"Idnumber";"ABSTRACT";"RefType";"YEAR";"Authors";"Title";"JournalBookTitle";"Affiliation";"TopicKey";"TargetKey"
303;"In social studies, students learn about society and the culture in which they live, current and historical events, people from different backgrounds, and how to develop skills for participating in a democratic system. As people with disabilities are members of our society, participation in social studies content is an important component of their knowledge. Despite the potential benefits of learning social studies content, there is limited investigation in this area for individuals with autism spectrum disorders (ASD). In this study, three middle school students with autism spectrum disorders (ASD) who participated in alternate assessment standards testing based on alternate achievement standards (AA-AAS) learned social studies content (geographic relationships, historical perspectives, economics and development, and government and active citizenship) via structured inquiry and explicit instruction. Results from the single-case multiple probe across participants design suggest a functional relation between the implementation of structured inquiry using explicit instruction and student comprehension of social studies content. In addition, students were able to generalize to 'real-world' applications. Future research and implications for practices are discussed.";"Journal Article";2013;"H. Schenning, V. Knight and F. Spooner";"Effects of structured inquiry and graphic organizers on social studies comprehension by students with autism spectrum disorders";"Research in Autism Spectrum Disorders";"US";"AC";"Teens"
304;"Civic knowledge is critical to interpreting various policy and candidate issues that are necessary to participating in certain political activities, such as voting in elections or attending public demonstrations. Various studies have examined students’ perceptions of classroom openness, which reflects perceived levels of political discussion supported by peers in the classrooms, to understand how this measure relates to students’ civic behaviors. This study analyzes data from the 2009 International Civic and Citizenship Education Study, in which approximately 134,000 students were sampled from 38 countries across Europe, Asia, and Latin America. Results from three-level hierarchal linear modeling suggest that students’ perceptions of classroom openness are strongly related to their civic knowledge scores. Further analyses indicate that the relationship strength between these two measures do not vary across students from different socioeconomic backgrounds. These findings reaffirm the importance of curricular approaches that emphasize political discussions in classrooms to prepare students for active citizenship.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. R. Lin";"Examining students’ perception of classroom openness as a predictor of civic knowledge: A cross-national analysis of 38 countries";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"AC";"Teens"
305;"Drawing on the theories of symbolic interactionism, social constructivism, and flow, this research examines the integration of the electronic game of the World Food Programme of the UN 'Food Force' in a unit on active citizenship and poverty eradication. The research was conducted in two ninth-grade classes of an urban high school in Cyprus. Data were collected from interviews with students and teachers (before and after the implementation), observations in the classroom, the reflective diary of the researcher, and two questionnaires for the students (before and after the implementation). Data analysis showed, among others, that the integration of the game reinforced the active participation of students in the course by evoking their interest and the creation of a 'flow' state while using the game. Moreover, the game emerged as a tool for constructing an engaging learning experience through the interactions it supported and encouraged. The results highlight the importance of the use of computer games in education, especially in times that the pedagogical practices need urgent renewal in order to engage students in classroom settings.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. Theodoulou, L. Avraamidou and C. Vrasidas";"Flow and the pedagogical affordances of computer games: A case study";"Educational Media International";"Cyprus";"AC";"Teens"
306;"The article is based on an international comparative study in seven European countries, in which informal learning for active citizenship at school was explored by means of in depth case studies. Active citizenship is being recognized as an important goal of education and school pedagogy in an increasing number of countries. After defining the key terms 'informal learning at school' and 'active citizenship' the conceptual framework on which the study was based is introduced. Next, the most important outcomes of the study are summarized, in terms of core issues that showed varied implementation across countries. These issues are further analyzed in terms of context, input, process and outcome factors, with a strong emphasis on the process factors. Living up to school rules, student participation in school decision making, intercultural conflict and reflective pedagogy were identified as key 'process' dimensions, impacting on informal learning for active citizenship at school. In a final section these areas are tentatively worked out as a set of process indicators, applicable in future international comparative studies.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Scheerens";"Indicators on informal learning for active citizenship at school";"Educational Assessment, Evaluation and Accountability";"Netherlands";"AC";"Teens"
307;"This paper talks about the juvenile justice system in Italy. The author describes the interventions done with minors, boys and girls aged from 14 until 18 years, who have committed offenses of the civil or penal code, by the New Code of Criminal Procedure for Minors (1988). The Procedures have had some positive psychological aspects, aimed to avoid detention, thanks to alternative measures and strategies for inclusion, including also the minors living in the South, that are often involved in mafia-crimes. Nonetheless there are more negative psychological issues, because alternative punishments are not often applied to minors that lack social networks, particularly to foreign ones. Three examples of participatory researches will be shown, promoted by the Municipality of Florence, Department of Psychology and Third Sector Associations, aimed to promote psychological and social inclusion of minors (particularly those coming from abroad), with the commitment of active citizenship organizations, with an evaluation of their strengths and weaknesses.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. Meringolo";"Juvenile Justice System in Italy: Researches and interventions";"Universitas Psychologica";"Italy";"AC";"Teens"
308;"Family plays an important role in the development of citizenship awareness of children. The purpose of the present study is to figure out the citizenship perceptions of mothers, their practices for developing citizenship conscience of their children and to explore the problems they have encountered. In this study, critical case sampling method has been employed to collect data. The study was conducted in 2008 in a primary school where children from low and middle socio-economic levels were educated. The data of the study were gathered from 29 mothers through semi-structured interviews. The findings revealed that the majority of mothers perceived 'citizen' as a person who accepts the values and ethics of the society and defined this person as a good citizen. While most of the mothers declared that they taught the mainstream moral norms and values to their children at home, only a few mothers stated that they informed their children in political literacy at home. Additionally, mothers stated that they faced with some problems due to economic conditions, educational issues, social environment, and communication instruments while they were enriching their children’s citizenship awareness. This study suggests that mothers ought to be educated about active citizenship and they should be encouraged to participate in the learning activities in schools.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. F. Ersoy";"Mothers’ perceptions of citizenship, practices for developing citizenship conscience of their children and problems they encountered";"Kuram ve Uygulamada Eğitim Bilimleri";"Turkey";"AC";"Teens"
309;"This article has as its main objective to present the current situation of mental health problems among children in Puerto Rico from a socioconstructionist perspective and active citizenship concept. Strengths and limitations of the Puerto Rican Mental Health Policy for children and adolescents are identified, with the aim of establishing recommendations for the social work and mental health related professions, and mental health policy development.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. R. Díaz";"Niñez ciudadana: Un abordaje socioconstruccionista a la política de salud mental infanto-juvenil en Puerto Rico. = Child citizen: A socioconstructionist approach to the policy of child and adolescent mental health in Puerto Rico";"Revista Puertorriqueña de Psicología";"Puerto Rico";"AC";"Teens"
310;"The context from which this paper is drawn is from doctoral research that has attempted to address the question: How can films be used to explore the idea of responsible-active citizenship within a critically informed psychoanalytic practice? The research consisted of examining literature from the areas of social studies, citizenship, postmodernism/poststructuralism, psychoanalysis, and film theory. 66 high school students, 2 teachers, and 6 post-secondary students explored the possibilities for engaging in dialogue, using filmic texts as a base, which might lead to possibilities for active citizenship. The reasoning behind the structure of the study is discussed. It is concluded that the pedagogy of transformative desire suggested in this paper is one way to begin the task of teaching for an ethic of inclusive democracy.";"Journal Article";2002;"D. Zook";"Popular culture, psychoanalysis and pedagogy: An exploration of citizenship";"Journal for the Psychoanalysis of Culture & Society";"Canada";"AC";"Teens"
311;"International large-scale assessments are now part of the educational landscape in many countries and often feed into major policy decisions. Yet, such assessments also provide data sets for secondary analysis that can address key issues of concern to educators and policymakers alike. Traditionally, such secondary analyses have been based on a variable-centred approach that gives rise to league tables. In the study reported here, a person-centred analysis is used as an alternative to the traditional approach. Data from the International Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS) were analysed to investigate Asian students' attitudes to their future civic participation. Cluster analysis with validity measures showed that 4 distinct groups of students were identified within the societies studied thus highlighting the diversity within the samples. These results cannot be achieved with a conventional variable approach to analysis, and they suggest the usefulness of exploring alternative approaches to secondary data analysis.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. F. Chow and K. J. Kennedy";"Secondary analysis of large-scale assessment data: An alternative to variable-centred analysis";"Educational Research and Evaluation";"Hong Kong";"ACCPP";"Teens"
312;"It is commonly understood that democracies need actively engaged democrats and that adolescence is a significant period in life for educating engaged citizens. Whereas previous quantitative studies in the field have primarily focused on the relationships among participation-related variables, the research reported here aims to categorize secondary school students according to their civic orientations. Thus, the present study proposes a different strategy of analysing quantitative data, namely a person-centred statistical approach, which is well suited when the research focuses on heterogeneous populations. It utilizes attitudes towards the importance of citizenship behaviours and employed latent class analysis using two cohorts of the Australian National Assessment Program: Civics and Citizenship. Analyses yielded four groups for both the importance of conventional citizenship and the importance of social movement-related citizenship. About one-third of all students were ‘political enthusiasts’, as they were likely to endorse all kinds of citizenship behaviour. These patterns were stable across cohorts, but some latent class sizes varied between both cohorts. The findings of this innovative approach to the study of good citizenship are linked to previous research, and possible explanations for the differences between both cohorts—cohort, lifecycle, and period effects—and the potential of person-centred quantitative research for civics and citizenship education and policy are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"F. Reichert";"Students’ perceptions of good citizenship: A person-centred approach";"Social Psychology of Education";"Hong Kong";"AC";"Teens"
313;"This article focuses on the development of, and new theorising about, a strong democracy education intervention, the Just Community approach. Three questions frame the discussion: (1) Does democracy education change children and adolescents or do students in these programs change their schools, or is there a dynamic interaction over time? (2) How can democracy be 'learned'? How can the concept of democracy be most thoroughly learned and how can democratic problem-solving skills best be acquired? (3) How can we optimise the chances that the knowledge and skills learned will motivate future active citizenship? The article begins with a brief history of the Just Community approach, a description of the original developmental model created by Lawrence Kohlberg and collaborators and some variation in more recent European Just Community programs. In a discussion of controversial and difficult issues democracy education may face, the second question takes centre stage and several structural aspects are offered that should be included in such efforts to maximise their effectiveness. In the remainder of the article new perspectives coming from Europe are introduced. Some additional pathways to the Just Community approach and their justifications, which have not played a significant role in the theory and practice of the 'traditional' model but can add to its strengths, are identified. Finally, the idea of 'trusting in advance' is introduced as critical for well-functioning educational democracies.";"Journal Article";2008;"F. K. Oser, W. Althof and A. Higgins-D'Alessandro";"The Just Community approach to moral education: System change or individual change?";"Journal of Moral Education";"Switzerland";"AC";"Teens"
314;"Despite considerable research and discussion regarding children and young people’s rights and citizenship, the participation of young children in community decision-making is still limited. In this exploratory research, a case study is reported on how ideas about young children as active citizens are interpreted within one local government context. Data were collected and analysed from nine local government staff who completed an online survey. The survey focused on issues with respect to: services and programmes for young children; inclusion of young children in local government policies and plans; how local government defines active citizenship; how children could participate as active citizens; and an open-ended question regarding the avenues and possibilities for young children to express their opinions and be involved in local government decision-making. The findings suggested that while older children and adolescents may be involved in consultation processes, this local government did not have effective mechanisms for enabling young children to readily participate in their communities as active citizens. The conclusions offer some ideas about the possibilities for change. In particular, greater collaboration between local government and early childhood education programmes is important if young children are to be equipped and involved in the local government decisions affecting them.";"Journal Article";2016;"C. Bartholomaeus, C. Gregoric and S. Krieg";"Young children as active citizens in local government: Possibilities and challenges from an Australian perspective";"International Journal of Early Childhood";"Australia";"AC";"YT"
315;"Discusses the potential of Holocaust education as a medium for developing 'maximalist' notions of citizenship among students of secondary school age. Particular attention is given to the contribution that such teaching can make to the realization of anti-racist goals. The authors present the findings of a case study of 14–16 yr olds' perceptions of Holocaust education. The case study was undertaken in 1996. The sample, comprising 21 males and 22 females from a variety of ethnic backgrounds, was drawn from 6 secondary schools in England. The discussion focuses on: (1) the impact of Holocaust education on the students' understanding of racism (and, in particular, their ability to recognize and deconstruct stereotypes) and (2) the students' opinions on the value of Holocaust education in preparing young people for active citizenship in a participatory pluralist democracy. The authors conclude by exploring the pedagogic implications of the study.";"Journal Article";1997;"B. Carrington and G. Short";"Holocaust education, anti-racism and citizenship";"Educational Review";"UK";"AC";"YT"
316;"The idea of active citizenship has become a key element in the ongoing democratic renewal of Scotland. The policy priorities of the recently devolved Scottish Government have placed a fresh focus on the role and agency of young people as the future political generation. This paper draws on practice-based experience of a pilot programme of education for citizenship engaging groups of students within a special school setting. The groupwork approach was informed by the social action model of practice that supported the participants in a critical analysis of their own interests, concerns and needs. The programme provided young people with an arena for collective political expression and a vehicle for the exploration of their role as active citizens. The outcomes of the learning process included the acquisition of the base knowledge and core skills necessary for their effective participation as well as the development of a collective agenda for change. The findings of the work point towards the possibilities for the development of a complementary curriculum approach based upon the lived experiences of the young people themselves.";"Journal Article";2004;"I. Fyfe";"Social action and education for citizenship in Scotland";"Groupwork: An Interdisciplinary Journal for Working with Groups";"Australia";"AC";"YT"
317;"In his 2001 book Oversold and Underused: Computers in the Classroom, Larry Cuban asserted that minimal evidence existed to show that teachers and students were using technology specifically to 'create better communities and build strong citizens'. A decade later Cuban's comments and concerns continue to resonate and raise important questions for those interested in citizenship education in the 21st century. That is, with the rapid proliferation of so many creative, engaging digital technological innovations, is the relationship between digital technologies and democratic citizenship education any less opaque? Do these new Web 2.0 technologies require different ways of thinking and talking about 21st century citizenship education? And to what extent is it possible to connect ideas of 21st century digital literacy to understandings of educating for active democratic citizenship? In this paper, we use these questions as initiating points through which to map the complex relationship between Web 2.0 technologies, literacy in the digital age, and learning for active citizenship. Heeding Shulman's (2007) observation that 'the work of both scholarship and practice progresses as a consequence of dialogue, debate, and exchange', we seek to initiate a generative dialogue, informed by transdisciplinary scholarship, about current understandings and descriptions of 21st century digital literacy, and the extent to which such technology ascribed literacy practices can be used to promote 'active' citizenship.";"Book Section";2011;"D. Hicks, S. van Hover, E. Y. Washington and J. K. Lee";"Internet literacies for active citizenship and democratic life: In search of the intersection";"Contemporary social studies: An essential reader.";"US";"AC";"YT"
318;"The article examines the interactive uses of journalism, focusing on the changes brought by new communication technology in the everyday news media uses of young Finns. The study is based on a survey and in-depth interviews. The results indicate that even though young Finns have easy access to new communication technology, journalism is still predominantly used via television and printed newspapers. While nearly all subjects followed news regularly, a fifth of the respondents had taken advantage of participatory activities offered by the news media. Consequently, technology alone does not seem to alter news practices. The interactive usage of journalism thus seems to be individualized entertainment for the majority of the young people that were studied, and only for few was it a platform for active citizenship. The everyday practices of using journalism via new media point towards heterogeneous activity and the conflicting meanings given to them.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. Hujanen and S. Pietikäinen";"Interactive uses of journalism: Crossing between technological potential and young people's news-using practices";"New Media & Society";"Finland";"AC";"YT"
319;"Despite agreement on the need to respond to adolescents who sexually offend, numerous controversies emerge from efforts to increase recognition. Among the most pressing problems are difficulties in reaching a consistent definition that transfers from research to social response, obtaining and deploying appropriate technology to deal with offending, determining the most appropriate response to young offenders, understanding and appropriately recognizing societal calls for reform, and embarking on intelligent policy directions to deal with sexually abusive events. This chapter explores these complications through an analysis of current legal responses to adolescent offenders and of studies that examine the nature, etiology, treatment, and prevention of adolescents' offending. That analysis suggests opportunities for reform consistent with models that foster adolescents' competency development and active citizenship, a model that may counter objections to those who wish to punish at the expense of rehabilitation and those who champion the opposite.";"Book Section";2000;"R. J. R. Levesque";"Sexual offending";"Adolescents, sex, and the law: Preparing adolescents for responsible citizenship.";"US";"AC";"YT"
320;"This paper discusses the empirical manifestations of the notion of active citizenship in the context of the experiences of migrant youth. It focuses on the practices of active citizenship through involvement in social networks and creative civic engagement. In doing so, the article examines the complex and multi-faceted nature of social networking among migrant youth and the extent to which their approach to engagement is dependent on the specificities of the local environment, the type of social issues involved, and the cultural norms of one's own cultural heritage. Key empirical insights are derived from quantitative and qualitative research conducted among migrant youth of African, Arabic-speaking and Pacific Island backgrounds in Australia. These empirical insights are used to examine the changing perceptions of active citizenship among migrant youth, and the possibilities offered through non-traditional networks to engender civic engagement and social participation.";"Journal Article";2016;"F. Mansouri and L. Kirpitchenko";"Practices of active citizenship among migrant youth: Beyond conventionalities";"Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture";"Australia";"ACCPE";"YT"
