association, while political considerations are highly unnoticed. Implications of these results for marketing in nonprofit contexts to enhance youth engagement for civic purposes are discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Vázquez, J.L., Lanero, A., Gutiérrez, P., & García, M.P.";"Expressive and instrumental motivations explaining youth participation in non-profit voluntary associations: an application in Spain";"International Review on Public and Nonprofit Marketing, Vol. 12, No 3, pp. 237-251"
713;"Brazil's Child and Adolescent Statute, enacted in 1990, was conceived as an instrument for addressing the problems of poverty, exclusion, and violence through a legal framework. It attempts to ascribe universal, liberal-democratic citizenship to all children and adolescents. Ethnographic study of children in Rio de Janeiro reveals that different groups of children and adolescents themselves negotiate, resist, and reinterpret the citizenship rights that are ascribed to them and that the ways in which they do so are profoundly marked by class and race. These differential rights contribute to the reproduction of class-based and racial polarization in Brazilian society. At the same time, that poor children are becoming able to understand themselves as rights-bearers and that more privileged children are acquiring some level of social consciousness are potentially positive outcomes.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Veloso, Leticia";"Universal Citizens, Unequal Childhoods: Children's Perspectives on Rights and Citizenship in Brazil";"Latin American Perspectives 35 4 45"
714;"On the surface, it is not clear whether the ordinary citizen in Plato's Republic possesses the virtue of justice defended in the dialogue. In order to resolve a tension in Plato's treatment of the ordinary citizen, this paper presents a distinction between the civic justice of the ordinary citizen and the platonic justice of the philosopher. Whereas the justice possessed by the philosopher requires knowledge of the good as well as a reason-governed soul, civic justice requires only true beliefs about justice and a habit or practice of just action. Adapted from the source document.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2005;"Veltman, Andrea";"The Justice of the Ordinary Citizen in Plato's Republic";"Polis 22 1 45-59"
715;"We investigate how inequalities in political participation are shaped across generations by considering the influence of family background—in particular, parents’ education and political involvement—on political participation. We pursue this issue, first, for individuals, investigating the effects of parental characteristics on the participatory profile of their offspring. Then, we use what we have learned to understand how group differences in political participation—between women and men and among Latinos, African Americans, and Anglo Whites—are rooted in the legacy of class and political background and in experiences throughout the life cycle.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2003;"Verba, Sidney,  Burns, Nancy &  Schlozman, Kay Lehman";"Unequal at the starting line: Creating participatory inequalities across generations and among groups";"The American Sociologist 34(1-2): 45-69."
716;"Presentation of the book:This book confirms the idea, put forth nearly a century and a half ago by Alexis de Tocqueville, that American democracy is rooted in civic voluntarism—citizens’ involvement in family, work, school, and religion, as well as in their political participation as voters, campaigners, protesters, or community activists. The authors analyze civic activity as none have before. They have created an original survey of 15,000 individuals, which includes 2,500 personal interviews, that focuses on the central issues of involvement: how people come to be active, their motivations, their resources, and their networks. We see fascinating differences along cultural lines, among African-Americans, Latinos, and whites, as well as between the religiously observant and the secular. We observe family activism moving from generation to generation, and look into the special role of issues that elicit involvement, including abortion rights and social welfare. This far-reaching analysis confirms that some individuals have a greater voice in politics than others, and that this inequality not only results from varying inclinations toward activity, but also reflects unequal access to such vital resources as money and education. This deeply researched study illuminates the many facets of civic consciousness and action and confirms their quintessential role in American democracy. Summary from review (Stewart, Marianne C., 1997, Canadian Journal of Political Science, Vol. 30, No. 2).  Its introduction canvasses the meanings and forms of political participation and civic voluntarism, the role of institutions, the consequences of unequal participation, the rational activist, the unique properties of the vote, and so forth. Part 1 follows with four chapters that detail participation in terms of meanings (voluntary, [non]political, requirements, information, volume), amounts and topics (organizational involvement, checkbook participation, nonpolitical voluntary activity, subject matter), interpretations (the puzzle of participation, reasons for political [inactivity), and recruitment (sources, targets, responses). In part 2, chapter 6 explores the concept of representation, the problems of surrogate representation and the measurement of participatory distortion. Chapters 7 and 8 present descriptive data on the economic circumstances and needs, race-ethnicity and gender of (non)activists. Part 3 consists of seven chapters that erect the civic voluntarism model. Its major components are resources (money and times, civic skills), engagement (political interest, efficacy, and information, partisan strength), networks (workplaces, churches, nonpolitical organizations), issues (personal interests, intensity of concern), and generations (parental education and involvement). In part 4, chapter 16 analyzes how activities distort messages conveyed by attitudes involving economic policy and needs, government assistance to minorities, abortion, information and tolerance. After reprising arguments and findings, and reflecting on the implications of democratic malaise and more education, chapter 17 concludes with a discussion of the volume, clarity and equality of participation in America. The six appendices furnish details on the samples, questionnaires, measures, models and other data in tabular form. Two general problems deserve mention. One is that Voice and Equality is not a straightforward book. Much discussion is repetitious, theoretical material arrives late and methodological issues pop up in odd places. In addition, the three alternative approaches to citizen participation require strong tests. Rational actor theory is discussed but underanalyzed, whereas the socioeconomic status approach appears to be encompassed by the civic voluntarism model. Moreover, political attitudes, which have occupied central positions in participation models, get postponed and cursory treatment. Anchoring the important innovations and findings in this book, however, is a genuine concern about who participates and how disparate resources undergird different activities that amplify or mute the messages sent to policy makers. Relatedly, social context matters, as workplaces, churches and nonpolitical organizations teach skills and mobilize participation to voice needs and wants. In sum  although Voice and Equality does not establish the superiority of the civic voluntarism model, it is an ambitious study that joins major works seeking to bridge explanations of citizen politics with theories of representative democracy.";"PolScience";"Book";1995;"Verba, Sidney, Schlozman, Kay Lehman & Brady, Henry E";"Voice and equality: civic voluntarism in American politics";
717;"Traditional theories of political participation have emphasized its social and normative components, however, recent evidence suggests that political participation has a strong additive genetic component. Accordingly, it is necessary to reevaluate the traditional empirical findings and begin to integrate the two approaches. To do so, a variety of analyses were conducted that explore the modes of genetic and environmental transmission. I find that the empirical estimates of the relationships between the phenotypic level traits are highly consistent with what has been found in the traditional literature, the vast majority of the variance in political participation that is accounted for by the predictor variables is being accounted for at the genetic level, and not at the environmental level. Thus, the current findings suggest that the empirical results found in prior studies are quite likely very accurate. However, the interpretation of those empirical findings, as well as the subsequent theoretical implicatios, require serious revision.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Verhulst, Brad";"Integrating Classical and Contemporary Explanations of Political Participation";"Twin Research and Human Genetics 15.01 (2012): 42-51."
718;"This study assessed the links between civic participation and adolescent behavior problems (bullying, physical fighting, and alcohol and tobacco use), and whether civic engagement could be a moderator of the negative effects of parent/family detachment. Participants were 7,097 11-, 13-, and 15-year-olds (48.6% girls) in a region of Northern Italy. Twenty percent were involved in some level of civic participation, the majority of which was faith-based. Results showed that adolescents who are involved in civic associations reported slightly less fighting and alcohol and tobacco use, but this relationship varies by sex, age, detachment from parents and family, and the frequency of adolescent participation. For the sample as a whole, a U-shaped relationship was found between civic participation and behavior problems, with the fewest behavior problems associated with moderate frequency of participation (1 to 4 times per week). The expected hypothesis that civic participation moderates the relationship between parent/family detachment and problem behaviors was suggested only for 15-year-old girls but not for younger girls or for boys. Implications for preventive interventions are discussed.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2007;"Vieno, A., Nation, M., Perkins, D.D., & Santinello, M.";"Civic participation and the development of adolescent behavior problems";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 761-777"
719;"This study examines individual- and school-level predictors of sense of community in school among adolescents. Hierarchical linear modeling was used to examine the relationships between individual (demographics, control and monitoring by parents, and perception of democratic school climate), class, and school characteristics (mean democratic school climate, demographics, activities, school size, public/private governance of the school, and facilities) and students' sense of community in the school. Data were analyzed using a three-level model based on 4,092 10- to 18-year-old students nested within 248 classes (across three grade levels: 6th, 8th, and 10th grade level, where the median age was 11, 13, and 15, respectively) in 134 schools in the Veneto region of northeast Italy. Individual and contextual measures of the perception of a democratic school climate, modeled at the individual, class, and school levels simultaneously, were each significant predictor of school sense of community. More parental monitoring and less parental control were also predictive at the individual level. School-level SES predicted between school variation in sense of community, controlling for individual student SES and other student and school-level predictors. School size, facilities (physical spaces resources), level of interaction of the school with the community, public, or private governance, and number of extracurricular activities offered were all nonsignificant. The study demonstrates significant variation in school sense of community at the student, class, and school levels and the important role played by democratic school practices, such as student participation in making rules and organizing events, freedom of expression, and the perceived fairness of rules and teachers, in determining this variable.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Vieno, A., Perkins, D.D., Smith, T.M., & Santinello, M.";"Democratic school climate and sense of community in school: A multilevel analysis";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 36, No 3-4, pp. 327-341"
720;"The civic and political participation of young people and especially young migrants, who have limited rights of citizenship, is still a significant problem in Italy. Young people struggle to find opportunities and feel excluded from politics: the political agenda tends to see them more as a problem than as a resource. In this article, we illustrate the results of research to understand the dynamics of political and civic participation of young people and what the policy does in their favour. A content analysis of a corpus of European and Italian legislation, policy and planning documents has been undertaken. We also conducted six in-depth interviews with politicians and representatives of Italian nongovernmental organizations in order to investigate (a) policy priorities and institutional points of view, (b) consistency between these priorities and European programmes, and (c) European Union support for the policy actions and projects promoted in Italy about youth. The results showed a general difficulty for young people to ‘engage’ and be engaged in civic and political activities. There is also a gap between the political level and an effective investment which will recognize young people as a real resource.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Villano, P., & Bertocchi, A.";"On Active Citizenship: Discourses and Language about Youth and Migrants in Italy";"Journal of Civil Society, Vol. 10, No 1, pp. 82-99"
721;"This case study used a student voice program in an urban middle school in the southeastern United States to examine the validity of three theoretically derived pathways through which student voice may affect positive school climate. First, using a youth participatory action research process to identify barriers to learning, analyse their root causes, and advocate for solutions to school administration allowed students to influence minor school policies and implement anti-bullying, classroom-behaviour-monitoring, and experiential-learning initiatives. However, there were challenges to making these policy and practice changes systemic. Second, relationships were formed and strengthened as a byproduct of student participant and staff collaboration in program activities. However, the program may have contributed to an ingroup-outgroup dynamic between participants and other peers. Third, students who participated in the program developed citizenship competencies, and their development may have promoted broader prosocial norms among the student body, though evidence was inconsistent. Study findings suggest that future research examine how variations in the implementation of student voice initiatives can maximize the contribution to a positive school climate in urban schools. Findings also suggest that practitioners should ensure that student teams be representative of a multitude of student identities.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Voight, A.";"Student Voice for School-Climate Improvement: A Case Study of an Urban Middle School";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 25, No 4, pp. 310-326"
722;"This paper details the participatory behaviour of Australian young people through an examination of the relationship between gender, awareness of time constraints and participation. It engages with existing feminist critiques of how participation is conceptualized and recent research that looks at the effects of both structure and agency in the lives of young people. The paper is based on an original survey of 18-year-old 34-year-old Australians and shows that rather than this age group having homogeneous (or even negligible) participatory experiences, four distinct participatory typologies emerge. These four typologies are labelled as Activist, Communitarian, Party and Individualistic. Two participatory types, Activist and Communitarian, are differen tiated by gender, with women being more participatory. I argue that an understanding of the complex relationship between gender and participation is enhanced when parent ing commitments, paid work commitments, and the awareness of the relationship between time and participation are included in analysis.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Vromen, Ariadne";"Traversing time and gender: Australian young people's participation";"Journal of Youth Studies 6 3 277-294"
723;"Social media is pervasive in the lives of young people, and this paper critically analyses how politically engaged young people integrate social media use into their existing organisations and political communications. This qualitative research project studied how young people from a broad range of existing political and civic groups use social media for sharing information, mobilisation and, increasingly, as a means to redefine political action and political spaces. Twelve in-person focus groups were conducted in Australia, the USA and the UK with matched affinity groups based on university campuses. The groups were of four types: party political group, issue-based group, identity-based group and social group. Our focus group findings suggest that this in-depth approach to understanding young people's political engagement reveals important group-based differences emerging in young people's citizenship norms: between the dutiful allegiance to formal politics and a more personalised, self-actualising preference for online, discursive forms of political engagement and organising. The ways in which political information is broadcast, shared and talked about on social media by engaged young people demonstrate the importance of communicative forms of action for the future of political engagement and connective action.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2014;"Vromen, Ariadne, Xenos, Michael A., Loader, Brian";"Young people, social media and connective action: from organisational maintenance to everyday political talk";"Journal of Youth Studies 18 1 80-100"
724;"This study examined the role of emerging adult (EA) development variables and political self-regulation in predicting political attitudes and behaviors in college students. We tested a large multi-institutional sample in which EA-identity exploration predicted political attitude strength and EA-negativity/instability and other-focus predicted political information seeking and political orientation (liberal/conservative). Political self-regulatory style, both internalized and not, predicted political attitude strength, media usage, and political orientation. EA development variables and a more autonomous motivation for participating in the political process offer insight into fostering political engagement in young adults.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Walker, M., & Iverson, E.";"Identity development and political self-regulation in emerging adult political attitudes and behavior";"Emerging Adulthood (published online before print May 11, 2015)"
725;"Historically, there has been a rich American tradition connecting service to political engagement. To test whether this pathway remains significant, research on the political outcomes of young people's service participation is reviewed. The author argues that most research operationalizes citizenship as a helping behavior, contributing to a perspective that service is an alternative to politics. The article concludes with a set of recommendations for reinvigorating service to support more robust political participation.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Walker, T.";"Service as a pathway to political participation: What research tells us";"Applied Developmental Science, Vol. 6, No 4, pp. 183-188"
726;"In theoretical debates about the quality of democratic rule, the core question concerns membership, and the adequate constitution of the demos: who is entitled to participate in choosing political representatives? This article enhances the predominantly normative debates on democratic inclusion and boundary making by taking an empirical perspective and analysing attitudes of 16–18-year-old teenagers regarding preconditions for the distribution of voting rights. Based on data stemming from 13 focus groups conducted in three Austrian cities in spring 2010, our findings show that principles related to both competence (autonomy, knowledge) and community (showing concern, being subjected to the law) matter when it comes to democratic boundary making. Furthermore, the study reveals that, in trying to explain the formation of juvenile attitudes about boundary issues, institutions are relevant when related to the conjunctive experiences manifested in the group-specific habitus: while young immigrants argue more inclusionarily than natives in terms of community-related preconditions, especially as far as the roles of language and citizenship are concerned, students argue more exclusionarily than apprentices when it comes to competence-related preconditions, especially civic education. Boundary making affects social groups independent of national origin or citizenship and can therefore be considered a permanent process beyond international migration.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Walter, Florian, Rosenberger, Sieglinde, Ptaszynska, Aleksandra";"Challenging the boundaries of democratic inclusion? Young people's attitudes about the distribution of voting rights";"Citizenship Studies 17 42067 464-478"
727;"What implications do emerging spaces, concepts and identities of security have for the practice of citizenship? This article examines security and citizenship in the UK. As its focus it takes a recent White Paper published by the British government called Secure Borders, Safe Haven (2002). Two arguments are developed. First, it is argued that with this document, and the reforms it proposes for immigration, asylum and citizenship in the UK, we are in the presence of ‘domopolitics’. Whereas political economy is descended from the will to govern the state as a household, domopolitics aspires to govern the state like a home. Consequently, domopolitics and liberal political economy exist in tension with one another. Second, we need new forms of comparison if we are to adequately map domopolitics. To this end, the article compares the domopolitics of the homeland and similar securitizations not with the interstate security games of the Cold War, but with the governmentality of social security.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Walters, William";"Secure borders, safe haven, domopolitics";"Citizenship Studies 8 3 237-260"