321;"Internationally, human rights education is seen as 1 way of promoting active citizenship and, ultimately, social justice and peace. For the past 30 years, Northern Ireland has been characterized by political conflict and community divisions. With the continuation of the peace process, human rights have been identified as an essential component of the efforts to improve community relations and to achieve a lasting peace. As part of its responsibilities, the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission is required to promote awareness and understanding of human rights through educational activities and the Bill of Rights in Schools Project. Results of a baseline survey of 580 pupils indicate that despite moderate levels of interest in human rights and confidence in engaging with human rights, knowledge of human rights is extremely low in Northern Ireland postprimary schoolchildren. These findings are discussed in relation to the clear need for specific human rights education in divided societies.";"Journal Article";2006;"U. Niens, J. Reilly and R. McLaughlin";"The Need for Human Rights Education in Northern Ireland: A Pupil Survey";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"Ireland";"AC";"YT"
322;"Purpose: This paper aims to describe the four education projects that demonstrate how Irish education provision is adapting to meet social and economic changes: Ubuntu Network working to integrate education for sustainable development (ESD) into teacher education; Community Knowledge Initiative (CKI) facilitating service learning modules at higher education; Young Social Innovators (YSI), a social justice education programme for 15-18 year olds; and a study of Irish students' levels of moral reasoning. Four commonalities are identified between the projects: critical thinking, active and participatory learning, knowledge skills and social justice. Discussion highlights features of the Irish education system that contrast with these commonalities and impact on their long-term objectives, which may in fact hinder the development of engaged learners. Design/methodology/approach: Four commonalities were identified at the roundtable discussions at the Irish Aid Sustainable Global Development Conference. Each commonality is discussed from the perspective of the projects described and contrasted against core features of Irish education. Findings: All four education projects make positive contributions to civic engagement in Irish education, acknowledging education as central to active citizenship, social awareness, and empowerment of learners. Originality/value: Discussion centres on how Irish education provision is adapting to meet social and economic changes. The paper argues that distinctive features of the Irish education system and the prevailing culture of Irish education do not lend themselves to social justice concerns such as education for sustainable development, moral reasoning or civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. O'Flaherty, M. Liddy, L. Tansey and C. Roche";"Educating engaged citizens: Four projects from Ireland";"Education & Training";"Ireland";"ACCPE";"YT"
323;"This article presents the research results of the European co-funded project NISO: Fighting Homophobia Through Active Citizenship and Media Education. The project combined research and non-formal education activities in four European countries: Belgium, Estonia, Italy and the Netherlands. The research intended to identify and analyze high school students' opinions about LGBT issues and rights. With a sample of 1,371 students across the four sites, the survey explored students' opinions on homosexuality. Overall, the majority of the sample reported positive views toward homosexuality. Nevertheless, stereotypes about gay men and lesbian women emerged in approximately half of the sample, mainly related to non-conformity with traditional gender roles. Differences among countries emerged regarding attitudes toward LGBT people and the recognition of LGBT rights and appeared to be related to differences in the national context of rights recognition across the four countries.";"Journal Article";2016;"A. Passani and M. Debicki";"Students opinions and attitudes toward LGBT persons and rights: Results of a transnational European project";"Journal of LGBT Youth";"Italy";"AC";"YT"
324;"Following the social representations perspective, this paper explores how young people represent citizenship in relation to their media use practices. Four hundred and eighty two students in secondary education completed a free association word task to the stimulus 'Citizenship' and provided a self-report questionnaire on their use of different media. The results suggested that the field of representation is organized according to the criteria of inclusion/exclusion. Accessible citizenship is defined by social norms and judicial factors, whereas exclusion is predominantly based on geographical provenance. Media use is linked with the traditional perspective of partisan and monitorial citizens. Surprisingly, internet users shared a conservative representation of citizenship. This study provides public agencies with an insight into promoting young people's active citizenship.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Sarrica, F. Grimaldi and A. Nencini";"Youth, citizenship and media: An exploration from the social representations perspective";"Revue Internationale de Psychologie Sociale";"Italy";"AC";"YT"
325;"The development of knowledge and understanding is widely reported as a key aim of civic and citizenship education and as an important aspect of being equipped for active citizenship. Measuring knowledge and understanding of this domain has grown as a focus of educational research both as an outcome in its own right and to underpin the systematic investigation of factors associated with the development of effective active citizenship. Given that civics and citizenship is often seen as a set of cross-curricular capabilities rather than an established discipline, it is crucial to articulate clearly what is being measured and to be sure that its measurement is based on sound psychometric properties. This article describes how knowledge and understanding of civics and citizenship was conceptually defined and measured in the context of the IEA Civic and Citizenship Education Study (ICCS 2009).";"Journal Article";2013;"W. Schulz, J. Fraillon and J. Ainley";"Measuring young people’s understanding of civics and citizenship in a cross-national study";"Educational Psychology";"Australia";"AC";"YT"
326;"This chapter presents a brief history of Manchester Craftsmen's Guild in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The basic work of the guild is for young people to develop their artistic talents by working with resident teaching artists in ways that promote democratic community and individual empowerment. The primary purpose of the chapter is to give the reader an insight into the daily routines and practices of youth and teaching artists at MCG. A number of vignettes and observations from the three authors attempt to draw in the reader to witness and experience what makes MCG a success and identify three overarching themes: the physical environment, the culture, and the empowerment of youth and staff experiences. These are discussed in terms of how MCG provides space for these themes to have a direct impact toward promoting positive interpersonal relationships and trust, individual learning opportunities, reflective practice, and the key values incorporated to support active citizenship. These all underpin the success of the organization over a forty-year period in which young people shape their futures.";"Book Section";2013;"M. A. Steiner, T. Galvin and J. Green";"Manchester Craftsmen's Guild: Art, mentorship, and environment shape a culture of learning and engagement";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"US";"AC";"YT"
327;"This article builds upon the literature examining the relationship of contemporary youth with politics and youth civic participation through a study exploring youth citizenship in post-socialist Ukraine. Specifically, drawing upon qualitative research undertaken during 2005-2006 with young people (aged 15-18) from two contrasting regions in East and West Ukraine, this paper uses three examples to highlight (and contrast across regions, where applicable) the potential of young Ukrainians to engage in various forms of democratic participation. In particular, this paper will use the following examples both to examine and illustrate youth participation: (1) youth and the political upheavals known as the Orange Revolution; (2) models of private/community-focused citizenship articulated by youth; and (3) school citizenship education practices. In relation to these examples, the article suggests that young people's positions and practices are reminiscent of those citizenship perspectives which embrace the informal and contextual nature of civic participation focused on unconventional acts of citizenship. Connected to this, it argues that locality and schools may provide youth with an important space for civic engagement and for exercising democratic citizenship. Implications for educational practice are also explored with respect to the possibilities for place-based active citizenship education.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. Tereshchenko";"Ukrainian youth and civic engagement: Unconventional participation in local spaces";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"ACCPECPP";"YT"
328;"This study analyzed the predictors of young individuals' interest in taking environmental political action in the municipal context in Finland. Data were collected by means of a survey of young people (ages 15-30) living in Finland (N = 512). The results revealed that post-materialist values and perceived political competence increased interest in environmental political action. In addition, trust in political parties and nongovernmental organizations were indirectly associated with interest in environmental political action. The results suggest how political authorities might develop policies to encourage young individuals' participation in environmental politics, in order to encourage active citizenship and strengthen democratic practices.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Vainio and R. Paloniemi";"Arvot, luottamus ja kompetenssi nuorten ympäristöpoliittisen osallistumisen selittäjinä. = Values, trust and competence explain young adults' participation in environmental policy";"Psykologia";"Finland";"ACCPP";"YT"
329;"Given the wealth of information and research on the roles and responsibilities of the general public in climate mitigation, the lack of engagement of householders on climate adaptation is notable by its absence. As climate change impacts vary with locality, local adaption is important; however there are few processes that build awareness and engagement of householders with climate adaptation and planning. Using reports of discussions from 96 groups convened as part of a climate change engagement program called Energymark; this paper explores the concerns of householders around climate change and provides a lay perspective on climate adaptation. Analyses of group discussions reveal that householders were unable to readily distinguish between climate adaptation and mitigation actions. Groups discussed how they could increase local adaptive capacity through active citizenship and community action. This applied research provides empirical evidence of how deliberation can build social capital and contribute to local adaptive solutions.";"Journal Article";2014;"Y. van Kasteren";"How are householders talking about climate change adaptation?";"Journal of Environmental Psychology";"Australia";"AC";"YT"
330;"The aim of this study was to evaluate the use of the online data collection method to survey adolescents about their psychological characteristics in a follow up-longitudinal study on positive youth development in order to test the psychometric equivalence of two assessment methods. 1030 participants (17–19 years old) completed paper-and-pencil questionnaires in schools (505 boys and 525 girls), 132 (28 boys and 104 girls) completed Internet-based questionnaires, and 47 (15 boys 32 girls) completed both, measuring positive development indicators. The findings suggest that adolescents report less socially desirable behaviour and active citizenship in Internet-based questionnaires, but generally Internet-based administration does not have any differences in the means values of positive development indicators as compared to paper-and-pencil administration. Internet-based questionnaires have higher or similar internal consistencies as compared with paper-and-pencil questionnaires and are highly correlated with each other when administered using Internet-based and paper-and-pencil assessment. There is no interaction effect of the Internet versus paper-and-pencil assessment and the sex of adolescents on the positive development indicators. Limitations of this study are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Vosylis, R. Žukauskienė and O. Malinauskienė";"Comparison of internet-based versus paper-and pencil administered assessment of positive development indicators in adolescents’ sample";"Psichologija";"Lithuania";"AC";"YT"
331;"A priority toward creating ‘active’ citizens has been a feature of curricula reforms in many income-rich nations in recent years. However, the normative, one-size-fits-all conceptions of citizenship often presented within such curricula obscure the significant differences in how some young people experience and express citizenship. This paper reports on research that explored the citizenship perceptions and practices of New Zealand social studies teachers and students from four diverse geographic and socio-economic school communities. Attention was drawn to the scale of their citizenship orientations and participation (local/global). Drawing on Bourdieu’s conceptual triad and his species of capital in particular, the author posits that the differences observed between school communities can be usefully explained by a concept of participatory capital. The paper concludes with some reflections on the implications for young people who fail to access the ‘symbolic’ global participatory capital associated with much contemporary citizenship education.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. E. Wood";"Participatory capital: Bourdieu and citizenship education in diverse school communities";"British Journal of Sociology of Education";"New Zealand";"AC";"YT"
332;"European Union youth policy since the 1990s has been ostensibly committed to enhancing the social participation of young people. This study explores the reliance of the 2009 European Union (EU) Youth Strategy on a combination of OECD ‘active society’ and human capital theory which seeks to increase educational participation rates in Europe with the goal of creating more and better opportunities for young people and to promote active citizenship, social inclusion and solidarity. The authors adopt a ‘southern theory’ perspective to open up a range of problems with the EU Youth Strategy which begins to indicate why, contrary to expectations, this policy has failed to ameliorate the increasing levels of youth unemployment, underemployment and child and youth poverty. The study concludes that the EU Youth Strategy has consolidated ‘a relation of cruel optimism’ when what is desired, in this case more education, has become an obstacle to human flourishing.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Bessant and R. W. Watts";"‘Cruel optimism’: A southern theory perspective on the European Union's Youth Strategy, 2008–2012";"International Journal of Adolescence and Youth";"Australia";"AC";"Youth"
333;"Behaviour in schools is an emotive topic and one of enduring political interest and sensitivity. The media often portrays schools as violent and dangerous places and young people as ever more unruly. This paper explores findings from a recent large‐scale national study on behaviour and focuses on the data from primary and secondary school students within this study. The comments and suggestions offered by students move beyond a discussion of behaviour to focus on the broader questions of participation, engagement and meanings of active citizenship in school.";"Journal Article";2013;"G. McCluskey, J. Brown, P. Munn, G. Lloyd, L. Hamilton, S. Sharp and G. Macleod";"‘Take more time to actually listen’: Students' reflections on participation and negotiation in school";"British Educational Research Journal";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
334;"Sport education (SE) is an instruction model developed amid concerns about the lack of authentic, legitimate opportunities for young people to experience sport through physical education and was designed to facilitate enhanced links between experiences in physical education and those in the wider world of sport. The paper discusses how one UK primary school delivered key citizenship education learning through the use of SE. The research reported here is based on interviews with teachers and students in Year 6 at one co-education, state-run primary school. The paper highlights the possibilities for teaching citizenship through the medium of sport while recognising the central importance of the creative teaching approach rather than the subject matter of sport in facilitating the development of active citizenship. The possibilities for citizenship education through sport to be celebratory and supportive of real-world discourses are highlighted. As a solution to the overcrowded curriculum in primary schools, SE has been embraced and developed by the teachers in ‘Forest Gate School’.";"Journal Article";2010;"T. M. O'Donovan, A. MacPhail and D. Kirk";"Active citizenship through sport education";"Education 3-13";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
335;"On the background of the dispute of liberalism and communitarism, the study formulates the basic sociological and social psychological questions connected with the realization of individual freedom in the civic, political, and social sense, both in the context of contemporary Western postmaterialistic culture and in the context of postcommunist society. It introduces problems of active participation and active citizenship as important factors in solving the topical societal problems, respectively. The question is asked, if the contemporary youth, not influenced by the past regime, is prepared sufficiently to the role of an active citizen. Referring to empirical studies the author states that although the young generation has sufficient knowledge, its relation to politics is rather reserved. It is assumed that the only rational strategy consists in such a socialization that would support and develop abilities and competences of children and youth enabling them to solve and to participate in solving the societal problems. For inspiration, the overview of educational and participative projects that are being conducted both in Western and in Central and Eastern Europe is mentioned.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. Plichtová";"Active citizenship in social and psychological contexts";"Československá Psychologie: Časopis Pro Psychologickou Teorii a Praxi";"Slovak Republic";"ACCPP";"Youth"
336;"Social education curricula are designed inter alia to assist the processes of maturation growth and development in promoting active citizenship. To this end, an experiment using group comparison methods was set up to determine if the instructional method of team teaching with Senior Citizens would have a detectable effect on attitudinal change on the part of pupils. This was in the two areas of the law and violence against the elderly. Difficulties in measuring this are addressed and the development of two instruments described. Statistically significant differences were found between classes assigned to control and experimental conditions in some instances, but the findings need to be treated cautiously. The findings have implications for further research and the development of programmes that seek to use this intervention under the rubric of the new Statewide K-12 Curriculum Framework. in Western Australian schools.";"Journal Article";2001;"D. Carter";"An investigation into the efficacy of cross-generational classroom interactions in promoting attitudinal change in children and youth";"Educational Psychology";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
337;"Teaching about the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly in 1948, is one way to support students’ learning about issues of fairness. However, learning about this document is not enough. Students need to have experiences where they explore issues of justice and equity in order to learn about respect and dignity for others. The present study explored an arts-based project in a kindergarten classroom about the Universal Declaration of Human Rights Article 26—The Right to Education. Over the course of several months, nineteen kindergarten students learned about educational inequities around the world and specifically about an under-resourced partner school in El Salvador. Children’s literature about human rights became the catalyst for critical conversations, written responses, and drawings inspiring action. Students worked to address injustice by screen printing images they drew about their beliefs regarding a child’s right to education on fabric banners to raise awareness about school inequity. These banners were then displayed in their school and in the partner school. Overall findings from students’ discussions, writing, illustrations, and interviews indicated that the kindergartners were able to recognize their own rights and educational privilege. Through the project they demonstrated active citizenship centered on care and sought further connections with children at the partner school. In using arts-based service learning, educators involved in the study discovered how art can be used as a creative process and a teaching method to support young learners raising awareness about global inequities.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. E. Montgomery, W. Miller, P. Foss, D. Tallakson and M. Howard";"Banners for books: 'mighty-hearted' kindergartners take action through arts-based service learning";"Early Childhood Education Journal";"US";"AC";"Youth"
338;"This article develops a composite indicator to monitor the levels of civic competence of young people in Europe using the IEA ICCS 2009 study. The measurement model combines the traditions in Europe of liberal, civic republican and critical/cosmopolitan models of citizenship. The results indicate that social justice values and citizenship knowledge and skills of students are facilitated within the Nordic system that combines a stable democracy and economic prosperity with a democratically based education systems in which teachers prioritise promoting autonomous critical thinking in citizenship education. In contrast, medium term democracies with civic republican tradition, such as Italy and Greece gain more positive results on citizenship values and participatory attitudes. This is also the case for some recent former communist countries that retain ethnic notions of citizenship. In a final step we go on to argue that the Nordic teachers’ priority on developing critical and autonomous citizens perhaps facilitates 14 years olds qualities of cognition on citizenship and the values of equality but may not be the most fruitful approach to enhance participatory attitudes or concepts of a good citizen which may be better supported by the Italian teachers’ priority on civic responsibility.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Hoskins, M. Saisana and C. M. H. Villalba";"Civic competence of youth in Europe: Measuring cross national variation through the creation of a composite indicator";"Social Indicators Research";"UK";"ACCPP";"Youth"
339;"Changes in the labour market, especially the rise in the employment of women (lone or partnered) with children, alongside an increased policy emphasis on work as a component of active citizenship for men and women, have stimulated the development of research examining the balance between work and home. Although sociologists have long been interested in the interface between the spheres of paid work and domestic life, understandings of the subjective experience of health and illness have tended to keep the domains of family and work separate. This paper addresses the construction of health and illness as operating at the interface between the worlds of work and home. Interviews were conducted with 30 mothers in paid work and having primary school aged children; the study was located in Edinburgh, Scotland. Through an analysis of the interview accounts, this paper examines respondents' experiences and constructions of health, sickness and wellbeing in themselves and in their children. Four areas are discussed: respondents' accounts of the effects of caring and providing on their own health; respondents' accounts of the influence of workplace relationships in the construction of sickness; respondents' accounts of negotiating absence for their children's sickness and how they made sense of and defined child sickness. We argue that managing sickness, itself an anticipated but unpredictable event, gives analytical purchase to understanding the values and practices that characterise the interrelationship between work and family life. The intersections of home and work operate powerfully in respondents' constructions of health and sickness, and the analysis demonstrates how these are played out in everyday life, at home and at work.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. Cunningham-Burley, K. Backett-Milburn and D. Kemmer";"Constructing health and sickness in the context of motherhood and paid work";"Sociology of Health & Illness";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