728;"The noted black educator Benjamin Mays said: “nobody is wise enough, nobody is good enough, and nobody cares enough about you, for you to turn over to them your future or your destiny.” Citizen participation creates the potential for schools, neighborhoods, and other institutions, environments, and services responsive to individuals and families. Citizen participation is defined as “a process in which individuals take part in decision making in the institutions, programs, and environments that affect them” (Heller, Price, Reinharz, Riger, & Wandersman, 1984, p. 339, see Churchman, 1987, for definitions of participation in different disciplines)";"SocPhil";"BookChap";2000;"Wandersman, A., & Florin, P.";"Citizen participation and community organizations.";"Handbook of Community Psychology, pp. 247-272 (edited by J. Rappaport and E. Seidman)"
729;"Lack of participation in voluntary associations and the associated issues of why people do or do not participate are major areas of interest in the research literature concerning citizen participation. The present study used three types of variables (demographic, social psychological, and costs/benefits) to investigate the characteristics of participants and nonparticipants in neighborhood-type organizations in the United States and Israel. Findings from analysis of the demographic variables show some cross-cultural similarities (including a surprising lack of race/ethnic and education differences between participants and nonparticipants). There were striking cross-cultural similarities using the social psychological variables. The data from the Israel sample provide important information on the costs and benefits of participation. A discriminant analysis points to the predictive strength of social psychological and cost/benefit variables in comparison to demographic variables. Implications of these results for explanatory and predictive purposes are discussed.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";1987;"Wandersman, A., Florin, P., Friedmann, R., & Meier, R.";"Who participates, who does not, and why? An analysis of voluntary neighborhood organizations in the United States and Israel";"Sociological Forum, Vol. 2, No 3, pp. 534-555"
730;"With youth, in particular, there are perceptions of declining political interest, at the same time the world where normative democratic ideals were formed is rapidly changing. Globalization results in unclear boundaries between nation states. Consequentially corporations gain power, and advances in online technology make global communication all the more possible. Within such a context, the notion of political consumerism emerges and individual consumption is tied to the concept of citizenship. Young people's interest in non-traditional citizenship along with their strong online presence offers an opportunity to examine how organizations use the internet to address the young citizen-consumer. This paper presents results from a number of in-depth interviews with Web producers of UK-based youth organizations, and provides a look at how these organizations view political consumption in terms of their theoretical outlook and its application to their online presence. It concludes that issue-based campaigns see political consumerism as a new way forward for citizenship while others (those more tied to government) use it as a stepping stone to getting youth involved in more traditional arenas.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Ward, Janelle";"The online citizen-consumer: addressing young people's political consumption through technology";"Journal of Youth Studies 11 5 513-526"
731;"This article revisits the underlying principles of the citizenship curriculum in England to address reports of communication breakdowns between schools and students and to consider whether the curriculum can do anything other than prescribe what democratic participation should be. Although the focus is on the curriculum in England, it has implications for citizenship education programmes around the world. The government agenda is contrasted with that of young people who may be politically active but in ways that place them outside the participatory framework of the curriculum. Two fundamentally opposed interpretations of democracy are considered. These, it is suggested, predicate incompatible understandings of what it means to be a citizen participating in a democratic society. The article then addresses their implications for the citizenship curriculum and concludes by suggesting that these different interpretations of democratic participation will inevitably lead to a curricular failure to move beyond political prescription.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2006;"Watts, M.";"Citizenship education revisited: policy, participation and problems";"Pedagogy, Culture & Society, Vol. 14, No. 1, pp. 83-97"
732;"The acquisition and expression of political orientations are highly age-related, however, the nature of age-typical forms is rarely conceptualized in socialization research. The first part of this article examines the hypothesized nature of “age invariance” identified by criminologists in the study of deviant behavior and the inverted U-curve of voting behavior identified by political scientists. The second part uses survey data from German youth and young adults (n = 7,280, ages 13 to 30) to describe typical age patterns for various types of unconventional behavior. The more unconventional the behavior, the more the curve resembles what criminologists have long found for deviant behavior. Youth approval of the more disruptive forms of political behavior has a left-skewed age distribution that is also typical of deviant behavior. This suggests an unappealing combination of potential actionism and political ignorance occurring in late adolescence, a possibility that ought to be of consequence for the design of civic education and other interventions. From a research perspective, these age-typical patterns can be useful as a theory-building and theory-testing strategy by treating them as baselines against which individual and cultural variations can be measured";"EduHist";"JArticle";1999;"Watts, Meredith W.";"Are There Typical Age Curves in Political Behavior? The “Age Invariance” Hypothesis and Political Socialization";"Political Psychology, Vol. 20, No. 3 (Sep., 1999), pp. 477-499"
733;"In this article, we take a critical look at the growing interest in U.S. political participation as it exists in the youth civic engagement literature. Our critique draws from principles of liberation and developmental psychology, and from the incisive writings of experts in youth organizing. Youth Organizing evolved from the Positive Youth Development (PYD) and Community Youth Development (CYD) perspectives but its addition of social justice activism is consistent with liberation psychology. The essence of our critique is this: Although there is certainly value in the current civic engagement literature, much of it focuses on the maintenance of social and political institutions rather than on action for social justice. To promote a better balance, and one more relevant to the lives of youth of color and other marginalized young people, we offer a framework for empirical research on youth sociopolitical development. The focus is on the relationship between social analysis (including critical consciousness) and societal involvement that includes the full range of service and political work. Because youth is the focus, we also include a brief discussion of a distinctive challenge that adults face in doing just work with young people - namely, adultism.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2007;"Watts, R.J., & Flanagan, C.";"Pushing the envelope on youth civic engagement: A developmental and liberation psychology perspective";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 6, pp. 779-792"
734;"This paper examines theories and concepts relevant to sociopolitical development (SPD). As an emerging theory, SPD expands on empowerment and similar ideas related to social change and activism in community psychology - oppression, liberation, critical consciousness, and culture among them. SPD is the process by which individuals acquire the knowledge, analytical skills, emotional faculties, and the capacity for action in political and social systems necessary to interpret and resist oppression. Equally as important is a vision of liberation that is an alternative to oppressive conditions. All of these concepts have been underemphasized in the social change literature of U.S. community psychology. In our view, sociopolitical development is vital to human development and the creation of a just society. As part of identifying and illustrating concepts and processes relevant to SPD theory, we will draw from the words of young African American activists who were interviewed as part of a research study.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Watts, R.J., Williams, N.C., & Jagers, R.J.";"Sociopolitical development";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 31, No 1-2, pp. 185-194"
735;"This article discusses Mapuche adolescents' everyday articulations of civic virtue and ethnic belonging by juxtaposing their participation in their communities, schooling and civil society at large. It situates the youth within the exclusionary practices of education and broader society, and in the context of Chile's recent history of expanding youth civic participation. Chile is a highly racialised country and indigenous pupils experience altogether different modalities of inclusion and belonging compared to non-indigenous peers. Focus groups and interviews conducted during 2007–2008 are drawn on to explore how ideals of civic belonging are negotiated by those on the margins of society as a result of their schooling experiences and exposure to worldwide youth cultures. The article questions the ability of national schooling to produce a consistent discourse regarding a culturally diverse citizenry given that its practices are on the whole exclusionary towards Mapuche pupils. I argue instead that Mapuche youth construct a notion of the ‘good citizen’ from their home communities which respond to, and discursively resist, society's exclusionary values.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Webb, Andrew";"Re-working everyday concepts of civic virtue and ethnic belonging among indigenous youth in Chile";"Journal of Youth Studies 17 6 717-732"
736;"This paper explores expressions of sociocultural and political subjectivity among indigenous youth located within four secondary boarding schools in the Araucanía Region of Chile. For rural indigenous students, these schools are a primary site in which they come to gain a sense of themselves as members of civil society and as future citizens. Drawing on young peoples’ experiences in boarding facilities and expressions regarding sociopolitical positioning, we analyse the ways Mapuche youth engage with the racially and class-inflected hierarchies of inequality present in the school, the region and beyond. Within these school spaces, little intellectual space afforded young people to consider how civic inclusion can be renegotiated in relation to indigenous identifications. Nevertheless, the young people demonstrate a capacity to engage critically with national discourses from media and schooling. Whilst not widely engaged in politicized youth activism, the pupils demonstrated agency by positioning themselves critically in quotidian and negotiated re-workings of the meaning of citizenship.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2015;"Webb, Andrew, Radcliffe, Sarah";"Indigenous citizens in the making: civic belonging and racialized schooling in Chile";"Space and Polity   42020"
737;"We examine whether two general dimensions of sociopolitical belief—right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and social dominance orientation (SDO)—are rooted in insecure psychological attachment. Based on an undergraduate sample (N = 255), we model the relations among attachment styles, general worldviews, RWA, and SDO. A structural equation model indicated that anxious attachment led to RWA but not SDO and that this effect was mediated by the belief that the world is a dangerous place. In contrast, avoidant attachment led to SDO but not RWA, and this effect was mediated by the belief that the world is an uncaring, competitive jungle in which people are motivated to maximize personal utility. We discuss the implications of these findings for the nature and origins of political conservatism.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2007;"Weber, C., & Federico, C.M.";"Interpersonal attachment and patterns of ideological belief ";"Political Psychology, Vol. 28, No 4, pp. 389-416"
738;"Service learning is increasingly being used as a pedagogical strategy for promoting the development of civic-mindedness among university students. Despite the use of this strategy, little is known about the benefits derived from specific types of service-learning experiences. Additionally, few notable studies have examined the unique outcomes experienced by mentors of at-risk youth. Therefore, this study examines the civic-related benefits that college students derive from mentoring at-risk youth within a structured, service-learning course. A series of linear regression models were estimated to determine if there were significant post-intervention differences between the treatment and comparison condition for the variables of interest, after adjusting for key background factors and pre-intervention levels of all variables. The results indicated that, in comparison to college students who did not participate in the course (n = 258), college student in Campus Corps, a youth mentoring program, (n = 390) had significantly higher scores at post-intervention regarding mentors' civic attitudes, community service self-efficacy, self-esteem, interpersonal and problem solving skills, political awareness, and civic action. Findings hold important implications for youth mentoring programs and future research.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Weiler, L., Haddock, S., Zimmerman, T.S., Krafchick, J., Henry, K., & Rudisill, S.";"Benefits Derived by College Students from Mentoring At-Risk Youth in a Service-Learning Course";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 52, No 3-4, pp. 236-248"
739;"Drawing on recent insights in the nationalism and citizenship regime literatures, this article develops a macrotheoretical framework for understanding cross-national variations in tolerance of ethnic minorities. Specifically, it tests the hypothesis that the degree to which the dominant ethnic tradition or culture is institutionalized in the laws and policies of a nation-state affects citizen tolerance of ethnic minorities. Employing a multilevel regression model, it systematically tests the framework, as well as competing individual and country-level explanations, for all member states of the European Union in 1997. Results confirm a strong relationship between the laws governing the acquisition and expression of citizenship, that is, citizenship regime type, and individual tolerance judgments. Moreover, citizenship regime type has a strong mediating effect on three individual-level variables previously shown to predict tolerance: ingroup national identity, political ideology, and satisfaction with democracy.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2006;"Weldon, S.A.";"The Institutional Context of Tolerance for Ethnic Minorities: A Comparative, Multilevel Analysis of Western Europe";"American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 50, No 2, pp. 331-349 "
740;"We examined civic engagement in middle childhood and the degree to which parents’ civic beliefs (i.e., social trust and civic efficacy), civic participation, and socialization practices were associated with indicators of children's civic engagement (i.e., social responsibility and civic values). Survey data were collected from 359 racially, ethnically, and economically diverse upper elementary students and their parents from six schools in Southern California. The results of path analyses indicated that higher levels of parent social trust were associated with higher levels of community responsibility and civic values in children. Additionally, parent social trust, civic efficacy, and civic participation were indirectly associated with children's community responsibility and civic values through children's perception of their parents as civic role models. Findings suggest that parents’ civic beliefs and civic participation are meaningful to children's civic engagement.";"SocPsy";"JArticle";2015;"White, E.S., & Mistry, R.S.";"Parent Civic Beliefs, Civic Participation, Socialization Practices, and Child Civic Engagement.";"Applied Developmental Science (published online: 7 Aug. 2015)"
741;"Communities are critical arenas for adolescent development. This study uses mixed methods to assess contextual correlates to community connectedness in 8th, 10th, and 12th grade youth. The survey examined the relationship between community connectedness and four developmental supports: safety, community monitoring, creative outlets, and meaningful opportunities for exercising influence, as well as demographic and contextual control variables. Focus groups were used to identify other potentially salient contextual correlates. Findings suggest that youth connectedness to community was influenced by: (a) quality of youth-adult exchange, (b) availability of outlets for creative engagement, (c) well advertised opportunities for meaningful input, (d) safety, (e) perceived welcome in public spaces, (f) knowledge of community events, and (g) awareness of youth impact on community policies. Positive relationships with at least one parent, grade level, group involvement, and race also contributed to connectedness. Findings provide support for a multifaceted conceptualization of community connectedness. Implications for communities hoping to enhance connectedness are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2007;"Whitloch, J.";"The role of adults, public space, and power in adolescent community connectedness ";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 35, No 4, pp. 499-518"
742;"The article identifies the democracy gap as the tension in the European Union (EU) between demands for participatory constitutionalism and the limited capacity of constitutional engineering to meet them. It works with the concept of citizenship practice as the process that establishes the institutionalized terms of citizenship within a polity. The article argues that conventional views of constitutionalism have not accounted for a process that will bridge this gap, and uses the case of citizenship and constitutionalism to illustrate the paradox that, while there is a widespread consensus in favour of liberal democratic constitutional objectives and principles, constitutional agreements have faced significant opposition.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1997;"Wiener, A., & della Sala, V.";"Constitution-making and Citizenship Practice – Bridging the Democracy Gap in the EU?";"Journal of Common Market Studies, Vol. 35, No 4, 595-614"
743;"This volume examines both concepts and realities of citizenship education from various international and research perspectives. It is divided into two main sections. The first group of chapters are all by researchers closely associated with the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) study into citizenship education and focus on the findings reported in the study as well as on the processes of the study itself and the indications for the future. The second group of chapters report on research projects and complement the insights of the first group of chapters. Whereas Part One involves broadly quantitative empirical data, Part Two features chapters with a more qualitative approach. The chapters have a broad geographical range, including the USA, the United Kingdom, Australia, Hong Kong, the Czech Republic and Germany. They also report on a variety of different data sets, use different research approaches, and include findings from the large-scale IEA study as well as a personal account of a research network and two qualitative studies.";"Policy";"Book";2005;"Wilde, S.";"Political and Citizenship Education: international perspectives";
744;"This working paper is a summary of the author's dissertation, submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for her doctoral degree under the supervision of Dr. Judith Torney-Purta (successfully defended February 4, 2009). In her study she explored potential explanations for disparities in adolescent civic engagement through a comprehensive examination of context effects, including a focus on the mechanisms by which schools and neighborhoods collectively facilitate civic engagement. Learning the specific characteristics, practices, and processes of schools that help or hinder diverse groups of adolescents can suggest best practices for enhancing civic engagement for young people of a particular demographic background or in a particular neighborhood environment. Four consistent patterns emerged from the analyses (across the four civic outcomes). First, there is a civic engagement gap among adolescents in the United States associated with students' demographic characteristics. Second, civic learning opportunities in many contexts are related to the civic engagement of young people. Third, contextual effects for characteristics of the school such as school socioeconomic status (SES) and school climate for open discourse are found over and above individual effects. Fourth, aspects of the neighborhood context influence adolescents' civic outcomes through interactions with the school environment, students' civic experiences, and students' demographic characteristics. The current study provides further support for the existence of distinguishable types of civic-related school experiences and the importance of examining multiple contexts of influence on development.";"EduHist";"Other";2009;"Wilkenfeld, B.";"Does Context Matter? How the Family, Peer, School, and Neighborhood Contexts Relate to Adolescents' Civic Engagement (CIRCLE Working Paper 64). ";
745;"This research was designed to investigate innovative practices associated with child-friendly cities 2 initiatives in the UK and Italy and how civics and citizenship initiatives are being applied into practical programmes of exploration and learning in geography and environmental education. The Child-Friendly Cities Initiative (CFCI) of the United Nations Children's Fund was launched in 1996 at the UN Conference on Human Settlement (Habitat II). At this conference it was declared that the well-being of children is the key indicator of a healthy habitat, a democratic society and good governance committed to children's rights. The CFCI was closely allied to the 1990 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child, in which the right of children and young people to participate in the life and decision-making of their communities became a human right. Child-friendly cities initiatives have provided a framework and a myriad of programmes in which to create ways for children and young people to develop and exercise citizenship and participation skills. These projects assist young people to investigate issues relevant to their social and spatial worldviews, to interact with local government and community resources, to develop research skills and to promote the development of spatial competence and confidence.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Wilks, J.";"Child-friendly cities: A place for active citizenship in geographical and environmental education";"International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education, Vol. 19, No 1, pp. 25-38"
746;"Children and Citizenship offers a contemporary and critical approach to the central debates around notions of children s citizenship. Drawing on different disciplinary perspectives and including contributions by leading scholars in the field, this book makes explicit connections between theoretical approaches, representations of childhood, and the experiences of children themselves, legal instruments, policies, and their implementation. The book contains reflections on the notion of children s citizenship in general as well as in relation to international instruments, in particular the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC), the case law of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and EU legislation relating to citizenship and children s rights.";"DevPsy";"Book";2008;"Williams, J., & Invernizzi, A.";" Children and Citizenship";
747;"Past research has identified a host of benefits associated with volunteering and community involvement, yet involvement appears to be on the decline in recent years. We tested the effectiveness of an intervention designed to encourage involvement. We provided young adolescents with information about volunteer opportunities, benefits and ways to overcome barriers to involvement. Adolescents who participated in the volunteering intervention reported greater involvement intentions than control participants. In addition, mediation analyses indicated that adolescents in the volunteering intervention based their self-worth to a greater degree on virtuous behaviour, which in turn predicted their involvement intentions, especially in the helping domain.";"EduHist";"JArticle";2008;"Wilson, A.E., Allen, J.W., Strahan, E.J., & Ethier, N.";"Getting involved: Testing the effectiveness of a volunteering intervention on young adolescents' future intentions";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 18, No 6, pp. 630-637"
748;"The Erasmus programme promotes student mobility within the EU largely on the assumption that mobile students will become more pro‐European. This article presents the results of a panel study of Erasmus students which suggest that, while former Erasmus students may be more pro‐European than their peers, this is because students who choose to take part are already more pro‐European. The attitudes to Europe and voting preferences of Erasmus students do not seem to diverge from their non‐mobile peers while they are abroad. Although the programme may have other benefits, expecting it to create Europhile ‘Erasmus generations’ seems unrealistic.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Wilson, Iain";"What Should We Expect of ‘Erasmus Generations’?";"Journal of Common Market Studies,  Vol. 49. No. 5. pp. 1113–1140"
749;"From a theoretical point of view concepts of critical counter publicity are again widely discussed. However, both the socio-political relevance as well as the empirical dimension of this process . e.g. in how far counter-public spheres turn out to be a source of democratic public in reality . are mostly left out of consideration in the scientific discourse. The article first reconstructs descriptive and normative opinions on counter-public from a media-based perspective, and elaborates on the relationship between the public sphere, counter-public spheres, and new media. Then it discusses the potential of counter-public activities to revive the public sphere, particularly in the framework of the European Union. Two case studies of Europeanwide counter-public spheres are presented: the collective Luther Blissett and the network organisation of Attac. Their structural characteristics such as transnationality, network structure, and anti-copyright stance generate a new trans-European form of collective identity. As a result, the European integration may also gain (unintentionally) a new momentum.";"PolScience";"BookChap";2009;"Wimmer";"Revitalization of the Publich Sphere? A Meta-Analysis of the Empirical Research about Counter-Public Spheres and Media Activism. ";"In Garcia-Blanco et al eds. Media Agoras: Democracy, Diversity, and Communication."