340;"Background: Youth citizenship is now on the international agenda with African countries increasingly interrogating their national perspectives on citizenship and citizenship education. In this emergent field of research, African scholars are beginning to challenge the prevailing (Western) theories of citizenship and democracy. Purpose: The aim of this paper is to contribute an African perspective to the study of citizenship education by exploring the political influences and meanings that shaped citizenship education in Kenya, and how these have evolved from independence to the present day. Data and Methods: This article is based on a documentary analysis of key policy-related documents, complemented by an analysis of some critical historical moments in the life of Kenya as a postcolonial nation. The policy-related documents include government policy documents, as well as political statements, speeches, development reports, technical commission reports, media articles, research publications and reports, education syllabi and curriculum documents. Main Findings: Post-independence, the Kenyan government focused on rethinking the colonial concept of citizenship in line with its political–cultural traditions, encouraging new notions of belonging, of civic virtues and of duties in relation to nation-building and economic development. Social Ethics and Education (SEE) programmes in schools were established and then later removed from the secondary school curriculum. Conclusions: This paper yields important insights into the international and national political agendas that shape Kenya’s notions of active citizenship. It indicates the tensions which vulnerable and fragile states such as Kenya experience in negotiating their citizenship education agenda, whilst attempting to win foreign investment and aid for their economy, and whilst addressing regional and ethnic inequalities and high levels of poverty.";"Journal Article";2011;"P. K. Wainaina, M. Arnot and F. Chege";"Developing ethical and democratic citizens in a post-colonial context: Citizenship education in Kenya";"Educational Research";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
341;"Through a review of educational research literature this piece explores how federal politics and policies have trickled down into secondary schools, and what the effects of these policies have been on secondary schools, paying particular attention to the effects on Muslim American youth. The main research questions are: What federal and state policies, specifically those constructed as measures of ensuring national security, have affected secondary schools? What are the effects of this policy on Muslim American youth? What pedagogical practices can be changed to engage these youth in active citizenship-in a post 9/11 context-for meaningful inclusion and participation in their societies? This review will critically examine the USA PATRIOT Act, a federal law designed and implemented after the terrorist attacked of 9/11, with the aim of understanding how the law has contributed to the growing national anti-Muslim sentiment. Findings suggest that this law has contributed to the over-targeting of Arabs and Arab-American families and students, and has had damaging effects on their educational outcomes, psychosocial well-being and sense of nation and belonging. Additionally, findings suggest that laws framed around securitization are constructed around problematic ideologies that lie beneath dominant and main-stream discourses around Islam.";"Journal Article";2011;"S. W. Bonet";"Educating Muslim American youth in a Post-9/11 era: A critical review of policy and practice";"The High School Journal";"US";"AC";"Youth"
342;"Recently, young children have begun to be recognized as active citizens of their world. Stories have a great capacity to explain and explore the world through sensuous and poetic knowing. Based on these understandings, the author investigated how her practice as a storyteller with a class of five–six-year-old children might provoke and promote the children’s active citizenship. This article explains teaching and learning through a practice of social justice storytelling that highlights significant motifs and some folktales that reflect these motifs. It provides a living theory of social justice storytelling as pedagogy that can serve as a model for others to enhance their living practices and theorizing of practice.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. Phillips";"Emergent motifs of social justice storytelling as pedagogy";"Storytelling, Self, Society: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Storytelling Studies";"Australia";"AC";"Youth"
344;"The main aim of this chapter is to map dominant discourses on political participation and active citizenship emerging at the European level by looking at policies targeting traditionally marginalized groups (such as women, young people, minorities and migrants). In particular, we will establish whether new rules, procedures and norms aimed at engaging civil society in the policy-making process are under construction, by framing the actual position of the European institutions in developing the policy agenda. For these reasons the chapter is focused on the emerging discourses representing specific policy frames in the three subgroups. The analysis presented here is based on a policy analysis of public documents published by the European Commission in the period of time 2004—10. This time frame has been chosen because of its relevance for the enhancement and shaping of specific policies of active citizenship by the European Union.This broader discourse, as we argue in the chapter, has emerged for two reasons. First of all, it represents an attempt to overcome the limitations that can be found in the status of European citizenship formalized by the Maastricht Treaty in 1993. Second, it has been shaped by the need to ensure the till implementation of the governance reform started by the European Commission in 2001. This established a European project based on citizens' full engagement and participation in a system of deliberative democracy and entailed the fostering of a broad European civil society.";"Book Section";2015;"C. Bee and R. Guerrina";"Europeanisation of policy discourses on participation and active citizenship";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Turkey";"ACCPP";"Youth"
345;"Conversational interview accounts were used to explore everyday understandings of political participation on the part of young white adults in England. Analysis focussed on dilemmatic tensions within respondents' accounts between values of active citizenship and norms of liberal individualism. Respondents could represent community membership as engendering rights to political participation, whilst also arguing that identification with local or national community militates against the formulation of genuine personal attitudes and rational political judgement. Respondents could represent political participation as a civic responsibility, whilst also casting political campaigning as an illegitimate attempt to impose personal opinions on to others. Formal citizenship education did not appear to promote norms of political engagement but rather lent substance to the argument that political decision-making should be based on the rational application of technical knowledge rather than on public opinion or moral principle. In conclusion we question whether everyday understandings of responsible citizenship necessarily entail injunctions to political action.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. Condor and S. Gibson";"'Everybody's entitled to their own opinion': Ideological dilemmas of liberal individualism and active citizenship";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"UK";"ACCPP";"Youth"
346;"Although conventional psychology is often characterised as the science of the individual mind, it is also important to introduce students to the potential interdisciplinary and multi-dimensional nature of psychology. In this paper we outline the design, development, and delivery of an innovative course that employed an ecological framework to engage students in mental health issues and policy via the teaching of a course on the basic elements of qualitative inquiry. Students received two lectures on qualitative methodology and methods and then participated in a set of practical-based activities that involved examining mental health themes and undertaking semi-structured interviews. The information gleaned from the students' interviews was collated and formed the basis of a formal submission to Scotland's National Mental Health Strategy 2011-2015. In this way the present approach encouraged students to consider the multiple levels of analysis that can be employed when researching mental health issues, fostered active citizenship through their participation";"Journal Article";2014;"D. Marie, B. M. Christian, J. Lumsden and L. K. Miles";"Informing Scotland's mental health strategy from the classroom context";"Psychology Teaching Review";"UK";"AC";"Youth"
347;"In the light of 'citizenship' emerging as a National Curriculum requirement and of a long standing employers' discontent with the end product of the education service, 2 schemes are described here. They illustrate the need for teachers and youth workers to acquire good groupwork skills. Projects are described which indicate the educational gains to be had from active citizenship. The particular skills of the facilitator are outlined and a training model proposed.";"Journal Article";2000;"M. Silverlock";"Learning beyond the classroom: A role for groupwork?";"Groupwork: An Interdisciplinary Journal for Working with Groups";;"AC";"Youth"
348;"Research Findings: Concepts of children’s citizenship are highly contested. Contemporary policy and rhetoric increasingly includes the concept of citizenship in relation to children, yet there is considerable ambiguity as to what children’s citizenship actually means. Unlike other marginalized groups, it is not children claiming citizenship rights for themselves but adults claiming rights for children on their behalf. Practice or Policy: This paper draws from a doctoral study that inquired into possibilities for young children’s active citizenship through analysis of the participation of a class of children aged 5 to 6 years in a social justice storytelling program. Possibilities and quandaries for young children’s active citizenship are proposed from critical and poststructuralist readings of young children’s comments and actions in response to unfair treatment of others experienced through live storytelling. Implications of these possibilities and quandaries are suggested for those who work with young children in early childhood education and citizenship contexts.";"Journal Article";2011;"L. Phillips";"Possibilities and quandaries for young children's active citizenship";"Early Education and Development";"Australia";"AC";"Youth"
349;"Contemporary social theory and the United Nations (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child have forged current interest in the concept of children’s citizenship. However, what citizenship is and can be for young children is surrounded by much debate and ambiguity. This article discusses explorations of possibilities of children’s citizenship from a study of the author’s practice of social justice storytelling as pedagogy with a class of children aged five to 6 years of age. The study sought findings to what active citizenship is possible for young children; and who young children might be as active citizens, from children’s responses to performed social justice stories. Aesthetic encounters with story provoked affective responses. Retribution and rebellion, though paradoxical to metanarratives of young children and citizenship, were two significant themes amidst these responses. The significant nature of these themes is explored and explained through identification of possible narrative influence and identification of children’s initiated actions and comments as life stories of citizenship practice.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. G. Phillips";"Retribution and rebellion: Children’s meaning making of justice through storytelling";"International Journal of Early Childhood";"Australia";"AC";"Youth"
351;"This paper presents a pre-orientation program for incoming college students, Active Citizenship through Technology (ACT), that engaged students in civic dialogue early in their academic experience while fostering a long-term peer support network. It leveraged youth’s interest in Internet technologies to engage them in civic discussions and activities. In this 3-day program, thirty-six participants used the Zora 3-D virtual environment to design and inhabit a Virtual Campus of the Future to express concerns and ideas about community issues that interested them. In addition, they participated in face-to-face activities to promote civic skills and learned about their college community. We describe the ACT pre-orientation program and provide results from two consecutive cohorts of participants. Participants reported experiencing new ideas about civic life and learning new skills during the program. At the end of their freshman year, program participants were more likely than control participants to report engagement in activities to express their political and social viewpoints.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Bers and C. Chau";"The virtual campus of the future: Stimulating and simulating civic actions in a virtual world";"Journal of Computing in Higher Education";"US";"AC";"Youth"
352;"As increasing numbers of young people seek to master the use of media tools to express themselves, explore their identities, and connect with peers--to be active creators as well as consumers of culture--educators have an opportunity to encourage young media makers to exercise active citizenship. Might teachers enlist these young people's enthusiasm for using digital media in the service of civic engagement? I propose one way to do this: help students communicate in their public voices about issues they care about. The eager adoption of Web publishing, digital video production and online video distribution, social networking services, instant messaging, multiplayer role-playing games, online communities, virtual worlds, and other Internet-based media by millions of young people around the world demonstrates the strength of their desire--unprompted by adults--to learn digital production and communication skills. This chapter focuses on those avid young digital media makers in the knowledge that addressing the needs of those who are not able to participate in cultural production, the other half of the digital divide, remains an important task. Although significant barriers remain in regard to less privileged youth, this chapter addresses the educational needs and opportunities of the large minority of young people around the world, of many nationalities and socioeconomic levels, who are avid digital media creators.";"Book Section";2008;"H. Rheingold";"Using participatory media and public voice to encourage civic engagement";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"ACCPE";"Youth"
353;"The study described is part of a broader longitudinal and multi-methodological research project aimed at investigating volunteerism in young people, in order to understand the reasons for the initial choice to volunteer but, more specifically, the reasons to sustain or quit voluntary involvement, as well as the effects of volunteerism. Eighteen volunteers and 18 ex-volunteers, 50% male and 50% female, aged between 22 and 29 years old, from 2 regions in northern Italy (Lombardy and Emilia Romagna) participated in in-depth interviews. The paper-and-pencil analysis of the interview pointed to the emergence of several core categories: motivations to volunteer, relations within the organization, influence of family, and effects of volunteerism, especially as related to the process of identity and citizenship construction. On the basis of these categories, 4 typologies were identified: 2 with respect to volunteers (producers of active citizenship and volunteers for personal necessity) and 2 related specifically to ex-volunteers (ex-volunteers witnesses for solidarity and active citizenship and ex-volunteers by chance).";"Journal Article";2010;"E. Marta, M. Pozzi and D. Marzana";"Volunteers and ex-volunteers: Paths to civic engagement through volunteerism";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"Italy";"ACCPE";"Youth"
354;"The place of 'youth centres' in youth policy has become quite problematic since the development of 'drop-in' centres in the 1970s. However there is still an expressed need by many youth to have access to non-threatening environments and processes that do not alienate them. A range of youth consultations over the past decade has seen the same theme emerge in southwest Victoria. This article analyses the development of a concept for a community youth complex in southwest Victoria. It begins with a discussion of youth, social capital and participation. The article then surveys the literature on rural youth in a changing social-economic environment. After a discussion of the views of youth in southwest Victoria derived from the range of consultations over the past few years, the article then looks at the transition from a 'youth centre' to a 'community youth complex'. The last section looks at the underlying ideas and mechanisms of the proposed 'community youth complex'. The article concludes by summarising the underlying approach to active citizenship used by Brophy Family and Youth Services for the complex.";"Journal Article";2003;"K. O'Toole";"Youth participation in a rural community centre: The case of Southwest Victoria";"Rural Social Work";"Australia";"AC";"Youth"
831;"Young people have been characterised as apathetic and disengaged from politics. The discourse of youth apathy has widespread currency in the academy, governments and media. This understanding of young people’s relationship with politics assumes a particular, narrow and hegemonic notion of politics originating during the Scottish Enlightenment and relies upon a public/private divide. This definition of politics is used to measure the participation and knowledge of young people and finds them wanting. In contrast, the young people of the present study practice politics in a range of ways drawing upon the permeability of public/private spheres. Moreover, their political practice relies upon reflexivity and phronêsis in a form of ethico-political engagement which politicises morality and everyday life. This study argues that the narrow hegemonic definition of politics is outdated and does not reflect contemporary social conditions and the political repertoire available in late modernity. Nevertheless, there are limitations to ethico-political practice.";"Journal Article";2013;"N. Manning";"‘I mainly look at things on an issue by issue basis’: Reflexivity and phronêsis in young people's political engagements";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPP";"Youth"
832;"Interrogating the oft-stated emotion of ‘guilt’ amongst young female activists, I develop a theoretical account of why young women seem to be more burdened with such negative emotions than young men. Drawing on feminist theorising, I posit that young women’s emotional accounts of activist work highlight the retraditionalisation of gender under neoliberal modernity. I provide evidence of the gender-differentiated demands that heightened forms of reflexivity place on women, young women in particular. I then consider alternative conceptions of politics, grounded in the work of Hannah Arendt, and extending my own earlier work on relational agency (Kennelly, 2009). Drawing on phenomenology to offer an account of political engagement grounded in the lived experiences of activists, I suggest that social movements might be bolstered through a deepened understanding of the role played by webs of relations and world-building practices, without losing sight of the gendered implications of such a turn.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Kennelly";"‘It’s this pain in my heart that won't let me stop’: Gendered affect, webs of relations, and young women’s activism";"Feminist Theory";"Canada";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
833;"In a provocative paper, Stevenson and Wolfers (2009) provide evidence that women over the last several decades experienced an absolute and relative decline in happiness. The current paper draws upon novel data from the DDB Needham Life Style Survey to take another look at the evolution of women’s subjective well-being. In contrast to Stevenson and Wolfers, I find that men and women between 1985 and 2005 experienced similar decreases in life satisfaction. Furthermore, both sexes witnessed comparable slippages in self-confidence, growing regrets about the past, and declines in virtually every measure of self-reported physical and mental health. The data also show that men’s well-being in recent years has begun to fall more rapidly than that for women. In the final section of the paper, I present some initial evidence that the steady erosion in social and civic engagement, interpersonal trust, and financial security could be partially responsible for the widespread decline in subjective well-being over the past few decades.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. M. Herbst";"‘Paradoxical’ decline? Another look at the relative reduction in female happiness";"Journal of Economic Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
834;"Public involvement in traditional political institutions has declined significantly over the past few decades, leading to what some have seen as a crisis in citizenship. This trend is most striking amongst young people, who have become increasingly alienated from mainstream electoral politics in Europe. Nevertheless, there is overwhelming evidence to show that younger citizens are not apathetic about ‘politics’—they have their own views and engage in democracy in a wide variety of ways that seem relevant to their everyday lives. In the aftermath of the global financial crisis, young Europeans have borne the brunt of austerity in public spending: from spiralling youth unemployment, to cuts in youth services, to increased university tuition fees. In this context, the rise and proliferation of youth protest in Europe is hardly surprising. Indeed, youth activism has become a major feature of the European political landscape: from mass demonstrations of the ‘outraged young’ against political corruption and youth unemployment, to the Occupy movement against the excesses of global capitalism, to the emergence of new political parties. This article examines the role that the new media has played in the development of these protest movements across the continent. It argues that ‘digitally networked action’ has enabled a ‘quickening’ of youth participation—an intensification of political participation amongst young, highly educated citizens in search of a mouthpiece for their ‘indignation’.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Sloam";"‘The outraged young’: Young Europeans, civic engagement and the new media in a time of crisis";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
835;"To obtain a better understanding of how people living in an unincorporated region define their neighborhood, a long-term photovoice project was conducted. Thirty-one photovoice sessions and eight structured interviews were coded and analyzed to assess participants’ neighborhood definitions. Participant’s difficulties in identifying the geographic, physical and demographic characteristics of their neighborhood led them to use social interactions, place-mediated values, and civic engagement to define neighborhood.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. S. Fernández and R. D. Langhout";"'A community with diversity of culture, wealth, resources, and living experiences': Defining neighborhood in an unincorporated community";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