750;"This document seeks to move beyond the limited research base to consider the insights that can be gained from a somewhat broader research base. While this document reviews what research there is that speaks directly to the outcomes fostered by increased civic engagement, it goes beyond this base to lay out an argument about how we should think about civic engagement in the broader context of fostering positive youth development. Based on this review of the literature, we argue that civic engagement is an extremely important and promising path to improving youth outcomes. We develop this argument by situating youth civic engagement in terms of several bodies of literature, including those on social capital, civic engagement, and finally youth development.";"Media";"Other";2003;"Winter, N.";"Social capital, civic engagement, and positive youth development outcomes";
751;"What are the roots of party identification? Credit (or blame) often falls to parents, who have been shown to play a central role in development of partisan identification in adolescence. Usually in models of parental transmission of partisanship, children are seen as unquestioning recipients of partisan messages. I consider whether this is so, investigating whether differences in young people's levels of political interest, attention, and engagement direct the development of partisan identity. I also explore the effects of factors beyond the household such as the state campaign context in producing partisan instability across a midterm campaign season. I find that the development of adolescent partisanship reflects both the political personality of adolescents and their wider political environment.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2009;"Wolak, J.";"Explaining change in party identification in adolescence ";"Electoral Studies, Vol. 28, No 4, pp. 573-583"
752;"Why do men score better than women do on tests of political knowledge? We consider the roots of the gender gap in political knowledge in late adolescence. Using a panel survey of high school seniors, we consider the differences between young men and young women in what they know about politics and how they learn over the course of a midterm election campaign. We find that even after controlling for differences in dispositions like political interest and efficacy, young women are still significantly less politically knowledgeable than young men. While campaigns neither widen nor close the gender gap in political knowledge, we find important gender differences in how young people respond to the campaign environment. While partisan conflict is more likely to promote learning among young men, young women are more likely to gain information in environments marked by consensus rather than conflict.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Wolak, J., & McDevitt, M.";"The roots of the gender gap in political knowledge in adolescence";"Political Behavior, Vol. 33, No 3, pp. 505-533"
753;"This study examines the relationship between various forms of media use and political participation. The major argument is that in today's high-choice media environment, individuals and groups with the highest level of political interest are more likely to develop richer political information repertoires that involve exploiting both digital and traditional ways of searching for political information. Individuals and groups with richer political information repertories can be expected to have higher levels of political knowledge, efficacy, and participation. This article argues further that a clear connection exists between peoples' informational and participatory repertoires and tests these propositions using a large, heterogeneous sample of the Israeli public during the 2013 election campaign. The analysis supports the claims of this study, with a few intriguing exceptions.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2015;"Wolfsfeld, Gadi, Moran Yarchi, and Tal Samuel-Azran";"Political information repertoires and political participation";"New Media & Society 1461444815580413, first published on April 9"
754;"Research suggests that increasing egalitarian relations between young people and adults is optimal for healthy development, however, the empirical assessment of shared control in youth-adult partnerships is emerging, and the field still requires careful observation, identification, categorization and labeling. Thus, our objective is to offer a conceptual typology that identifies degrees of youth-adult participation while considering the development potential within each type. We use an empowerment framework, rooted in evidence-based findings, to identify five types of youth participation: (1) Vessel, (2) Symbolic, (3) Pluralistic, (4) Independent and (5) Autonomous. The typology is constructed as a heuristic device to provide researchers, practitioners and policy-makers with a common language for articulating degrees of youth participation for optimal child and adolescent health promotion.";"Media";"JArticle";2010;"Wong, N.T., Zimmerman, M.A., & Parker, E.A.";"A typology of youth participation and empowerment for child and adolescent health promotion";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 46, No 1, pp. 100-114"
755;"Social responsibility is a value orientation, rooted in democratic relationships with others and moral principles of care and justice, that motivates certain civic actions. Given its relevance for building stronger relationships and communities, the development of social responsibility within individuals should be a more concerted focus for developmental scholars and youth practitioners. During childhood and adolescence, the developmental roots of individuals' social responsibility lie in the growth of executive function, empathy and emotion regulation, and identity. Efforts to cultivate children and adolescents' social responsibility in the proximal settings of their everyday lives should emphasize modeling prosocial behaviors, communicating concerns for others, and creating opportunities to practice civic skills.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Wray‐Lake, L., & Syvertsen, A.K.";"The developmental roots of social responsibility in childhood and adolescence";"New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, Vol. 134, pp. 11-25"
756;"This article examines the relationship between children, young people and the world of politics. Whilst the past decade or so has seen the development of initiatives that draw children within the political sphere, there are powerful political and social forces that position children as dependent subalterns and thus exclude them from political participation.We address this ambiguous situation by referring to competing discourses on childhood: the discourse on children’s needs that foregrounds their transitional social status and an imperative to protect, and a set of ideas that revolves around children having collective ‘interests’ that require political articulation. In drawing out these competing discourses, the article addresses a range of ‘inclusive’ policies at global, national and local levels.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2004;"Wyness, M., Harrison, L., & Buchanan, I.";"Childhood, Politics and Ambiguity Towards an Agenda for Children’s Political Inclusion";"Sociology, Vol. 38, No 1, pp. 81-99"
757;"Recent developments suggest a strong relationship between social media use and political engagement and raise questions about the potential for social media to help stem or even reverse patterns of political inequality that have troubled scholars for years. In this paper, we articulate a model of social media and political engagement among young people, and test it using data from representative samples of young people in Australia, the USA, and the UK. Our results suggest a strong, positive relationship between social media use and political engagement among young people across all three countries, and provide additional insights regarding the role played by social media use in the processes by which young people become politically engaged. Notably, our results also provide reasons to be optimistic concerning the overall influence of this popular new form of digital media on longstanding patterns of political inequality.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Xenos,Michael, Vromen, Ariadne  & Loader, Brian D. ";"The great equalizer? Patterns of social media use and youth political engagement in three advanced democracies";"Information, Communication & Society,  Vol. 17, No. 2 (Special Issue: The Networked Young Citizen) "
758;"This book brings together an international collection of essays that describes the state of community participation among the world's youth. Authors from around the globe use fresh empirical data to present portraits of contemporary youths constructing their civic identities through such means as community service and political activism. The image of ""Generation X"" as socially disconnected and apathetic is contradicted by young people's efforts to comprehend the complexities of society and to work toward the realization of social-moral ideals. The findings in this volume contribute to a theory of political socialization that bases youth's understanding of political aspects of society and citizenship on participation in community and civic activities, rather than on the intake of abstract pieces of formal information. To this end, youth seek to resolve ideological tensions, such as in Northern Ireland and the Middle East, to overcome corrupting political practices, such as in Italy and Taiwan, to deal with disillusionment, such as in the emerging Eastern European nations, and to bridge barriers against youth's meaningful participation in the working of society, such as in Canada, Japan, the UK, and the United States. Researchers in a wide array of fields, including psychology, sociology, political science, and education will find this book to be a valuable resource.";"Media";"Book";2006;"Yates, M., & Youniss, J. (Eds.)";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth";
759;"This article addresses the interconnection of political socialization and identity development. We begin with Erikson's work, which identified the development of political commitment in adolescence as a key aspect of identity formation. We then seek to shed light on the social processes through which youth become engaged in political activities and issues. We discuss the influences of family and peers as well as participation in community service and other civic activities. The development of social responsibility and agency, and an understanding of the complexity of social issues are considered as important facets of political commitment. Data from a case study of Black urban adolescents who participated in a year-long service learning program are used to illustrate our perspective. We conclude that social-historical context, instantiated in social relationships and actions, plays a pivotal role in the process and shape of political socialization and identity formation.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";1998;"Yates, Miranda & Youniss, James";"Community Service and Political Identity Development in Adolescence";"Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 54, No. 3, 1998, pp. 495-512"