836;"In this paper, we argue that a fundamental cultural shift is needed to effectively address anthropogenic causes of climate change. Evidence suggests that youth are well positioned to create such transformation. While various studies have contributed empirical evidence to numerous youth-based non-formal environmental engagement programmes, what is missing in the environmental education literature is discussion of a systematic approach to the development and evaluation of these programs. In this paper, we draw on the youth civic engagement literature to propose a framework that can be used as a basis to guide further development of evidence-based practices. Five major components are described as follows: (1) the engagement activity; (2) the engagement process; (3) initiating and sustaining factors; (4) mediators and moderators; and (5) outcomes. This approach to youth engagement can inform both researchers trying to study effective ways of creating change and practitioners developing environmental programmes that aspire towards a culture of sustainability.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Riemer, J. Lynes and G. Hickman";"A model for developing and assessing youth-based environmental engagement programmes";"Environmental Education Research";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
837;"Exposure to cross-cutting versus like-minded political advertising is highly relevant in terms of deliberative democratic theory. However, few efforts have been made to shed light on the effects of such opinion-incongruent and -congruent political advertisements. By analyzing data from a representative panel survey, and hence identifying effects over time, we found that exposure to opinion-congruent advertising enhanced political participation. Opinion-congruent advertising also accelerated the timing of voting decisions when citizens were low in ideological strength. However, contrary to our expectations, exposure to opinion-incongruent political advertising had no effects on political participation and the timing of voting decisions. These findings suggest that opinion-congruent advertising is a strong mobilizer, whereas opinion-hostile advertising is a weak cross-pressure. Implications of these findings for the study of political advertising effects are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. Matthes and F. Marquart";"A new look at campaign advertising and political engagement: Exploring the effects of opinion-congruent and -incongruent political advertisements";"Communication Research";"Austria";"CPECPP";"Youth"
838;"This article investigates how media use differs across age groups- and whether this matters for people’s inclination to participate politically. More specifically, the study investigates the impact of social media use for political purposes and of attention to political news in traditional media, on political interest and offline political participation. The findings, based on a four-wave panel study conducted during the 2010 Swedish national election campaign, show (1) clear differences in media use between age groups and (2) that both political social media use and attention to political news in traditional media increase political engagement over time. Thus, this study suggests that frequent social media use among young citizens can function as a leveller in terms of motivating political participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. Holt, A. Shehata, J. Strömbäck and E. Ljungberg";"Age and the effects of news media attention and social media use on political interest and participation: Do social media function as leveller?";"European Journal of Communication";"Sweden";"CPECPP";"Youth"
839;"Consistently engulfed in a mediated world featuring ubiquitous menaces to human lives, individuals, as posited by terror management theory (TMT), endorse and strengthen their cultural world views to attenuate a feeling of anxiety generated by their subconscious awareness of their own death. To date, the study of such a psychological phenomenon has resulted in more than 400 empirical investigations. This chapter contributes to this rich scholarship by achieving two objectives: (a) it responds to the call by Burke et al. to pursue the exploration of relationships between mortality salience (MS) and politically oriented dependent variables, such as presidential support, as well as institutional and interpersonal trust; (b) it elucidates specific methodological details regarding ways to induce mortality salience in individuals, and the length of delay between induction and measurement of the dependent variables.";"Book Section";2016;"P. F. Merle and J. D. Green";"An experimental examination of mortality-salience manipulation type and length of delay on presidential support and civic engagement";"Denying death: An interdisciplinary approach to terror management theory.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
840;"This is an exploratory study of civic engagement among Asian immigrant college students. Fourteen students participated in semistructured interviews. This study found three categories of facilitators and barriers to civic engagement: (a) relational factors, (b) identity factors, and (3) acculturation gap factors. Findings also suggest that civic engagement is related to positive social and academic development among participants. Results highlight the importance of cultural and social factors in supporting Asian immigrant college students' civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"W. Y. Chan";"An exploration of Asian American college students' civic engagement";"Asian American Journal of Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
841;"Virtual volunteering refers to the use of the Internet for volunteer services. It is an emerging phenomenon among every age group; however, the current study examines if it is a viable option for older people. Older adults are the fastest growing Internet users. They are also more civic minded than younger generations, thus the purpose of this study is to explore this relatively new area research. Data for this study have been collected using qualitative tools such as semistructured, partly open-ended interviews with older virtual volunteers affiliated with SeniorNet, an organization that facilitates virtual volunteering exclusively for older people. The study ends with suggestions for future research directions. Implications of this study include reconceptualization of virtual volunteering as a strategic tool to recruit older adults and greater usage of information communication technologies to promote civic engagement among older people and, thus, positively influence their health and well-being.";"Journal Article";2010;"D. Mukherjee";"An exploratory study of older adults' engagement with virtual volunteerism";"Journal of Technology in Human Services";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
842;"This article analyzes the results of the study Volunteers and Ex-Volunteers: Paths to Civic Engagement Through Volunteerism, by Marta, Pozzi, and Marzana (see record [rid]2011-27851-001[/rid]), who propose 4 types of volunteers: volunteers in action, volunteers for personal need, active citizens ex-volunteers and ex-volunteers by chance. The discussion builds upon the benefits of a multidimensional approach from the subject’s perspective. To accomplish this, its contributions to the understanding of topics, such as the role of motivation in prosocial involvement, the mechanisms that promote this type of behavior, and the differentiation between causes and consequences of it, are analyzed. Some ideas are discussed, like the importance of the re-elaboration of motivations, their potential mediating role in the relationship between family and voluntary participation, and the importance of considering in future designs temporal organization that young people themselves give to their experiences. Also, some limitations of the study are identified. These are related to religious variables that could explain the results and to the difficulty of establishing whether these results are specific to this form of participation.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. P. Cadena";"Aportes y desafíos de estudiar el voluntariado desde la mirada del sujeto: Análisis de los hallazgos de Marta, Pozzi y Marzana (2010). = Contributions and challenges of studying volunteering from a subject's perspective: Analysis of Marta, Pozzi and Marzana's findings (2010)";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"Chile";"CPE";"Youth"
843;"A large number of ‘environmental justice’ studies show that wealthier people are less affected by environmental burdens and also consume more resources than poorer people. Given this double inequity, we ask, to what extent are affluent people prepared to pay to protect the environment? The analyses are couched within the compensation/affluence hypothesis, which states that wealthier persons are able to spend more for environmental protection than their poorer counterparts. Further, we take into account various competing economic, psychological and sociological determinants of individuals’ willingness to pay (WTP) for both public environmental goods (e.g., general environmental protection) and quasi-private environmental goods (e.g., CO₂-neutral cars). Such a comprehensive approach contrasts with most other studies in this field that focus on a limited number of determinants and goods. Multivariate analyses are based on a general population survey in Switzerland (N = 3,369). Although income has a positive and significant effect on WTP supporting the compensation hypothesis, determinants such as generalized interpersonal trust that is assumed to be positively associated with civic engagement and environmental concern prove to be equally important. Moreover, we demonstrate for the first time that time preferences can considerably influence survey-based WTP for environmental goods; since investments in the environment typically pay off in the distant future, persons with a high subjective discount rate are less likely to commit.";"Journal Article";2010;"R. Meyer and U. Liebe";"Are the affluent prepared to pay for the planet? Explaining willingness to pay for public and quasi-private environmental goods in Switzerland";"Population & Environment: Behavioral & Social Issues";"Switzerland";"CPE";"Youth"
844;"How well do self‐reported levels of community and organizational participation align with recorded acts of community and organizational participation? This study explores this question among participants in social action community organizing initiatives by comparing responses on a community participation scale designed to retrospectively assess community participation (T1, n = 482; T2, n = 220) with individual participants' attendance records in various social action organizing activities over two 1‐year periods. By testing the self‐reported measure's overall and item‐by‐item association with documented participation in various types of organizing activities, we find that the self‐report measure is positively, but weakly correlated with actual participation levels in community organizing activities. Moreover, associations between self‐report and recorded acts of participation differ by types of activity. Examining this unique source of data raises important questions about how community participation is conceptualized and measured in our field. Implications are explored for theory and measurement of participation in community and organizational contexts.";"Journal Article";2016;"B. D. Christens, P. W. Speer and N. A. Peterson";"Assessing community participation: Comparing self-reported participation data with organizational attendance records";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
845;"Research in computer-mediated communication has consistently asserted that Facebook use is positively correlated with social capital. This research has drawn primarily on Williams’ (2006) bridging and bonding scales as well as behavioral attributes such as civic engagement. Yet, as social capital is inherently a structural construct, it is surprising that so little work has been done relating social capital to social structure as captured by social network site (SNS) Friendship networks. Facebook is particularly well-suited to support the examination of structure at the ego level since the networks articulated on Facebook tend to be large, dense, and indicative of many offline foci (e.g., coworkers, friends from high school). Assuming that each one of these foci only partially overlap, we initially present two hypotheses related to Facebook social networks and social capital: more foci are associated with perceptions of greater bridging social capital and more closure is associated with greater bonding social capital. Using a study of 235 employees at a Midwestern American university, we test these hypotheses alongside self-reported measures of activity on the site. Our results only partially confirm these hypotheses. In particular, using a widely used measure of closure (transitivity) we observe a strong and persistent negative relationship to bonding social capital. Although this finding is initially counter-intuitive it is easily explained by considering the topology of Facebook personal networks: networks with primarily closed triads tend to be networks with tightly bound foci (such as everyone from high school knowing each other) and few connections between foci. Networks with primarily open triads signify many crosscutting friendships across foci. Therefore, bonding social capital appears to be less tied to local clustering than to global cohesion.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. Brooks, B. Hogan, N. Ellison, C. Lampe and J. Vitak";"Assessing structural correlates to social capital in Facebook ego networks";"Social Networks";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
846;"This article evaluates the potential of the Edward M. Kennedy Serve America Act of 2009 to raise the level of volunteering and national service in the United States, particularly among young people, and its implications for public administration in 2020. The act would increase service-learning opportunities and national service placements substantially. Research suggests that participation in these activities is associated with increased volunteering, civic and political engagement, and interest in a career in government or nonprofit service, especially among African Americans and Hispanics. These results hold considerable promise for the practice of public administration in 2020. The authors find that their effectuation depends not only on increasing federal service programs significantly and continuing growth in funding, but also on addressing important challenges, such as the ability of public policy to increase volunteering, volunteer management capacity to support these efforts, the role of volunteering in addressing pressing social issues, and reaching disadvantaged populations.";"Journal Article";2010;"R. Nesbit and J. L. Brudney";"At your service? Volunteering and national service in 2020";"Public Administration Review";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
847;"Youth's low level of civic and political engagement may detrimentally affect the health of communities and the democratic system. This paper examines the role of community attachment in explaining youth's levels of civic and engagement. This examination requires an evaluation of existing measures of community attachment and their relevance for understanding youth's experiences. The paper uses a student sample, highlighting a group of youth who have a degree of variation in their experiences of community attachment. We find that subjective measures of community attachment are related to volunteering and voting, but the objective measure of community attachment, that is, years of residence, affects voting and not volunteering. Different mechanisms explain civic engagement versus political engagement.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Boulianne and M. Brailey";"Attachment to community and civic and political engagement: A case study of students";"Canadian Review of Sociology";"Canada";"CPECPP";"Youth"
848;"My interest in and commitment to social issues teaching has evolved over my lifetime and was clearly influenced by my family, schooling experiences, and wider sociopolitical events. In many ways, I was the product of the times in which I grew up and came of age as a professional educator and scholar. Yet, it is clear that a series of teachers, including my parents, were key to my making particular events personally meaningful. As I shared my thinking with them, my teachers listened with respect, patience, and open minds; they raised probing questions and offered alternative views to my reasoning; and, most importantly, they made it clear to me that they thought my quest was an important one. Consequently, as a teacher educator, I have always believed that teachers and parents can play a significant role in helping young people to become caring, engaged citizens of a democracy. They can do this by encouraging young people's efforts to investigate and take positions on social and political issues. My experiences have convinced me of the applicability of an ecological model of civic engagement developed In a recent international study. At the end of this essay, I will tie together the themes of my narrative with reference to that model.";"Book Section";2012;"C. L. Hahn";"Becoming political: One woman's story";"Researching and teaching social issues: The personal stories and pedagogical efforts of professors of education.";;"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
849;"Adolescence in Arab societies is a process of learning responsibility and agency within a web of ongoing relationships. Traditionally, the transition from childhood to adulthood was marked by marriage. But economic and social pressures toward later marriage have lessened the salience of that marker, while contributing to increased recognition of adolescence as a stage with its own characteristics and challenges. This chapter discusses the following topics: the Arab world; being and adolescent; family relationships; family, gender difference, and social expectation; peer and sibling relationships; education and employment; physical health; mental health and problem behavior; youth services and youth programs; political engagement; and toward the future.";"Book Section";2002;"M. Booth";"Arab adolescents facing the future: Enduring ideals and pressures to change";"The world's youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the globe.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
850;"Civic engagement in adolescence is encouraged because it is hypothesized to promote better civic, social, and behavioral outcomes. However, few studies have examined the effects of civic engagement on youth development over time. In particular, the long-term association between adolescent civic engagement and development among racial minority youth who are exposed to high levels of risk factors is understudied. Using data from the Chicago Longitudinal Study (CLS; N = 854; 56.6 % were female; 93 % were African Americans and 7 % were Latinos), this study examined the associations between civic engagement in adolescence and outcomes during emerging adulthood among racial minority youth. Regression analyses found that civic engagement in adolescence is related to higher life satisfaction, civic participation, and educational attainment, and is related to lower rates of arrest in emerging adulthood. The findings suggest that adolescent civic engagement is most impactful in affecting civic and educational outcomes in emerging adulthood. The present study contributes to the literature by providing support for the long-term associations between adolescent civic engagement and multiple developmental domains in adulthood among an inner-city minority cohort.";"Journal Article";2014;"W. Y. Chan, S.-R. Ou and A. J. Reynolds";"Adolescent civic engagement and adult outcomes: An examination among urban racial minorities";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
851;"Sociopolitical control (SPC) has been identified as a critical component of empowerment, resilience and civic development among young people. Sociopolitical control has been assessed according to a two dimensional model: (1) leadership competence and (2) policy control. Very little is known, however, about heterogeneity of perceptions of SPC, how this heterogeneity is distributed across subpopulations, and how it may affect relationships between SPC and other variables. This study used a person-centered approach, latent class cluster analysis, to test items on a SPC scale for youth. Participants were high school students (n = 334) in the Northeastern United States. Four distinct groups of participants emerged: those with (1) exceptional SPC, (2) elevated SPC, (3) limited SPC, and (4) diminished policy control. Group differences were observed on a set of relevant variables including perceived school importance, tobacco use, bullying behaviors, and sense of community. Implications are discussed for policy, practice and future research.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. D. Christens, N. A. Peterson, R. J. Reid and P. Garcia-Reid";"Adolescents’ perceived control in the sociopolitical domain: A latent class analysis";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
852;"In this research note we investigate the occurrence of citizenship concepts among adolescents in Belgium. The analysis is based on the Belgian Youth Survey (2006), which is a representative survey among 6330 16-year olds in the country. Citizenship concepts were shown to be multi-dimensional, with distinct factors for conventional or electoral participation and civic engagement. A third, weaker factor could be distinguished covering obedience to the law. This structure is largely in line with earlier comparative analysis. An exploratory analysis suggests that these factors have different outcomes on actual or intended political participation behavior of adolescents. We discuss the relevance of these findings with regard to the current debates on civic education and civic engagement among younger age cohorts.";"Journal Article";2009;"Y. Dejaeghere and M. Hooghe";"Brief report: Citizenship concepts among adolescents. Evidence from a survey among Belgian 16-year olds";"Journal of Adolescence";"Belgium";"CPECPP";"YT"
853;"Drawing on data from a longitudinal cohort-sequential project, the present study examined developmental trajectories of adolescents’ attitudes toward political engagement and their willingness to participate in politics from grade 7 to 11 while accounting for the influence of school track and gender. Moreover, stabilities on the dependent variables were assessed. The results revealed differential trajectories regarding adolescents’ educational level. Increases were mainly shown for students attending the college-bound school track. Generally, both orientations toward political behaviors were shown to become more stable throughout the adolescent years. Together, the findings confirmed adolescence to be a crucial period in life concerning the emergence, consolidation, and development of political points of view.";"Journal Article";2012;"K. Eckstein, P. Noack and B. Gniewosz";"Attitudes toward political engagement and willingness to participate in politics: Trajectories throughout adolescence";"Journal of Adolescence";"Germany";"CPECPP";"YT"
854;"Participation in discretionary activities during adolescence may facilitate the development of social networks that recruit youth into adult civic life or provide risky contexts that promote alcohol problems. Using data from the 1970 British Cohort Study, latent class analysis was used to identify adolescents’ patterns of civic engagement, alcohol use, and other out-of-school activities at age 16, and test longitudinal links with adult civic engagement and alcohol use at ages 26, 30, and 34. Three classes were identified for both genders. The latent class characterized by involvement in more activities was more likely to be civically engaged in adulthood. The class characterized by the most alcohol use in adolescence had the highest likelihood of adult alcohol use and problems. Results are discussed in light of the health risks associated with each latent class and potential interventions that could be tailored to adolescents based on their patterns of activities.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. K. Finlay and C. Flanagan";"Adolescents' civic engagement and alcohol use: Longitudinal evidence for patterns of engagement and use in the adult lives of a British cohort";"Journal of Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
855;"In this article we present a vision of applied developmental science (ADS) as a means of promoting social justice and socio-political well-being. This vision draws upon the field’s significant accomplishments in identifying and strengthening developmental assets in marginalized youth communities, understanding the effects of poverty and racial discrimination on individual and family well-being and promoting positive development through youth civic engagement programs. It also highlights potential linkages between ADS and other social science fields working to identify and eliminate societal barriers to human development.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. B. Fisher, N. A. Busch-Rossnagel, D. S. Jopp and J. L. Brown";"Applied developmental science, social justice, and socio-political well-being";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
856;"We examined the linear and nonlinear relations between breadth of extracurricular participation in 11th grade and developmental outcomes at 11th grade and 1 year after high school in an economically diverse sample of African-American and European-American youth. In general, controlling for demographic factors, children’s motivation, and the dependent variable measured 3 years earlier, breadth was positively associated with indicators of academic adjustment at 11th grade and at 1 year after high school. In addition, for the three academic outcomes (i.e., grades, educational expectations, and educational status) the nonlinear function was significant; at high levels of involvement the well-being of youth leveled off or declined slightly. In addition, breadth of participation at 11th grade predicted lower internalizing behavior, externalizing behavior, alcohol use, and marijuana use at 11th grade. Finally, the total number of extracurricular activities at 11th grade was associated with civic engagement 2 years later.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. A. Fredricks and J. S. Eccles";"Breadth of extracurricular participation and adolescent adjustment among African-American and European-American youth";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
857;"In Western thought, the relationship between the moral and political domains has been dominated by a version of political philosophy which, based on the distinction between 'public' and 'private', argues that the moral is different from the political. In parallel, and related to this, has been a delineation of the 'political' as concerned with structural aspects of representative democracy, privileging electoral behaviour in particular. We challenge this distinction on the basis that it is not useful for addressing the motivational dimensions of political behaviour, which are crucial for crafting citizenship education. We explore the ways in which the concept of citizenship has become contested in the realities of the range of contemporary political engagement, and how current debates, for example that between liberals and communitarians, expose the underlying moral perspectives behind their theory and their prescriptions. Emerging from this we present an argument for three different modes of civic engagement; voting, helping and making one's voice heard, in which the moral and political play out differently. This model is explored through data from a study of British young people's involvement with civic issues and actions.";"Journal Article";2006;"H. Haste and A. Hogan";"Beyond conventional civic participation, beyond the moral-political divide: Young people and contemporary debates about citizenship";"Journal of Moral Education";"UK";"CPECPP";"YT"
858;"Our contemporary social discourses, policies, and practices that structure the lives of urban youth of color substantively ignore their understandings of who they are as social actors; and instead, privilege racialized and classed stereotypes of them radiate from the mediated social imagination of our hegemonic society. The depictions of city kids of color that engulf the public domain position them as social actors who are destructive and problematic rather than as social actors with a sociopolitically valued mission informed by the ways in which they make sense of their lived experiences. The relative obscurity out of which urban youth of color 'must discover their mission, fulfill it or betray it' is, in part, socially constructed by complex societal forces that converge upon them. Most often, we uncritically read their participation in civil society as a failure or betrayal of themselves, and their communities. However, perhaps the real problem is that we ignore the extent to which our socially constructed milieu either fails to nurture their efforts to define and fulfill the mission; or empowers their ability to betray the mission. The civic engagement potential of urban youth of color, our most vulnerable youth, needs to be fundamentally appreciated and nurtured. This discussion seeks to elevate attention to the civic engagement of urban youth of color within our social discourses through an initial examination of the social dynamics that impact their work to define, articulate, and fulfill a mission in society. With such an understanding, we can better empower and support them as effective agents of social change. The tragedy that we perceive in our urban youth of color lies not in who they are but in the limitations we place on them as they attempt to emerge as effective social actors within civil society. We need to embrace their phenomenological sense of the world around them and their lived experiences; seek to understand how they make meaning of the sociopolitical issues that they are identifying as agenda items for a contemporary social movement; collaboratively work with them so that they are supported in the development of their own sociopolitical mechanisms to achieve social change; leverage collective political support for their efforts by substantively incorporating their mission and issues into the broader sociopolitical agenda of the community; provide platforms so they can educate the entire polity about the issues of their mission; and build safe and educative forums in which to establish coalitions within and across the racial, economic, and generational divides. Formal and informal structures need to be created and commandeered to inculcate the masses of urban youth of color, from those who are court-involved to those who are in the ivy towers, with critical awareness, leadership skills, and an understanding of the sociohistorical context of the struggle in which they now find themselves.";"Book Section";2007;"k. hayes";"Appreciating the landscape that urban youth of color must navigate to become effective social actors in our civil society";"Teaching city kids: Understanding and appreciating them.";;"CPE";"YT"
859;"The purpose of this study was to investigate community-oriented and political civic engagement activities and intentions among youth in Italy and the United States. Adolescents (N = 566) from academically rigorous schools in both countries completed surveys assessing frequency of civic activity participation, motivation for activity, evaluations of activity, and intentions for future civic engagement. Results suggest that youth in both countries were more likely to participate in community-oriented than political civic activities and that youth in both countries found their civic experiences to be meaningful. American youth reported more past civic activities of both types and higher intentions for future community-oriented civic engagement compared to Italian youth. Finally, a model was tested to examine links between peer and school contexts and civic activities and intentions. Findings highlighted that, in both countries, peer and school contexts had a stronger impact on community-oriented than on political civic activity.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. Jahromi, E. Crocetti and C. M. Buchanan";"A cross-cultural examination of adolescent civic engagement: Comparing Italian and American community-oriented and political involvement";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
860;"Citizenship is essentially a legal formality that denotes membership of a state. However, it should contain an emotional element for individuals to willingly identify themselves with the nation-state. The absence of such emotion often prompts bloody conflicts where people attempt to carve independent entities of power by fragmenting the nation-state. Youth, with their inherent zest for grand ventures, are often keen participants and even initiators of such conflicts. Citizenship therefore should entail an active process of emotional engagement especially of youth in order that sustainable solidarity may be fostered. Sri Lanka stands as an ideal case study in this regard, demonstrating the terrible consequences of the isolation of youth—whether real or perceived—from the collective identity of the state and the equally powerful impact they can have when properly integrated into the state mechanism. This paper discusses Tamil youth disillusionment in Sri Lanka that manifested itself in a vicious ethnic conflict in juxtaposition with the role of Sri Lankan youth as agents of peaceful change in a post-war nation-building context. In drawing a conclusion, the paper discusses the importance of active civic engagement of youth in building ‘One Nation One People’.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. O. Lecamwasam";"‘United we stand, divided we fall’: A case study of Sri Lankan youth in citizenship development";"International Journal of Adolescence and Youth";"Sri Lanka";"CPEAct";"YT"
861;"Students should have opportunities to create digital media in schools. This is a promising way to enhance their civic engagement, which comprises political activism, deliberation, problem solving, and participation in shaping a culture. All these forms of civic engagement require the effective use of a public voice, which should be taught as part of digital media education. To provide digital media courses that teach civic engagement will mean overcoming several challenges, including a lack of time, funding, and training. An additional problem is especially relevant to the question of public voice. Students must find appropriate audiences for their work in a crowded media environment dominated by commercial products. The chapter includes strategies for building audiences, the most difficult but promising of which is to turn adolescents' offline communities--especially high schools--into more genuine communities.";"Book Section";2008;"P. Levine";"A public voice for youth: The audience problem in digital media and civic education";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
862;"In the present study we examined the role of civic knowledge and efficacy beliefs as factors that can promote adolescents' expectations to participate in civic activities, while also taking into consideration the influences of socio-economic background and gender differences. Structural equation modelling techniques were used to examine data from the International Civic and Citizenship Study, collected from 3352 eighth grade Italian students. Gender was found to significantly moderate some relationships between the variables, while efficacy beliefs, rather than civic knowledge, positively influenced expected civic participation. Socio-economic background influenced all the variables included in the study, but it had a very small direct influence on adolescents' expected civic participation. It therefore appears that adolescents' expected civic participation can be encouraged by making them more confident about their civic and political abilities. These results extend our understanding of civic engagement in adolescents, and can inform policies aiming to promote it.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Manganelli, F. Lucidi and F. Alivernini";"Adolescents' expected civic participation: The role of civic knowledge and efficacy beliefs";"Journal of Adolescence";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
863;"Do the voluntary activities of youth increase political engagement in adulthood? Political participation is typically characterized by inertia: reproduced within families, highly correlated with social class, and largely stable after the onset of adulthood. This research illustrates an element of political socialization that occurs just before the transition into full citizenship, that mimics adult civic life, and that can be available regardless of family advantage. The authors use two longitudinal national data sets to identify the kinds of voluntary associations that encourage members to be more politically active later in life. They find that general involvement in extracurricular activities is important, but that in particular, involvement in youth voluntary associations concerning community service, representation, speaking in public forums, and generating a communal identity most encourage future political participation. The authors find these effects net of self-selection and causal factors traditionally characterized in political socialization research. The influence of youth voluntary associations on future political activity is nontrivial and has implications for both democratic education and election outcomes.";"Journal Article";2006;"D. A. McFarland and R. J. Thomas";"Bowling Young: How Youth Voluntary Associations Influence Adult Political Participation";"American Sociological Review";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
864;"Domain-specific judgments about different forms of civic engagement were assessed in a sample 467 primarily White adolescents (M age = 15.26, range = 11–19). Adolescents reported on the obligatory nature and social praiseworthiness (respect) of different forms of civic involvement. Adolescents distinguished among four different categories of civic involvement in their judgments: community service, standard political involvement (e.g., voting), social movement involvement (e.g., protesting), and community gathering activities. These mean differences were moderated by adolescent age (early, middle, and late adolescents) and gender. With increasing age, adolescents judged community service to be more worthy of respect but less obligatory. Compared to early adolescents, late adolescents prioritized standard political involvement as an activity in which US citizens should be engaged, but judged community gathering activities to be less obligatory. Across all age groups, girls judged community service and community gathering activities to be more obligatory than boys.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Metzger and K. Ferris";"Adolescents' domain-specific judgments about different forms of civic involvement: Variations by age and gender";"Journal of Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
865;"Judgments and justifications for different forms of civic involvement and their associations with organized and civic behavior were examined in 312 middle-class primarily White adolescents (M = 17.01 years). Adolescents applied moral, conventional, and personal criteria to distinguish involvement in community service, standard political, social movement, and social gathering activities. Males judged standard political involvement to be more obligatory and important than did females, who judged community service to be more obligatory and important than did males. For each form of civic involvement, greater involvement was associated with more positive judgments and fewer personal justifications. Structural equation modeling indicated that adolescents’ judgments about specific types of civic involvement were associated with similar forms of civic behaviors.";"Journal Article";2009;"A. Metzger and J. G. Smetana";"Adolescent civic and political engagement: Associations between domain-specific judgments and behavior";"Child Development";"US";"CPE";"YT"
866;"This chapter reports our initial exploration on potential predictions of Asian adolescents' civic engagement. These factors include adolescents' perceived democratic climate in his/her classroom, perceived importance of civic engagement, their political trust, political interest, experience of civic engagement at school, internal political efficacy and citizenship self efficacy. Civic engagement, or the active participation, learning, deliberation, and interaction of citizens in organized activities in public policymaking, is an important component of any community's social capital. Enhanced civic engagement is critical to the sustainability of a country's democracy and the quality of its public judgment. Concerns have been expressed about the low and declining civic participation of young people, and there has been an increase of interest in the level of civic engagement among adolescents since the turn of the century. These observations invite us to ask two questions, 'What might be the factors that contribute to young people's socialization as active citizens?' 'Is the relationship between adolescents' civic engagement and the contributing factors the same across diverse cultural groups?'";"Book Section";2013;"M. M. C. Mok, K. J. Kennedy and J. Zhu";"Adolescents' civic engagement: A cross cultural study of five Asian societies";"Advancing cross-cultural perspectives on educational psychology: A festschrift for Dennis M. McInerney.";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"YT"
867;"The intention of this chapter is neither to tear the compromise apart nor to repeat a discussion on whether media texts have an influence on people. The intention is rather to take on a more searching, exploratory approach in discussing what audience activity means and what it looks like in the era of digital media. However, this is not solely a digital question. Indeed it involves paying attention to traditional as well as digital media. The empirical and analytical parts of this chapter follow after a short discussion of the theoretical background. The analysis explores and suggests four types of audience activity. The data I discuss are individual interviews with 19 politically active adolescents (16 to 19 years old) from four different Swedish political parties. Each semistructured interview lasted approximately 2 hours and covered areas such as the use and perception of traditional as well as digital media, political engagement, and everyday life. The analysis starts by exploring two dimensions of audience activity that are specifically connected to the respondents' critical awareness of the media: (a) their critical awareness of media structures, in this case the institutional prerequisites that condition traditional media organizations' work (e.g., broadcasting networks), as well as the specific character of the Internet's technological form; and (b) the young respondents' media reflexivity. Thereafter, I move on to discuss and present examples of calculated media use among the respondents--in this case, their use of the media with the deliberate intention to develop their political skills. This is a special case of audience activity, and I show how they use TV to develop their rhetorical skills and, for the same reason, how they participate in public spheres on the Internet. The chapter concludes by returning to the theoretical debate on the active audience, suggesting that closer attention should be paid to the dimensions of audience activity presented in this chapter. However, the conclusion also brings a note of caution against overemphasizing the notion of activity because, it is argued, the degree of activity vis-à-vis the media depends on different users' access to various kinds of resources.";"Book Section";2006;"T. Olsson";"Active and calculated media use among young citizens: Empirical examples from a Swedish study";"Digital generations: Children, young people, and new media.";"Sweden";"CPECPP";"YT"
868;"In this chapter McCrae Parker provides an historical view of the importance of youth media programs and the changes that have emerged during the transition from early days of email to the current era of social media. This chapter provides vignettes of the opportunities for young people to 'practice' civic engagement through programs focused on digital media literacy, broadband technologies and the creation of new information networks. It includes adults—allies and educators who inspire (cajole) young people to fully practice democracy by expressing their views and taking action—in both their digital and physical communities.";"Book Section";2015;"M. A. Parker";"And the weapon of choice was";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";;"CPE";"YT"
869;"This research examines the role of the mass media in young people's disengagement from politics. In a nationally representative telephone survey (N = 1,501), young people (ages 14 to 22) reported their habits for 12 different uses of mass media as well as awareness of current national politics and time spent in civic activities. Following Putnam's hypothesis about the beneficial effects of civic ties on political involvement, the authors predict and find that civic activity is positively associated with political awareness. Contrary to Putnam, they find that media use, whether information or entertainment oriented, facilitates civic engagement, whereas news media are especially effective in promoting political awareness. Although heavy use of media interferes with both political and civic engagement, the overall effect of media use is favorable for each outcome. The results are discussed in regard to the potentially greater use of the media to build community engagement in young people.";"Journal Article";2006;"J. Pasek, K. Kenski, D. Romer and K. H. Jamieson";"America's Youth and Community Engagement: How Use of Mass Media Is Related to Civic Activity and Political Awareness in 14- to 22-Year-Olds";"Communication Research";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
870;"Most studies on the use of sport with marginalized populations have centered upon the impact on participants, with few studies examining the impact of these interventions on other stakeholder groups, such as volunteers. While it has been contended that volunteering provides a form of social participation and civic engagement that can foster development of citizenship and social capital, these ideas are disputed and lack empirical evidence. Thus, the purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of Street Soccer USA on its volunteers. Street Soccer USA uses soccer to provide a support system to homeless individuals for making positive life changes. The findings of this qualitative study with five teams in the United States revealed that volunteering fostered the preconditions for and actual social capital development by enhancing awareness and understanding about homelessness, building community and relationships with the homeless, enhancing passion to work in the social justice field, and developing self-satisfaction through a ‘feel good’ mentality. This study contributes to the ongoing discourse on the use of sport to aid in social capital development. By creating increased understanding and a sense of community between different social groups, greater community cohesion and more inclusive social capital can be developed.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. W. Peachey, A. Cohen, J. Borland and A. Lyras";"Building social capital: Examining the impact of Street Soccer USA on its volunteers";"International Review for the Sociology of Sport";"US";"CPE";"YT"
871;"This introductory article introduces the MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement) project, the findings of which are the basis of the articles in this volume. MYPLACE maps the relationship between political heritage, current levels and forms of civic and political engagement of young people in Europe, and their potential receptivity to radical and populist political agendas. In this introductory article, the implications of the project's three‐way gaze—to the past, present and future—are explored by addressing three questions that run through contributions to this volume: What is politics, and why do many young people say they hate it? How does the past shape the present and the future? Are young people receptive to populist and radical right political agendas? The article outlines the distinctive case study approach to the project and its integrated mixed method design, detailing the common survey, interview, focus group and ethnographic research instruments employed in the project and the principles followed for the analysis of survey and qualitative research data.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Pilkington and G. Pollock";"‘Politics are bollocks’: Youth, politics and activism in contemporary Europe";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPEAct";"YT"