760;"As citizens, young adults should be supported and encouraged to enact their basic rights and responsibilities to partake in decision-making that affects their lives and development. Recent studies in several Western countries, including Australia, have suggested that levels of political and community activities among young adults have significantly decreased. This study tested a theoretically and empirically based explanatory model of citizenship participation on 434 young Australian adults to examine how the variables of social milieu, citizen communication networks, self-efficacy and life satisfaction contributed to citizenship participation (social and civic activities). Structural equation modelling corroborated a meditational model in which citizen communication networks and social milieu accounted for significant variance in self-efficacy and life satisfaction which in turn accounted for social and civic participation. Results demonstrated that citizenship participation is influenced by the social environment, which is multidimensional and the person–environment interaction is subject to ongoing changes. Young adults' social contexts are important socialising agents that promote citizenship participation.";"PolScience";"JArticle";2012;"Yeung, P., Passmore, A., & Packer, T.";"Examining citizenship participation in young Australian adults: a structural equation analysis";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 15, No 1, pp. 73-98"
761;"This special issue marks a major step in bringing developmental studies into correspondence with other disciplines that give civic and political engagement central importance. This term varies across disciplines and countries but is used here to designate behavior and understandings of individuals’ relationships with society’s civic institutions and political systems. Until the 1990s, questions of how individuals become civically engaged, form a political identity, or maintain an active political posture were addressed mainly with the conceptual tools of political science (e.g., political socialization), sociology (e.g., social movements), and education (e.g., civic education). There was some borrowing from developmental psychology (e.g., learning theory and later cognitive-moral development) but issues of formation, activism, identity, and the like were handled pretty much without input from developmental research or theory. This was not a shortcoming of these other disciplines but was due to developmental scientists’ own lack of interest in the civic and political domains. Some investigators such as Judith Torney- Purta (Oppenheim & Torney, 1974) were exceptions, but in the main developmental researchers focused on harmonious family relationships, the interior coherence of cognition, moral reasoning, and personality characteristics that distinguished well-functioning from mal-adaptive youth. Developmental theory, then, was unprepared to handle public behavior that invited dispute, collective action involving coordinated organization, and voicing contentious ideas that met with competing interests – the basic stuff of civic and political life.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Youniss, J.";"Civic-Political Engagement: Developmental Science Comes of Age. ";"International Journal of Developmental Science, Vol. 8, No 3-4, pp. 149-153"
762;"The myth of generations of disengaged youth has been shattered by increases in youth turnout in the 2004, 2006, and 2008 primaries. Young Americans are responsive to effective outreach efforts, and this collection addresses how to best provide opportunities for enhancing civic learning and forming lasting civic identities. The thirteen original essays are based on research in schools and in settings beyond the schoolyard where civic life is experienced. One focus is on programs for those schools in poor communities that tend to overlook civic education. Another chapter reports on how two city governments--Hampton, Virginia, and San Francisco--have invited youth to participate on boards and in agencies. A cluster of chapters focuses on the civic education programs in Canada and Western Europe, where, as in the United States, immigration and income inequality raise challenges to civic life.";"DevPsy";"Book";2009;"Youniss, J., & Levine, P. (Eds.)";"Engaging young people in civic life";
763;"We enter the 21st century contending with the end of the Cold War's legacy of political uncertainty, expecting youth to play a significant part in the search for new principles that will bring about stability in the world political order. In forging the future, youth will have to collaborate with adults, but on terms more fitting of the historical circumstances that lie ahead than those of the past. This was the framework adopted by a group of social scientists who held several discussions to reflect on the issues and opportunities that bear on youth's civic engagement and development in the century that has just opened. The present article describes the results of those conversations, starting with the issue of defining civic competence, and the finding that an expansive definition is needed to match the real-world circumstances that affect its development for youth internationally. Specific conditions, such as globalization, information – communication technology, and immigration, are emphasized as forces that affect youth and need to be taken into account by educators and policy makers. In this regard, responsibilities of schools, government, the commercial sector, and community organizations are outlined. Each is viewed as a potential constructive force for promoting engagement insofar as youth's strengths are recognized and focus is placed on building on youth's proven capacities. As always, it is youth’s task to make history in the future and society's obligation to provide youth with sufficient resources and an honest basis for hope in carrying out this task. The authors' policy recommendations are founded on this reciprocal relation that binds the youth generation with its elders in the common task of preserving, while transforming, society for the good of humanity.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2002;"Youniss, J., Bales, S., Christmas‐Best, V., Diversi, M., Mclaughlin, M., & Silbereisen, R.";"Youth civic engagement in the twenty‐first century";"Journal of Research on Adolescence, Vol. 12, No 1, pp. 121-148"
764;"Civic participation does not necessarily equate to civic engagement. However, to date, integrated measures of civic engagement that go beyond civic behaviors have not been developed. In this article, we propose an integrated construct of civic engagement, active and engaged citizenship (AEC), that includes behavioral, cognitive, and socioemotional constructs. Using data from 909 adolescents (62.4% girls) who took part in the Grades 8–10 assessments of the longitudinal 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development (PYD), we assessed the structure and measurement invariance of AEC. AEC was proposed as a second-order latent construct that encompasses four first-order latent factors: Civic Duty, Civic Skills, Neighborhood Social Connection, and Civic Participation. Measurement invariance was tested over time (from Grade 8 to Grade 10) and between boys and girls. The results supported strong invariance of AEC over time and between sexes. Implications of AEC for future research and practice are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2010;"Zaff, J., Boyd, M., Li, Y., Lerner, J.V., & Lerner, R.M.";"Active and engaged citizenship: Multi-group and longitudinal factorial analysis of an integrated construct of civic engagement";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence, Vol. 39, No 7, pp. 736-750"
765;"Little is known about the developmental process of disconnected youth reengaging in more productive aspects of life. For this study, we examined the process of developing productive engagement among 38 disconnected youth who are either gang-affiliated, involved with juvenile justice, or (and) homeless. These youth were reengaging into educational and workforce experiences through a comprehensive youth development center. Using a dynamic systems analytic strategy, we categorized upwards of 24 monthly assessments for each youth to determine their development of productive engagement. We found productive engagement does not develop along a homogeneous path. Instead, we found four different pathways. All youth had dips in their engagement, but those along more positive paths rebounded and continued on to graduation from the program.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Zaff, J.F., Ginsberg, K.K., Boyd, M.J., & Kakli, Z.";"Reconnecting disconnected youth: Examining the development of productive engagement";"Journal of Research on Adolescence, Vol. 24, No 3, pp. 526-540"
766;"Civic engagement is associated with numerous positive outcomes to the individual actor, such as educational and social competencies, and to society, such as an active citizenry that participates in the political process and supports their communities through volunteering or political activism. In this chapter, we consider the definition of civic engagement, provide insights into trends of civic engagement over the past 30 years, disentangle the various competing theories on the development of civic engagement, and subsequently place the development of civic engagement within a development systems lens. We then use non-college-bound and non-college-attending youth as an example of the multiple factors that encourage or discourage the civic development. Although we take a life span perspective in this chapter, we focus mainly on childhood through the emerging adulthood periods, since the literature on civic engagement development in adulthood is unfortunately thin.";"DevPsy";"BookChap";2010;"Zaff, J.F., Hart, D., Flanagan, C.A., Youniss, J., & Levine, P.";"Developing Civic Engagement within a Civic Context";"Handbook of Life-Span Development. Vol. 2, Ch. 15, pp. 590-630 (edited by M. Lamb & A. Freund, editor-in-chief: R. M. Lerner)"
767;"Using longitudinal data from Grades 8 to 11 of the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development, a longitudinal study involving U.S. adolescents, we examined the developmental trajectories of multiple components of civic engagement, and the effects of youth development program participation and participation in another major domain of youth engagement (religious activity) on these trajectories. A set of two-level, hierarchical linear models (time-varying measures of civic engagement at level 1 and covariates at level 2) were conducted. Results indicated that the components of civic engagement have different starting points and growth rates during adolescence and that the contextual factors have differing effects dependent on the civic engagement component. By understanding how the components of civic engagement develop during adolescence, and the contextual factors that affect those trajectories, practitioners can gain more nuanced insights into how and when to effectively encourage youth civic engagement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2011;"Zaff, J.F., Kawashima-Ginsberg, K., Lin, E.S., Lamb, M., Balsano, A., & Lerner, R.M.";"Developmental trajectories of civic engagement across adolescence: Disaggregation of an integrated construct";"Journal of Adolescence, Vol. 34, No 6, pp. 1207-1220"