872;"This chapter explores what happened in this high school classroom when Johanna Paraiso, an experienced English teacher, introduced blogging as a tool for composing and responding to a range of audiences and texts. It is written from the perspective of the teacher (Johanna Paraiso) and two researchers (Erica Hodgin & Katherine Schultz). We argue that the introduction of digital literacies in the form of blogging and other online platforms shifted Johanna's teaching practice and the ways her students learned by providing a wide range of authentic audiences inside and outside of the classroom. Johanna's teaching changed as she redefined the audience for her assignments beyond the students in her class and as the literacy processes and products moved online. In this chapter, we explore these ideas through a discussion of how teachers and students responded to the introduction of blogs for academic purposes and the implications for engaging students in writing that allows them to develop a civic voice.";"Book Section";2015;"K. Schultz, E. Hodgin and J. Paraiso";"Blogging as civic engagement: Developing a sense of authority and audience in an urban public school classroom";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
873;"This study examined the predictors of political trust in late adolescence. Three waves of longitudinal data (ages 11, 15, and 17) from 1116 Czech adolescents (346 participated at least in the first and last wave) were analyzed using structural equation modeling. Results showed that high verbal cognitive ability in early adolescence predicted greater political trust in late adolescence. This effect was explained by adolescents' greater cognitive political engagements, but not by their more positive relationships with authorities (e.g., school or parents) during adolescence. Next, early adolescents who perceived more parental warmth demonstrated greater political trust when they reached late adolescence. These results suggest that some young people might enter adulthood more skeptical regarding politics based on their abilities and early nonpolitical experiences.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Šerek and P. Macek";"Antecedents of political trust in adolescence: Cognitive abilities and perceptions of parents";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"Czech Republic";"CPECPP";"YT"
874;"Computing research has long been interested in location-aware mobile games, such as hybrid reality games, location-based games and urban games. With an increasingly pervasive IT infrastructure and comparatively affordable mobile devices, such games are becoming part of everyday play around the world. A study of an urban night-game called Encounter widely played in the Former Soviet Union and the Russian-speaking Diaspora is presented. The ways in which IT enables a complex interaction between the local experience of play in the urban environment and the geographically distributed nature of the player community are considered. The findings illustrate how this form of location-aware mobile game-play pulled together local engagement and global player communities into socio-technical assemblages, showing the interplay between local attachments, distant connections and the location-based communication in daily experience. The most important outcome of these games then was not the direct individual engagement with the urban environment through technology or the collaboration with strangers in the course of play (although these were the necessary prerequisites), but the social relationships that, while gained in-game, could be leveraged for civic engagement, belonging and mutual support. While the local, physical experience of the everyday and the game was important, the connections to the distributed community resulted in expanded horizons and changed the nature of the local experience as players felt they could belong to something larger than the locales they physically inhabited.";"Journal Article";2013;"I. Shklovski and A. de Souza e Silva";"An urban encounter: Realizing online connectedness through local urban play";"Information, Communication & Society";"Denmark";"CPE";"YT"
875;"After presenting demographic data to demonstrate why immigrant youth are and will be important, this article addresses the limited literature on immigrant youth civic engagement. It also examines the historical literature of immigrant youth in the United States, specifically that of the last great wave of immigration approximately 100 years ago, along with the literature on contemporary adult immigrant civic engagement. It concludes that today's immigrant youth are Americanizing. Nevertheless, when U.S. society and particularly the U.S. state treat immigrant youth as different, the immigrant youth respond with pride by defending their cultural integrity, their right to be different. Contemporary immigrant youth also have the opportunity to maintain transnational ties with their homeland. In response to these forces and opportunities, immigrant youth maintain multiple identities, sometimes identifying with their homeland culture at other times with the United States. The unanswered question is what difference these multiple ties may make for civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2002;"A. Stepick and C. D. Stepick";"Becoming American, constructing ethnicity: Immigrant youth and civic engagement";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
877;"Youth civic engagement occupies a central space in applied developmental science. However, understanding of the processes and contexts in which early adolescents become civically engaged is still limited. This study draws on a sample of approximately 4,000 students from 11 urban middle schools in Tennessee to address several gaps in the civic engagement literature. First, we use latent class analysis to identify types of civic engagement in early adolescence. Second, we explore associations between types of engagement and youth behavioral and academic outcomes. Third, we focus on urban youth. A latent class analysis using survey items suggests a three-class structure for civic engagement in urban middle schools. One distinction is between students who are engaged and those who are not. Another distinction is that, among the engaged groups, one is engaged both behaviorally and attitudinally (social justice actors), whereas another has strong civic attitudes but infrequent civic behaviors (social justice sympathizers).";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Voight and J. Torney-Purta";"A typology of youth civic engagement in urban middle schools";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
878;"This investigation employed latent profile analysis to identify distinct patterns of multiform competence among 164 emancipated foster youth (Mage = 19.67 years, SD = 1.12; 64% female). Fit indices and conceptual interpretation converged on a four-profile solution. A subset of emancipated youth evidenced a maladaptive profile (16.5%; n = 27), which was characterized by low educational competence, low occupational competence, low civic engagement, problematic interpersonal relationships, low self-esteem, and high depressive symptoms. However, the largest group of emancipated youth exhibited a resilient profile in which they were faring reasonably well in all domains despite marked adversity (47%; n = 77). Two additional groups evidenced discordant adjustment patterns wherein they exhibited high levels of psychological competence despite behavioral difficulties (i.e., internally resilient; 30%; n = 49) or significant emotional difficulties despite manifest competence (i.e., externally resilient; 6.5%; n = 11). The obtained profiles were validated against independent measures of behavioral and socioemotional adjustment. Exploratory analyses examined etiological differences across profiles with respect to child welfare variables, such as age at entry into care, placement disruption, reason for placement, and severity of child maltreatment. The findings highlight the need for multidimensional models of risk and resilience and illustrate the importance of heretofore underappreciated heterogeneity in the adaptive outcomes of emancipated foster youth.";"Journal Article";2012;"T. M. Yates and I. K. Grey";"Adapting to aging out: Profiles of risk and resilience among emancipated foster youth";"Development and Psychopathology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
879;"Civic participation does not necessarily equate to civic engagement. However, to date, integrated measures of civic engagement that go beyond civic behaviors have not been developed. In this article, we propose an integrated construct of civic engagement, active and engaged citizenship (AEC), that includes behavioral, cognitive, and socioemotional constructs. Using data from 909 adolescents (62.4% girls) who took part in the Grades 8–10 assessments of the longitudinal 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development (PYD), we assessed the structure and measurement invariance of AEC. AEC was proposed as a second-order latent construct that encompasses four first-order latent factors: Civic Duty, Civic Skills, Neighborhood Social Connection, and Civic Participation. Measurement invariance was tested over time (from Grade 8 to Grade 10) and between boys and girls. The results supported strong invariance of AEC over time and between sexes. Implications of AEC for future research and practice are discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. Zaff, M. Boyd, Y. Li, J. V. Lerner and R. M. Lerner";"Active and engaged citizenship: Multi-group and longitudinal factorial analysis of an integrated construct of civic engagement";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
880;"Civic engagement has gained prominence over the past two decades as an important topic in developmental science. Much has been learned about what civic engagement means, how it is measured, and how young people develop civic engagement. In this chapter, we discuss emerging areas of research for civic engagement and core questions that we believe need to be explored. In particular, we focus on a broader conceptualization of civic engagement beyond behavioral measures, consider the relevance of cultural and political contexts on the development of civic engagement among under-served populations, and discuss the implications of advancing the civic engagement field on the civic participation of youth in the United States and throughout the world.";"Book Section";2011;"J. F. Zaff, K. Kawashima-Ginsberg and E. S. Lin";"Advances in civic engagement research: Issues of civic measures and civic context";"Advances in child development and behavior, Vol 41: Positive youth development.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
881;"Drawing on depth interviews with eight socially conscious consumers, this study explores the way socially conscious consumer orientations can help to foster the kinds of prosocial orientations, such as a concern for others, that facilitate civic and political engagement. The data suggest that these consumers reap several private benefits from their socially conscious choices (authenticity, social embeddedness, empowerment, and self-actualization) while also helping to secure broader public virtues, such as a clean environment or workers’ rights. In so doing, they face certain costs (such as inconvenience and limited choice), but these sacrifices are reframed as pleasurable. This perspective challenges conventional, republican views of citizenship that see individuals as selfless and sacrificing for the sake of a common, greater good. Instead, these socially conscious consumers embody an alternative kind of citizenship in which the acquisition of private, self-serving benefits is inextricably linked to the pursuit of broader, collective virtues.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. Atkinson";"Buying in to social change: How private consumption choices engender concern for the collective";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
882;"College students politically participate through traditional mechanisms at lower rates than their elders. Yet, members of this group may participate by other means, like friending candidates and joining political groups through social networking websites. We argue that these online activities serve as a meaningful form of civic engagement by broadening who participates and encouraging other forms of participation. Using a survey of randomly chosen undergraduates at a large Midwestern university, we discover that important distinctions exist between those who friend or join these online social networks and those who participate in more traditional off-line political activities. While interest in politics is a precursor to off-line engagement, it does not predict friending or joining an online social network that is political in nature. However, friending candidates or joining such networks appears to mobilize college students to engage in other forms of political participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. L. Rice, K. W. Moffett and R. Madupalli";"Campaign-related social networking and the political participation of college students";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
883;"The university campus has often been seen as an important site for the politicization of young people. Recent explanations for this have focused attention upon the role of the student union as a means to enable a ‘critical mass’ of previously isolated individuals to produce social networks of common interest. What is missing from these accounts, however, and what this article seeks to address, is how these factors actually facilitate the development of political norms and the active engagement of many students. Drawing upon qualitative data from three countries we argue that it is the milieu of the smaller student societies that are crucial for facilitating the habitus of the student citizen. They provide the space for creative development and performance of the political self, affiliations to particular fields and access to cultural and social capital. Moreover, we contend that these processes of politicization are increasingly enacted through social media networks that foreground their importance for developing political habitus in the future.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. D. Loader, A. Vromen, M. A. Xenos, H. Steel and S. Burgum";"Campus politics, student societies and social media";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
884;"Although scholars have long indicated concern regarding disaffected young voters, the 2004 presidential election tallied record turnout among this age group. This study explored how and why celebrity-endorsed, get-out-the-vote campaigns may have helped to persuade young voters aged 18 to 24 to participate in an election campaign by examining campaign influence on individual decision-making factors. During the fall semester of 2004, a convenience sample of 305 college students from introductory general education classes completed surveys assessing their political efficacy, involvement, complacency, and apathy. Findings indicated that receptivity to celebrity spokespeople predicted lower levels of complacency and higher levels of self-efficacy. Complacency had independent effects on involvement and self-efficacy. The results therefore suggest that these campaigns can potentially influence positive change in political engagement of the younger citizenry.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. W. Austin, R. Van de Vord, B. E. Pinkleton and E. Epstein";"Celebrity endorsements and their potential to motivate young voters";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
885;"The Internet and the networked communication technologies based upon it represent new frontiers for the study of youth civic engagement in the twenty-first century. Unlike print, radio, and television, which are overwhelmingly managed by elites in a top-down fashion, these technologies allow for multidirectional pathways of user-driven production, consumption, appropriation, and pastiche. Moreover, the barriers to entry have in the past few years descended to the point that blogging, social networking (via sites like Facebook and MySpace), and watching videos on YouTube have become integrated into the daily routines of many young people. Despite some persistent socioeconomic divides in access and skills, the growing uses of social technologies have inspired a cautious optimism in some youth civic engagement scholars, who see hope for reversing the decades-long trend of declining civic engagement among younger demographic groups. In this chapter, we examine some of the evidence for and against this optimism, with the aim of identifying policy implications for developing more learning-rich online civic youth communities. We begin by reviewing theory and research suggesting that today's youth are by and large adopting a qualitatively different style of citizenship from their parents, and that the form and content of their media choices reflect this generational split. Next, we explore three distinct avenues of digital citizenship—video production and sharing, social networking web sites, and civic gaming—that attract young people in disproportionately large numbers. Finally, we present results from an original study that evaluated 90 youth civic engagement web sites in terms of the kinds of learning opportunities they offered their users.";"Book Section";2010;"W. L. Bennett, D. Freelon and C. Wells";"Changing citizen identity and the rise of a participatory media culture";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
886;"Scholars writing about community in recent years have been more likely to lament its passing than celebrate its exemplars. What's missing in this recent revival of interest in community is a systematic link with work--family issues and, in particular, an explicit recognition that women's and men's work--family lives have changed dramatically in the post-World War II era. We investigate the consequences of structural shifts in our family and work lives for a sample of elite, managerial women in dual-earner marriages, a population for whom work and family concerns are both immediate and salient. Understanding changing definitions of, and trends in, family and work can provide a useful lens through which we can profitably address recent debates about the decline or resurgence of community and civic society. Our findings suggest that, although conceived differently than in previous decades, family remains central to our respondents' sense of community and structures their civic engagement. In contrast with previous generations of women, however, work is also important, for defining women's sense of self and community and for offering an alternative venue for community service.";"Journal Article";2006;"P. A. Roos, M. K. Trigg and M. S. Hartman";"Changing families/changing communities: Work, family and community in transition";"Community, Work & Family";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
887;"Background: Cerebral palsy (CP) is one of the most common causes of physical disability in childhood, and many children with CP access rehabilitation services throughout their lives. The aim of this qualitative systematic review was to synthesize the experiences and perspectives of youth living with CP to inform the development of rehabilitation and social programmes. Methods: A thematic qualitative synthesis integrating qualitative evidence was undertaken where six electronic databases (MEDLINE, Embase, Healthstar, Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature, Proquest and PsychInfo) were searched from 1980 to September 2014. Results: Thirty‐three articles involving 390 youth, aged from 2 to 25 years, across six countries were included. Themes were classified according to the International Classification of Functioning Child and Youth Version framework. Youth's accounts focused on social inclusion and the physical environment (i.e. services and supports, transportation, accessibility, accommodations, safety and weather), the role of family and peers and participation (i.e. leisure and recreation, school and civic engagement). Youth described how body structure and function (i.e. pain and physical functioning, mental health, fatigue and unpredictability of body function) affected them—often disrupting their biographies. Some youth described personal factors such as independence, coping and body image that affected their ability to cope with their condition. There was much less focus on youth's experiences of mobility, activities of daily living and assistive devices. Conclusions: Youth with CP experience pain, fatigue and impairments to body function, along with social exclusion, which can affect their biographies. However, youth had strategies to revise their biographies to maintain personal and social normalcy.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. Lindsay";"Child and youth experiences and perspectives of cerebral palsy: A qualitative systematic review";"Child: Care, Health and Development";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
888;"This chapter examines the impact of Public Achievement's WIMPS (Where Is My Public Servant?) project on the civic, social and political engagement of young people, and their interaction with the State in Northern Ireland. A series of interviews are conducted both with young people who are or have been involved in the project, and with three leading politicians. The young people explain the impact of the project on their lives and their perceptions of politics, politicians and citizenship. The chapter examines the extent to which the project builds trust, reciprocity and a sense of community amongst the young people—key indicators of social capital. The chapter also discusses current theoretical limitations in terms of understanding the impact of youth-centred programmes on the growth of social capital both in physical and virtual space. The chapter goes on to make key recommendations in terms of the future development of the WIMPS project, its relationships with young people and politicians, and the development of the website. It also suggests that there are several directions for further research. These include: understanding the impact of youth programmes on increasing the social capital of participating young people; the relationship between social capital and social exogenous constructs such as gender, ethnicity and disability; the impact of the WIMPS project on wider groups of participants and site visitors; and the impact of such projects on other groups including parents and politicians as well as institutions.";"Book Section";2012;"P. Smyth";"Citizenship and the ceasefire generation: Approaches to building youth civic engagement in a society emerging from conflict";"Adolescent behaviour.";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
889;"This article provides an in-depth look at Colombia's national policy on national citizenship competencies designed to foster the peaceful resolution of conflict, promote the understanding of differences, and involve young people in mutual decision making and democratic engagement in schools. It also provides a brief overview of similar efforts in the United States in social and emotional learning and the development of civic engagement and compares and contrasts these efforts. Finally, it offers suggestions for school systems that wish to engage in similar processes to ensure the future of democracy and peaceful coexistence using education as the vehicle of change.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Patti and A. C. Espinosa";"Citizenship competencies in Colombia: Learning from policy and practice";"Conflict Resolution Quarterly";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
890;"Commonly, researchers have looked for civic life in a distinct sector in which they assume that voluntary associations will cultivate special skills and virtues. Gathering together many challenges to this approach, and using ethnographic cases of housing advocacy and youth civic engagement projects, the authors reconceptualize 'the civic' as civic action and show how patterned scene styles shape it. Doing so reveals patterns of action in complex organizations that may span institutional sectors. The authors show how researchers can locate scene styles, and with an extensive literature review, they portray several common styles and suggest that different civic styles often lead to different outcomes.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. Lichterman and N. Eliasoph";"Civic action";"American Journal of Sociology";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
891;"This chapter describes an urban youth debate league and how this type of program can be a part of the vision of a more informed and active youth citizenry. This chapter discusses these questions: What might 'democracy in action' look like in out-of-school time and youth development programs, and how does it relate to learning? How does urban debate serve as an example of democracy skill building during the out-of-school time hours? What are the program and policy supports needed to support a civic engagement and democracy skill-building role for out-of-school time and youth development programs? The chapter concludes with information important for youth program providers, policy makers, and other individuals and organizations seeking to foster youth democracy development and participation during the out-of-school time hours.";"Book Section";2008;"G. Hall";"Civic connections: Practicing democracy through debate clubs in the out-of-school time hours";"Afterschool matters: Creative programs that connect youth development and student achievement.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
892;"This study conducted a stratified and cluster sampling on Chinese college students (N = 654) to investigate how SNS usages and social capital elicit impact on civic engagement. The results of path regression model shows that using SNS to meet new people is positively correlated with bonding and bridging social capital in the virtual world, using SNS to contact existing friends contributes to both bonding and bridging social capital in the real world. Online bonding and bridging social capital are positively related to online civic involvement, but not significantly related to offline civic behaviors. Offline bonding and bridging social capital are positively associated with offline civic participation, but not significantly related to online civic participation. The direct effect of using SNS to meet new social ties on civic engagement is partially mediated by social capital, whilst the effect of using SNS to connect friends on civic participation is completely mediated by social capital.";"Journal Article";2014;"Z.-J. Zhong";"Civic engagement among educated Chinese youth: The role of SNS (Social Networking Services), bonding and bridging social capital";"Computers & Education";"China";"CPECPP";"Youth"
893;"Using in-depth interviews, we explored civic engagement that included volunteering through religious organizations, neighboring, involvement in children's activities, and contributing. The sample consisted of 84 low-income, low-wealth families. Findings indicate that although people of limited resources may be engaged, they face substantial challenges to active engagement. Data are suggestive of a modified life cycle theory, a resource or 'stakeholding' theory, and institutional theories regarding challenges to engagement. In the context of the study's limitations, implications are discussed for measurement, research, and interventions.";"Journal Article";2006;"A. M. McBride, M. S. Sherraden and S. Pritzker";"Civic engagement among low-income and low-wealth families: in their words";"Family Relations: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Applied Family Studies";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
894;"Sweden has been experiencing a change in population composition which has a great impact on society. While understanding immigrants is critical, there is a lack of empirical evidence. Therefore in this chapter, we present our empirical findings on one of the imperative aspects of this issue: the civic engagement of immigrant youth in Sweden.";"Book Section";2015;"Y. Kim and E. Amnå";"Civic engagement among migrant youths in Sweden: Do parental norms or immigration generation matter?";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Sweden";"CPE";"Youth"
895;"Objectives: Recent research has shown a link between patriotism and civic participation. This research assumes that the causal arrow flows from patriotism to civic participation, but a counterperspective in the social capital literature assumes that causation runs in the opposite direction, from civic participation to patriotism. I seek to untangle these relationships by positing a bicausal relationship between these beliefs and actions. Methods: I use a structural equation model of survey data from the 2004 American National Election Studies. Results: The findings show that constructive patriotism promotes civic participation, and that civic participation separately increases constructive patriotism. Conversely, I also find that blind patriotism lowers civic participation, and that civic participation lowers blind feelings. Conclusions: This research provides a fuller picture of the relationship of patriotism with civic participation than has been provided previously in political theory or political psychology. These results are then tied to a current debate about the benefits of civic education and service learning.";"Journal Article";2011;"S. Richey";"Civic engagement and patriotism";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
896;"The present study examined civic engagement—volunteering and political activism—among 129 African American young adults from an urban community. The proposed model considered factors that motivate young adults to participate in civic activities as well as barriers that might inhibit involvement. Drawing upon social cognitive theory, this study highlighted the role of two related, but independent, types of civic attitudes: community and individual outcome expectations (OEs) as Bandura defines them. Results indicated that perceptions of neighborhood conditions are linked to community OEs, whereas previous involvement in political actions is linked to individual OEs. Analyses also revealed that community and individual OEs are differentially associated with young adults' intentions to engage in future civic activities. Study findings contribute to an area of research that has received limited investigation and are discussed in terms of developing strategies to support civic engagement among African American young adults in urban settings.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. L. Chung and S. Probert";"Civic engagement in relation to outcome expectations among African American young adults";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
897;"State child welfare systems in recent years have been increasingly compelled to include citizen stakeholders in public policy evaluation. A key mechanism for increased citizen involvement has been the development of citizen review panels (CRPs) in the area of child protective services. Citizen review panels are groups of citizen volunteers who are federally mandated through the CAPTA Amendments of 1996 to evaluate state child welfare agencies. Despite the age of the mandate, very few researchers have examined the impact of the initiative upon child welfare services. This article describes the process of and results from a statewide evaluative study of the federal citizen review panel (CRP) initiative to improve child protective services in a rural southern state. The study employed multiple methods to capture a variety of stakeholder views, including the use of panel member surveys and focus groups, content analysis of CRP annual reports and state responses, and semi-structured state stakeholder interviews. Results from these efforts were analyzed and synthesized to identify prevalent, convergent and divergent themes of state agency and panel perspectives. Findings from the study are discussed as well as recommendations for improvement in the functioning of the panels.";"Journal Article";2007;"V. Bryan, B. Jones, E. Allen and C. Collins-Camargo";"Civic engagement or token participation? Perceived impact of the citizen review panel initiative";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
898;"This study explores the effects of televised presidential debate viewing on young citizens’ candidate evaluations and normative democratic attitudes, including political cynicism and political information efficacy. Findings revealed that debate viewing decreases young citizens’ political cynicism and strengthens political information efficacy. Longitudinal analysis tracked young citizens’ democratic attitudes from pre-debate to post-election, finding that one’s political information efficacy intensifies throughout the course of the ongoing campaign, but debates’ immediate effect of reducing political cynicism is not sustained as the campaign progresses.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. S. McKinney, L. A. Rill and E. Thorson";"Civic engagement through presidential debates: Young citizens' political attitudes in the 2012 election";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
899;"Civic engagement is sweeping the country. Recognized as a new way to solve old problems, more and more elected officials, government agencies, civic leaders, and nonprofit organizations are turning to the public for input and assistance. Shaping America’s Youth (SAY) took a model of civic engagement, the town hall meeting, applied it to a critical national health issue, and then went a step further by scientifically analyzing the results. Civic engagement is a way that decision-makers can interact productively with people who really matter—those who have a stake in solving the problems in question. Civic engagement describes a relationship that individuals and organizations have with their community and, in many cases, with the public sector, which does much of our civic work. Civic engagement is also a way to shift responsibility for solving the problem to the people who eventually need to take action. The practice of civic engagement can be particularly useful when addressing a human health problem such as childhood obesity. What is most important about the SAY civic-engagement process is the information that came out of it: that people in 5 different communities across the United States produced a similar set of suggested strategies for tackling an important problem.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. R. Kopell";"Civic engagement: Bringing in the real experts—A commentary on the Shaping America's Youth initiative";"Pediatrics";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
901;"This chapter first provides a rationale for the need of developing educational programs for promoting youth civic engagement that make use of new technologies. It then presents a typology to guide the design of Internet-based interventions, taking into account both the affordances of the technology and the educational approach to the use of the technology. To illustrate this typology, examples of technology-based civic educational programs are presented. Later, it briefly presents the design of the Zora virtual environment, highlighting the features that support civic learning, and two different case studies in which Zora was used. It concludes with future directions for how to develop and use on-line virtual environments to promote civic engagement experiences that might transfer to the off-line world; and with reflections on how to make the contributions of this chapter 'timeless,' as lessons can be useful regardless of the technology in vogue in a particular time and location. The typology of different interventions and the case studies illustrate what is possible in terms of civic education when providing young people with technological and media literacy skills as well as civic habits of mind in the context of an immersive virtual intervention.";"Book Section";2008;"M. Umaschi";"Civic identities, online technologies: From designing civics curriculum to supporting civic experiences";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
902;"Young people today have grown up living substantial portions of their lives online, seeking entertainment, social relationships, and a place to express themselves. It is clear that participation in online communities is important for many young people but less clear how this translates into civic or political engagement. This volume examines the relationship of online action and real-world politics. The contributors discuss not only how online networks might inspire conventional political participation but also how creative uses of digital technologies are expanding the boundaries of politics and public issues. Do protests in gaming communities, music file sharing, or fan petitioning of music companies constitute political behavior? Do the communication skills and patterns of action developed in these online activities transfer to such offline realms as voting and public protests? Civic Life Online describes the many forms of civic life online that could predict a generation's political behavior.";"Book";2008;"W. L. Bennett";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth";"The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation series on digital media and learning";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
903;"Drawing on the social capital literature, we hypothesized that civic engagement, as measured by participation in lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender–related community activities, would be an important protective factor with respect to sexual risk behavior. Accordingly, we examined the association between participation and three measures of risky sexual behavior in a group of men who have sex with men (MSM) who were part of the four-city, 1996–1998 Urban Men’s Health Study. In these analyses, we used the subsample of adult MSM who reported same-gender sex in the past year and were not HIV positive (N = 1857). Compared to those reporting no civic participation, those with the lowest and highest levels of participation were no more likely to engage in risky sexual behavior, but those with the second highest level had an increased likelihood of risky sexual behavior. Abstention from drugs, having a male primary partner, higher income, a college degree, and being older than 29 years of age all reduced the odds of risky sexual behavior among MSM.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. M. Muriuki, M. Fendrich, L. M. Pollack and A. M. Lippert";"Civic participation and risky sexual behavior among urban U.S. men who have sex with men";"Journal of HIV/AIDS & Social Services";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
904;"This article presents a pedagogical strategy using civic reflection to engage undergraduate social work students in self- reflection and intergroup dialogue on civic engagement. This module consisted of three components: the Civic Responsibility Behavior Questionnaire, which measured civil, political, and social behavior as well as civic efficacy and motivation; a civic reflection module, which promoted dialogue on associating, serving, giving, and leading via poems and stories; and content analysis, which examined student evaluations of the civic reflection experience. Findings revealed that students had knowledge of civic engagement and increased their level of civic efficacy and motivation. For social work education, assessing students’ level of civic engagement and developing teaching strategies that meet their learning needs are indicated.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. L. Glass";"Civic reflection: A pedagogical teaching strategy to enhance student civic engagement";"The Journal of Baccalaureate Social Work";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
905;"This article draws from research conducted with poor and working-class youth in California attending schools that suffer from structural disrepair, high rates of unqualified teachers, high teacher turnover rates, and inadequate books and instructional materials. Arguing that such schools accomplish more than simple 'reproduction' of class and race/ethnic inequities, the authors detail the penetrating psychological, social, and academic impact of such conditions on youth and educators, accelerating schooling for alienation. The evidence suggests that these schools not only systematically undereducate poor and working-class youth, and youth of color, but they taint pride with shame, convert a yearning for quality education into anger at its denial, and they channel active civic engagement into social cynicism and alienation. The consequences for schools, communities, and the democratic fabric of the nation are considered.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. Fine, A. Burns, Y. A. Payne and M. E. Torre";"Civics Lessons: The Color and Class of Betrayal";"Teachers College Record";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
906;"This study compares the civic development and engagement of Cuban American and non-Hispanic White college students at a large, urban Hispanic Serving Institution (HSI). The findings indicate that both ethnic groups civically develop and engage in similar ways at Hispanic Serving Institution. However, when it comes to political discussions, there are minor differences between both ethnic groups.";"Journal Article";2008;"R. G. González";"College student civic development and engagement at a Hispanic serving institution";"Journal of Hispanic Higher Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
907;"It is fundamental to understand how children today may develop a sense of commitment to their communities, how they engage in these contexts and the different forms and meanings of youth civic engagement. The present themed issue tries to deepen our knowledge in these areas with different contributions. Each of the articles presents empirical data. The articles address the theme of the relationship between young people and social action. This theme involves dealing with a 'prismatic' object—a very attractive, very complex, and rather ambivalent web of interconnections that allows us to consider, in a new way, the problems of great significance for our society: the youth–adult relationship as regards youth civic engagement, the crisis of participation, and the role of volunteerism in social life.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Marta and F. Cristini";"Commitment or disaffection? Framing the forms, meanings, and predictors of youth civic engagement in Italy";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"Italy";"CPE";"Youth"
908;"Communication aimed at promoting civic engagement may become problematic when citizen roles undergo historic changes. In the current era, younger generations are embracing more expressive styles of actualizing citizenship defined around peer content sharing and social media, in contrast to earlier models of dutiful citizenship based on one-way communication managed by authorities. An analysis of 90 youth Web sites operated by diverse civic and political organizations in the United States reveals uneven conceptions of citizenship and related civic skills, suggesting that many established organization are out of step with changing civic styles.";"Journal Article";2011;"W. L. Bennett, C. Wells and D. Freelon";"Communicating civic engagement: Contrasting models of citizenship in the youth web sphere";"Journal of Communication";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
909;"This research explores the influence of mass media use and community context on civic engagement. The article presents a multilevel test of print, broadcast, and Internet effects on interpersonal trust and civic participation that acknowledges there are a) microlevel differences in the motives underlying media use, 2) age-cohort differences in patterns of media use and levels of civic engagement, and 3) macro-level differences in community/communication context. Accordingly, the effects of individual differences in media use and aggregate differences in community context are analyzed within generational subsamples using a pooled data set developed from 1998 and 1999 DDB Life Style Studies. The pooled sample consisted of 6,738 adults. The data suggest that informational uses of mass media are positively related to the production of social capital, whereas social recreational uses are negatively related to these civic indicators. Informational uses of mass media were also found to interact with community context to influence civic engagement. Analyses within subsamples find that among the youngest adult Americans, use of the Internet for information exchange more strongly influences trust in people and civic participation than do uses of traditional print and broadcast news media.";"Journal Article";2001;"D. V. Shah, J. M. McLeod and S.-H. Yoon";"Communication, context, and community: An exploration of print, broadcast, and Internet influences";"Communication Research";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
910;"Chronic poor health within inner cities is usually the result of prolonged exposure to a multitude of health disparities. These disparities, are exacerbated by poverty, high unemployment, crime and youth violence. In many cases, these factors increase neighborhood instability and civic disengagement. Community garden programs can strengthen civic engagement and foster neighborhood stability, while simultaneously cutting down on youth violence. Community garden programs address the accumulation of health challenges in many ways and provide curative building blocks to deal with poor nutrition, obesity, diabetes, psychological disorders, and deficient growth of infants, substance abuse, civic detachment and suicide rate. Urban agriculture not only strengthens communities from within, but is also a cost-efficient, trans-generational cross cultural, multi-disciplinary tool that can be used to address these issues. This article will summarize a rapidly growing body of research addressing the use of community gardens and the ways in which it can positively impact economic, social, and health-related aspects within inner cities. The article will draw upon the experience of the Neighborhood Community Garden Initiative implemented by Lawrence Massachusetts. The initiative is a community-based multi-pronged approach and demonstrates how lot revitalization and urban agriculture not only address health-challenges but also effectively stabilizes distressed neighborhoods and is a cost effective community-organizing tool. In turn, violence is reduced and residents feel safer, relations with police improve thereby lowering stress levels and empowering residents to take pride and ownership in the further development of their neighborhoods.";"Book Section";2014;"A. McCabe";"Community gardens to fight urban youth crime and stabilize neighborhoods";"Environment and hope: Improving health, reducing AIDS and promoting food security in the world.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
911;"Chronic poor health within inner cities is usually the result of prolonged exposure to a multitude of health disparities. These disparities, are exacerbated by poverty, high unemployment, crime and youth violence. In many cases, these factors increase neighborhood instability and civic disengagement. Community garden programs can strengthen civic engagement and foster neighborhood stability, while simultaneously cutting down on youth violence. Community garden programs address the accumulation of health challenges in many ways and provide curative building blocks to deal with poor nutrition, obesity, diabetes, psychological disorders, and deficient growth of infants, substance abuse, civic detachment and suicide rate. Urban agriculture not only strengthens communities from within, but is also a cost-efficient, trans-generational cross cultural, multi-disciplinary tool that can be used to address these issues. This article will summarize a rapidly growing body of research addressing the use of community gardens and the ways in which it can positively impact economic, social, and health-related aspects within inner cities. The article will draw upon the experience of the Neighborhood Community Garden Initiative implemented by Lawrence Massachusetts. The initiative is a community-based multi-pronged approach and demonstrates how lot revitalization and urban agriculture not only address health-challenges but also effectively stabilizes distressed neighborhoods and is a cost effective community-organizing tool. In turn, violence is reduced and residents feel safer, relations with police improve thereby lowering stress levels and empowering residents to take pride and ownership in the further development of their neighborhoods.";"Book Section";2015;"A. McCabe";"Community gardens to fight urban youth crime and stabilize neighborhoods";"Child health and human development yearbook 2014.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