768;"Researchers have theorized that programs to promote positive citizenship should begin with an opportunity for adolescents to participate in civic activities, such as community service or political volunteering. In this article we extend the theory by arguing that a more systemic approach is needed, in which a civic context is developed to promote citizenship. We hypothesize that living within a consistent civic context leads to civic engagement in late adolescence and into young adulthood. We use a diverse, longitudinal dataset to test this hypothesis. We find that social interactions with peers, parent modeling of civic behaviors, and cultural factors, such as ethnicity-specific practices, cumulatively result in a higher level of civic activities among youth and that a continued context that includes these factors results in a higher level of civic activities into adulthood. The implications of our findings are discussed with regard to program and policy development.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2008;"Zaff, J.F., Malanchuk, O., & Eccles, J.S.";"Predicting positive citizenship from adolescence to young adulthood: The effects of a civic context";"Applied Development Science, Vol. 12, No 1, pp. 38-53"
769;"The present study was conducted to determine if participation in extracurricular activities predicts multiple positive outcomes such as attending college, voting in national and regional elections, and volunteering for community and religious organizations. From analyses of the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988, a nationally representative survey of students, our results suggest that consistent participation in extracurricular activities from 8th grade through 12th grade predicts academic achievement and prosocial behaviors in young adulthood. This finding remains after accounting for control and individual, parent, peer, and school process variables. Both research and policy implications are discussed.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2003;"Zaff, J.F., Moore, K.A., Papillo, A.R., & Williams, S.";"Implications of extracurricular activity participation during adolescence on positive outcomes";"Journal of Adolescent Research, Vol. 18, No 6, pp. 599-630"
770;"In the last presidential election, when an immense effort was made to get young people to the polls, only 32 percent of non-college-bound youth voted, compared to 62 percent of college-bound youth. This alarming gap underscores the importance of addressing the issues raised in this new PACE white paper, “An Inequitable Invitation to Citizenship: Non-College-Youth and Civic Engagement”. While both the non-profit world and the philanthropic community have spent considerable effort finding innovative ways to bring college students into the world of public life, much less attention has been paid to the challenge of engaging young people who are not college bound. PACE encourages its members to take the lead in raising questions and issues for us to explore, and bring those issues to the attention of the wider network of funders. PACE is grateful to The Case Foundation for accepting that invitation and supporting this report. Case has been a long-time member of PACE and Ben Binswanger of Case has been an active and engaged board member. We thank them for their support of this effort, which has been a true partnership from the first stages of the project. This paper focuses on what the pathways to civic participation look like for noncollege- bound youth (NCBY) – and how they differ from the ones being traveled by youth in college or on their way there. As the authors state, the widening disparity between the participation levels of these two demographic groups bodes ill for our democracy -- and our ability to wrestle with the complex and challenging issues of race, class, education, and opportunity. In examining the civic participation of NCBY, the authors provide a useful framework for examining the issue. It shows the need for a continuum of supportive strategies running from childhood through the mid-20s. As they suggest, addressing the shifting social, economic, and political landscape for young adults is particularly important to acknowledge when looking to develop effective programs and approaches. The authors apply a similar holistic approach when addressing the question, “So, what do we do about it?” They provide ideas not only for funders, but for federal and state governments, schools and school systems, higher education, the military, political/advocacy organizations, community institutions, and businesses. In doing so, they make a compelling case that only with the full participation of all of these players will we be able, as a society, to issue an equitable invitation to citizenship to NCBY. The panoply of recommendations that conclude this paper is evidence of how much there is to do if we are to truly invite the voices and perspectives of NCBY into our civic and political life. At PACE, we feel there is an important role for funders to play not only with their own individual funding but also in connecting their work to a wider web of public, private and non-profit sector efforts. It is in that spirit of connection and collaboration that we offer this report and invite you to engage with it, share it, and use it as a springboard to build relationships and take action.";"DevPsy";"Other";2009;"Zaff, J.F., Youniss, J., & Gibson, C.M.";"An inequitable invitation to citizenship: Non-college-bound youth and civic engagement";
771;"This study examined the contribution of the personal and social resources to community activists' competence. The research population included 163 activists who engage in volunteer activity in traditional communities. The findings revealed that the activists' gender, supervision by community-organizers, sense of mastery, sense of belonging to the community, citizen participation, representation, and perceptions of leadership all contributed significantly to the activists' competence. A comprehensive analysis of the findings is presented, as well as practical recommendations for community organization. The recommendations highlight the importance of professional supervision for community activists, which aims to develop perceptions of community leadership, community belonging, citizen participation, and representation in order to enhance the success of community activity. Finally, the examination of personal and social resources that contribute to activists' competence can facilitate identification of potential community activists, in addition to shedding light on the content that professional supervisors should incorporate in their work with activists.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Zanbar, L., & Itzhaky, H.";"Community activists' competence: The contributing factors";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 41, No 2, pp. 249-263"
772;"This volume constitues an important novelty in the sphere of psychological manuals as it presents for the first time themes, issues and methods of community psychology, in which national competences and experiences meet the most relevant contributions on the international scene. The text is not only an indispensable aid in university teaching, but also a precious toolbox for all professionals who conduct projects and interventions inspired by community psychology principles.";"ComPsy";"Book";2012;"Zani, B.";"Psicologia di comunità: Prospettive, idee, metodi";
773;"Young people are said to be uninterested in politics. This lack of political interest among adolescents has been used as an argument against lowering the voting age. But why should someone be interested in politics if he or she is not eligible to vote? In this paper, we examine the differences in political interest of 16- and 17-year-old Austrians before and after lowering the voting age to 16, using cross-sectional survey data. Doing so, we capture a broad concept of political interest, including situational and individual interest. We observe that political interest of 16- and 17-year-olds was higher after lowering the voting age. In addition, the patterns concerning the determinants of political interest changed as well: study findings indicate that parents were of utmost importance in influencing political interest of young people who were not yet enfranchised. The impact of schools on political interest among young people emerged after the voting age had been lowered. In the specific societal and situational context of Austria, the development of political interest among young people seems to be associated with the ‘life event’ of enfranchisement.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Zeglovits, E., & Zandonella, M.";"Political interest of adolescents before and after lowering the voting age: the case of Austria";"Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 16, No 8, pp. 1084-1104"
774;"Young people are said to be uninterested in politics. This lack of political interest among adolescents has been used as an argument against lowering the voting age. But why should someone be interested in politics if he or she is not eligible to vote? In this paper, we examine the differences in political interest of 16- and 17-year-old Austrians before and after lowering the voting age to 16, using cross-sectional survey data. Doing so, we capture a broad concept of political interest, including situational and individual interest. We observe that political interest of 16- and 17-year-olds was higher after lowering the voting age. In addition, the patterns concerning the determinants of political interest changed as well: study findings indicate that parents were of utmost importance in influencing political interest of young people who were not yet enfranchised. The impact of schools on political interest among young people emerged after the voting age had been lowered. In the specific societal and situational context of Austria, the development of political interest among young people seems to be associated with the ‘life event’ of enfranchisement.";"DevPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Zeglovits, Eva, Zandonella, Martina";"Political interest of adolescents before and after lowering the voting age: the case of Austria";"Journal of Youth Studies 16 8 1084-1104"
775;"Youth policy in the United States reflects the public assumption that adolescence is a time of storm and stress and that youth are therefore in need of protection and control from their communities. These and other beliefs about youth distance adults from youth in their communities and, equally important, distract attention and debate from the full range of policy responses available to address youth violence. The purpose of this policy analysis is to explore youth engagement in community decision-making as a public response to violence. A broad body of research indicates that youth engagement reduces the likelihood of interpersonal violence and delinquency, while concurrently promoting community membership and the development of positive youth competencies and emotional well being. Given that youth engagement is a viable policy option, the challenge will be to integrate youth into their communities as contributing citizens rather than regard them as objects of concern. Towards that end, the analysis offers six policy directions.";"SocPhil";"JArticle";2004;"Zeldin, S.";"Preventing youth violence through the promotion of community engagement and membership";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 32, No 5, pp. 623-641"
776;"Youth–adult partnerships (Y-APs) for organizational and community change represent an innovative practice in the United States. Innovations are typically a challenge to implement, so it is not surprising that youth organizations are seeking guidance on how to adopt and sustain Y-APs. This article brings contemporary scholarship to bear on the issue. Through a synthesis of theory, research, and field-based data, it identifies six managerial guidelines for adopting and beginning to implement the innovative practice of Y-APs: (1) gain clarity and consensus on the purpose of Y-AP, (2) mobilize and coordinate a diverse range of stakeholders, (3) create favorable narratives about Y-AP, (4) construct theories and stories of organizational change, (5) affirmatively address issues of power, and (6) institutionalize new roles for youth. These guidelines depend on stakeholders having adequate time for shared organizational learning. Time for reflective dialogue, however, is a precious commodity in youth organizations, one that is rarely financed by public agencies or private foundations. A major challenge for the future, in terms of the wide-scale adoption and implementation of innovation, specifically Y-AP, may therefore lie in the creation of incentives and support for organizational reflection.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2005;"Zeldin, S., Camino, L., & Mook, C.";"The adoption of innovation in youth organizations: Creating the conditions for youth–adult partnerships";"Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 33, No 1, pp. 121-135"
777;"Youth-adult partnership (Y-AP) has become a phenomenon of interest to scholars and practitioners. Despite the potential of Y-AP to promote positive youth development, increase civic engagement, and support community change, the practice remains unfamiliar to many. Although research has increased over the past decade, the construct remains vague with an insufficient grounding in developmental theory and community practice. This article seeks to address these gaps by synthesizing data and insights from the historical foundations of Y-AP, community based research, and case study. We propose Y-AP as a unifying concept, distinct from other forms of youth-adult relationships, with four core elements: authentic decision making, natural mentors, reciprocity, and community connectedness. We conclude that Y-AP functions as an active ingredient and fundamental practice for positive youth development and civic engagement. Directions for future research are offered.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2013;"Zeldin, S., Christens, B.D., & Powers, J.L.";"The Psychology and Practice of Youth-Adult Partnership: Bridging Generations for Youth Development and Community Change";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 51, No 3-4, pp. 385-397"
778;"Youth participation in program and community decision making is framed by scholars as an issue of social justice, a platform for positive youth development and effective citizenry, and a strategy for nation building. Recent literature reviews have consistently identified youth–adult partnership (Y–AP) as an effective type of youth participation across highly diverse contexts. These same reviews, however, note that indicators of Y–AP have not been conceptualized and validated for measurement purposes. The present study addresses this limitation by developing a brief measure of Y–AP that is explicitly grounded in current theory, research, and community practice. The measure was administered to youth in the United States, Malaysia, and Portugal (N = 610). Validation was assessed through factor analysis and tests of factorial, discriminant, and concurrent validity. Results confirmed the two predicted dimensions of the Y–AP measure: youth voice in decision making and supportive adult relationships. These two dimensions were also found to be distinct from other measures of program quality: safety and engagement. As predicted, they also significantly correlated with measures of agency and empowerment. It is concluded that the measure has the potential to support community efforts to maximize the quality of youth programs.";"ComPsy";"JArticle";2014;"Zeldin, S., Krauss, S.E., Collura, J., Lucchesi, M., & Sulaiman, A.H.";"Conceptualizing and Measuring Youth-Adult Partnership in Community Programs: A Cross National Study";"American Journal of Community Psychology, Vol. 54, No 3-4, pp. 337-347"
779;"From book presentation: In searching for answers as to why young people differ vastly from their parents and grandparents when it comes to turning out the vote, this book challenges the conventional wisdom that today's youth is plagued by a severe case of political apathy. In order to understand the current nature of citizen engagement, it is critical to separate political from civic engagement. Using the results from an original set of surveys and primary research, the book concludes that while older citizens participate by voting, young people engage by volunteering and being active in their communities. Summary/comment from review (Munson, Ziad, 2008, Social Forces, Vol. 86, No. 3, pp. 1362-64): A New Engagement? reports on an impressive array of new survey data on the civic and political engagement of Americans. The authors are interested in the same set of questions that have long animated students of American politics: What is the extent of citizen participation? Why do some participate and others do not? What kinds of beliefs do Americans hold about citizenship, democracy and government? Their central argument is that the engagement of younger Americans - that is, those born after 1965 - has changed character more than it has declined. Younger Americans are actually equally as likely to participate in civic life as are older citizens. They also find evidence that personal boycotting and ""buycotting,"" the purchasing of a product because one supports the values of the company selling it, is widespread among all Americans. More than a third of all adults have done so in the past year, and the authors argue this kind of activity is an example of the ways in which citizen engagement is changing forms. They use results like these to offer an explicit challenge to the standard view of engagement in the United States being in gradual but persistent decline. They are hopeful that new forms of civic engagement offer the possibility of a reinvigorated political system. At the same time, however, they also confirm the well-trod conclusion that traditional forms of political engagement have fallen off among all Americans, precipitously so among the younger cohorts. The breadth of data the authors bring to bear on their questions is impressive, and there is a lot of rich material here that will be of broad interest to scholars of American politics and public opinion. Their indices of civic and political engagement offer an excellent array of measures for these concepts. Their findings regarding how civic and political participation differ across age cohorts, the high levels of consumer-oriented engagement among all cohorts, and the emerging attitudinal profile of the youngest cohort (which they term the ""DotNets"") are all important contributions to the literature. The last half of Chapter 5, which offers specific findings about what kinds of activities and community service programs in schools encourage longer-term citizen involvement, would be of particular use to high school teachers and administrators. The book as a whole is clearly written and accessible to a general audience. The underlying logic of their analysis focuses on the connection between attitudes and behavior. Thus, they conceptualize how people feel about the political arena, their communities, social and political issues, and so forth as the prime movers in how individuals engage in politics and civic life. This approach teaches us a lot, but it also tends to obscure the structural elements of civic engagement and disengagement. The role of citizen voice is being both quantitatively and qualitatively changed by such structural forces as the changing organization and authority of the workplace, suburbanization, the professionalization of voluntary associations and their consolidation to Washington DC, and the increasing dominance of politics by large corporate dollars. Changing individual attitudes are almost certainly one factor in the changing patterns of civic and political engagement, but they are not the only factor or even the most important factor. Their reliance on survey data is also a peculiar choice, given their explicit desire to focus on new ways in which Americans might be civically and politically engaged. Surveys work best when the types of behavior of interest are already known. New forms of civic and political participation, if truly novel, would be difficult to discern from a standard battery of survey questions. The authors do report on focus group data they also collected, but the results are used only for narrative color in the book. The surveys do all the empirical heavy lifting. Moreover, the logic of their argument based on this data does because circular at times. In several places the authors explain behaviors by reference to attitudinal correlates that are more plausibly dimensions of that behavior than they are causes. Thus when they argue that the best overall predictors of political participation are ""being attentive and knowledgeable about politics, having a strong sense of efficacy, identification with a political party, and endorsing an active approach to citizen responsibilities""(135), the argument is more tautological than illuminating. These cautions notwithstanding, scholars looking at civic and political engagement in America will almost certainly want to use the rich new data and interesting findings provided by this work. At the same time, they will want to combine the book's analysis with other scholarship that connects attitudinal and behavioral changes to the larger structural changes taking place in American politics and society.";"ComPsy";"Book";2006;"Zukins, Cliff, Keeter, Scott, Andolina, Molly, Jenkins, Krista, Jennings & Delli Carpini, Micahel X.";"A new engagement - Political Participation, Civic Life, and the Changing American Citizen";