912;"This chapter will focus on key discourses and debates around 'participatory culture' within an era of media convergence. A participatory culture is 'a culture with relatively low barriers to artistic expression and civic engagement, strong support for creating and sharing one's creations, and some type of informal mentorship whereby what is known by the most experiences is passed along to novices' (Jenkins et al., 2006). Convergence culture refers to a specific interplay across media platforms and the reconfiguration of the relationship between mass media and participatory culture. The first half of this chapter outlines the leading theoretical, interdisciplinary, and methodological frameworks for researching young people's engagement with participatory culture, as well as the major accumulated knowledge to date in this burgeoning area. The remainder of this chapter focuses on two significant omissions within these discourses regarding the obstacles to and the opportunities for access and participation for various populations of children. I argue specifically for greater inclusion of young children and children with disabilities in the digital media and learning research agenda. Their inclusion productively complicates existing research in the digital and media learning field and broadens the potential to re-imagine children's learning with old and new media in a convergence culture.";"Book Section";2015;"M. Alper";"Children and convergence culture: New perspectives on youth participation with media";"The Routledge international handbook of children, adolescents and media.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
913;"Democracy is not a sure thing. Governments and party systems often strain against changes in societies, and some fall prey to corruption and bad policies. Under the right conditions, people may reassert their rights to govern, and produce remarkable periods of creative reform, realignment, and change. In these times, politics becomes a focus of personal life itself, restoring the sense that participation makes a difference. It is clear that many young citizens of this digital and global age have demonstrated interests in making contributions to society. Many of the spontaneous and creative forms of collective expression online seem more appealing than the options typically offered in youth engagement sites sponsored by governments and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) in efforts to invigorate public life for young people. In Coleman's concluding chapter in this volume we learn that many well-intentioned youth engagement sites have clear ideas about what constitute proper citizen activities. A key question thus becomes how to nurture the creative and expressive actions of a generation in change, while continuing to keep some positive engagement with government on their screens. One goal of this chapter is to note and explore the sharply differing views of what constitutes civic engagement and citizenship for young people both on and off line. Indeed, there seem to be two different paradigms that contrast young citizens (roughly in the fifteen to twenty-five age range) as either reasonably active and engaged or relatively passive and disengaged. Like all paradigms, each foregrounds different core organizing values and principles, prompting proponents to weigh and select different sets of supporting facts and reasons. Each paradigm thus comes equipped with its own arguments and evidence, making it convincing to adherents and elusive and often maddening to those operating from the other constructed reality. Several different scenarios for future youth engagement are presented here. In the process of synthesizing what we know about youth engagement--academics, educators, educational policymakers, NGOs, journalists, foundations, public officials, and young people--can make choices about what outcomes are desirable and how to nurture them.";"Book Section";2008;"W. L. Bennett";"Changing citizenship in the digital age";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
914;"Using data from 8th grade participants in the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development, factor analytic procedures were used to explore a model of active, engaged citizenship, termed Civic Identity/Civic Engagement (CICE). We identified a higher order factor model in which CICE is a second-order latent variable that is comprised of several dimensions including civic duty, civic skills, and civic participation, adult social connection, peer social connection, and neighborhood social connection. Covariation was assessed between CICE scores and participation in youth development organizations, such as 4-H. Participation in 4-H was related to higher scores on five of the six factors as well as the overall CICE score. Both limitations of this study and the need for longitudinal assessments of CICE are noted and the implications of the presence of an integrated construct of civic engagement for the conduct of youth programs is discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. Bobek, J. Zaff, Y. Li and R. M. Lerner";"Cognitive, emotional, and behavioral components of civic action: Towards an integrated measure of civic engagement";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
915;"Comments on the chapter by Richard M. Lerner et al. (see record [rid]2015-00155-001[/rid]). The researchers involved in this chapter touch on several vital factors that we, as afterschool program practitioners, must be mindful of for youth to benefit in a meaningful way from our activities. Better understanding the science behind positive youth development will aid in the professional development of afterschool staff as well as increase the effectiveness of the programming that we deliver day in and day out. The chapter states that an alignment between a child's strengths and an afterschool program's assets is the basis for an increase in the 'Five Cs,' listed: competence, confidence, character, connection, and caring. No matter the mission statement of your particular program, I'm certain that a variant of these characteristics will satisfy it, especially when they lead to further civic engagement and contribution to the community. The most practical way for you to utilize this information is to examine just how your program can apply its assets to be intentional about facilitating growth in these areas.";"Book Section";2014;"B. Burkhard";"Commentary";"A practical guide to the science and practice of afterschool programming.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
916;"Civic communities have a spirit of entrepreneurialism, a locally invested population and an institutional structure fostering civic engagement. Prior research, mainly confined to studying rural communities and fairly large geographic areas, has demonstrated that civic communities have lower rates of violence. The current study analyzes the associations between the components of civic communities and homicide rates for New Orleans neighborhoods (census tracts) in the years following Hurricane Katrina. Results from negative binomial regression models adjusting for spatial autocorrelation reveal that community homicide rates are lower where an entrepreneurial business climate is more pronounced and where there is more local investment. Additionally, an interaction between the availability of civic institutions and resource disadvantage reveals that the protective effects of civic institutions are only evident in disadvantaged communities.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. M. Doucet and M. R. Lee";"Civic communities and urban violence";"Social Science Research";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
917;"The positive and negative influences of violent/action games, henceforth called 'action games', remains controversial in the scholarly literature. Although debate continues whether action games influence aggressive behavior, little research has examined the influence of action games on civic engagement. The current study addresses this gap by examining the correlation between exposure to action games on civic engagement and on-line prosocial behavior in a sample of 873 teenagers. Results indicated that girls as well as teens who had parents who were more technologically savvy tended to engage in more civic behaviors. Exposure to action games predicted more prosocial behavior on-line, but did not predict civic engagement either positively or negatively. However, exposure to action games and parental involvement interacted to promote youth civic engagement. Action-game-playing-youth whose parents were involved in game play and supervision were most civically involved, compared to youth who did not play action games, or whose parents were less involved. These results indicated little support for the belief that exposure to violence in video games decreases prosocial behavior and/or civic engagement. Conversely some support was found for the possibility that playing action games is associated with small increased prosocial behavior and civic engagement in the real world, possibly due to the team-oriented multiplayer options in many of these games.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. J. Ferguson and A. Garza";"Call of (civic) duty: Action games and civic behavior in a large sample of youth";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPE";"YT"
918;"In this chapter, we first summarize what is known about civic engagement during the young adult years and place those findings in the context of the prolonged transition to adulthood that is now common in the developed world. The transition to adulthood has become increasingly protracted as more young people continue to pursue higher education, postpone the choice of a career path, depend on their parents for support, and delay marriage and parenthood. We address the civic implications of this protracted transition for individuals and for democracy. Second, we review evidence suggesting that recent cohorts of young adults are turning away from traditional forms of civic participation such as political party and organizational membership. Third, we discuss four-year colleges, the institution that serves large numbers of young adults and offers many opportunities to develop civic skills. Fourth, we summarize existing knowledge about the potential of institutions such as community colleges, community-based youth organizations, and service and training programs to bolster civic engagement among young adults who do not attend four-year colleges. In addition, we review the common elements across institutions and programs that provide structure and guidance for young adults' civic development during this transitional period. Finally, we turn to policy and summarize a set of recommendations for enhancing and expanding opportunities for civic engagement during the transition to adulthood.";"Book Section";2010;"A. Finlay, L. Wray-Lake and C. Flanagan";"Civic engagement during the transition to adulthood: Developmental opportunities and social policies at a critical juncture";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
919;"Latent transition analysis was used to examine civic engagement transitions across 2 waves spanning 8 years in a sample of AmeriCorps participants and a comparison group (N = 1,344; 77% female). Latent indicators of civic engagement included volunteering, community participation, civic organizational involvement, local and national voting, civic consciousness, and perceptions of civic knowledge. Three latent statuses were identified; inactive, voting involved, and highly committed. Consistent with life cycle theories of political engagement, the inactive status was most prevalent at Wave 1 and the voting-involved status most prevalent at Wave 4. AmeriCorps members were less involved in voting at Wave 1 but, among voters, were more likely to become highly committed by Wave 4. Compared with those who did not attend college, those who did had higher levels of civic engagement initially and over time. Young participants and Asian youths demonstrated lower levels of involvement initially compared with older participants or White youths. Findings suggest that national service programs geared toward young people who are not in college may hold promise for addressing gaps in civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. K. Finlay, C. Flanagan and L. Wray-Lake";"Civic engagement patterns and transitions over 8 years: The AmeriCorps national study";"Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
920;"Constance Flanagan and Peter Levine survey research on civic engagement among U.S. adolescents and young adults. Civic engagement, they say, is important both for the functioning of democracies and for the growth and maturation it encourages in young adults, but opportunities for civic engagement are not evenly distributed by social class or race and ethnicity. Today's young adults, note the authors, are less likely than those in either generations to exhibit many important characteristics of citizenship, raising the question of whether these differences represent a decline or simply a delay in traditional adult patterns of civic engagement. Flanagan and Levine also briefly discuss the civic and political lives of immigrant youth in the United States, noting that because these youth make up a significant share of the current generation of young adults, their civic engagement is an important barometer of the future of democracy. The authors next survey differences in civic participation for youth from different social, racial, and ethnic backgrounds. They explore two sets of factors that contribute to a lower rate of civic engagement among low-income and minority young adults. The first is cumulative disadvantage—unequal opportunities and influences before adulthood, especially parental education. The second is different institutional opportunities for civic engagement among college and noncollege youth during the young-adult years. Flanagan and Levine survey various settings where young adults spend time—schools and colleges, community organizations, faith-based institutions, community organizing and activism projects, and military and other voluntary service programs—and examine the opportunities for civic engagement that each affords. As the transition to adulthood has lengthened, say the authors, colleges have become perhaps the central institution for civic incorporation of younger generations. But; no comparable institution exists for young adults who do not attend college. Opportunities for sustained civic engagement by year-long programs such as City Year could provide an alternative opportunity for civic engagement for young adults from disadvantaged families, allowing them to stay connected to mainstream opportunities and to adults who could mentor and guide their way.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Flanagan and P. Levine";"Civic engagement and the transition to adulthood";"The Future of Children";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
921;"This study explores university students' attitudes of social responsibility and participation in volunteering, examining how these are related to prior experiences of mandatory community service in high school. Students' perceptions of the quality of their mandatory community service experience were found to be powerful predictors of their attitudes towards social responsibility, while ongoing volunteering was found to be influenced more significantly by school and community influences, most notably prior volunteer involvement. We conclude that community service experiences, when perceived as being of high quality, may engender ongoing civic engagement. We suggest that aligning mandated community service with serious leisure might increase quality of experience, and provide an avenue to experience the rewards and benefits associated with civic participation.";"Journal Article";2010;"K. Gallant, B. Smale and S. Arai";"Civic engagement through mandatory community service: Implications of serious leisure";"Journal of Leisure Research";"Canada";"CPECPP";"YT"
922;"This study uses thematic content analysis to examine focus group conversations about civic-mindedness and civic engagement conducted with approximately 50 youth (ages 11-19) in the United States and Germany. At the heart of the research is a keen interest in how young people define, understand, and participate in acts of civic engagement. The research is rooted in standpoint theory, a framework that assumes life experiences shape a person's worldview. The results offer empirical evidence of differences in the construction of civic-mindedness among youth from the diverse cultural standpoints represented in the sample. In addition, the findings have practical implications for educators seeking to design global service-learning programs or civic engagement opportunities that are appropriate for culturally diverse populations.";"Book Section";2012;"E. M. Goering and C. Henderson";"Civic engagement in/action: A cross-cultural comparison of youth involvement";"Understanding service-learning and community engagement: Crossing boundaries through research.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
923;"This paper examines the association between civic engagement and self-rated health among a sample of adults living in refugee camps in Jordan. The analysis is based on a cross-sectional sample survey of all households residing in Palestinian refugee camps in Jordan, and interviewed in the spring and summer of 1999. The outcome variable is self-rated health. Associations between civic engagement and self-rated health are assessed using Χ² tests and logistic regression models. Findings from a logistic regression model show that civic engagement, as measured primarily by membership in clubs and other civic groups, has a significant association with self-rated health net of the effects of demographic, human capital and health risk factors. The final model shows that the effects of control variables are in the anticipated direction, with age, marital status, health risk, education and poverty statistically significant. However, the findings pertaining to civic engagement hold for men but not women. We conclude that civic engagement is a powerful and significant predictor of self-rated health status among refugee men living in poor communities, but not for women. Low literacy and persisting patriarchy may account for the non-significant association between civic engagement and health status among women in this context.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. Khawaja, M. Tewtel-Salem, M. Obeid and M. Saliba";"Civic engagement, gender and self-rated health in poor communities: Evidence from Jordan’s refugee camps";"Health Sociology Review";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
924;"The findings on the association between Social Networking Sites and civic engagement are mixed. The present study aims to evaluate a theoretical model linking the informational use of Internet-based social media (specifically, Facebook) with civic competencies and intentions for future civic engagement, taking into account the mediating role of civic discussions with family and friends and sharing the news online. Participants were 114 Italian high school students aged 14–17 years (57 % boys). Path analysis was used to evaluate the proposed theoretical model. Results showed that Facebook informational use was associated with higher levels of adolescent perceived competence for civic action, both directly and through the mediation of civic discussion with parents and friends (offline). Higher levels of civic competencies, then, were associated with a stronger intention to participate in the civic domain in the future. Our findings suggest that Facebook may provide adolescents with additional tools through which they can learn civic activities or develop the skills necessary to participate in the future.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Lenzi, A. Vieno, G. Altoè, L. Scacchi, D. D. Perkins, R. Zukauskiene and M. Santinello";"Can Facebook informational use foster adolescent civic engagement?";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
925;"This article introduces civic purpose as a construct for learning about civic development in adolescence. Civic purpose, defined as a sustained intention to contribute to the world beyond the self through civic or political action, integrates the components of motivation, civic activity, and future-oriented civic intention. We present results from a mixed methods longitudinal study that used the civic purpose framework in which 1,578 high school seniors took a survey, 50 participated in an interview, and 9 additional adolescent 'civic exemplars' participated in both the survey and the interview. Two years later, 480 participants took the survey again, and 34 participated in a second interview. A small percentage of the study subjects exhibited full civic purpose across three different types of civic activity (political, community service, expressive), while a larger percentage demonstrated precursory forms of civic purpose, with evidence of some but not all components of civic purpose. Key contributors to the development of civic purpose were: identity salience, beliefs and values, and invitation from one or more adults.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Malin, P. J. Ballard and W. Damon";"Civic purpose: An integrated construct for understanding civic development in adolescence";"Human Development";"US";"CPE";"YT"
926;"In this chapter, we review the factors that drive civic and political participation among ethnic minority and immigrant youth. These factors range from the distal institutional characteristics of the countries in which these individuals live, through proximal social factors such as the school and the family, to endogenous psychological factors such as patterns of identification and levels of trust. It should be noted that the classification of these factors into institutional, social, demographic, and individual categories in the following account is not intended to imply that these four levels are mutually exclusive; the present classification is simply used to both facilitate the review of the factors and emphasize that relevant factors may exist at several levels.";"Book Section";2014;"D. Pachi and M. Barrett";"Civic and political engagement among ethnic minority and immigrant youth";"Global perspectives on well-being in immigrant families.";"UK";"CPECPP";"YT"
927;"The aim of this book is to help youth workers see their clients from a different perspective. The authors introduce the concept of cocreation as a form of direct youth work practice. This approach invites youth to actively participate in their communities as citizens, collaborating with youth workers to create and sustain safe spaces for civic engagement. Included case studies show how civic youth workers in many countries have mobilized and empowered society's young people to address the public issues most affecting them. Implementing the principles outlined in this book can transform participants and remove the stigma often associated with youth in volatile settings. From developing strategies for conflict reduction in Africa to mending religious division in Northern Ireland, the examples show how to coordinate, support, and manage programs and initiatives with young people to effect positive change. Features include: (1) Case studies drawn from around the world; (2) Alternative perspectives on the research and evaluation process; (3) Applicable topics grounded in theory that translate in the classroom and the field; and (4) Reflective questions for critical thinking at the end of each chapter.";"Book";2013;"R. V. Roholt, M. Baizerman and R. W. Hildreth";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
928;"We provide a developmental account of civic engagement--specifically, political participation. Civic engagement is more likely among people with politicized identities, an activist stance, and an interest in diverse peers. The form of civic engagement (focused on transmission of parental values or on social change) is shaped by different generations' relative tendency to identify horizontally (with each other) or vertically (with previous generations). Adolescence is proposed as a formative period for the development of a politicized identity and student activism as providing an opportunity to develop both personal efficacy in the political realm and experience working toward a goal with diverse peers. The intersection of late adolescence with periods of intense social discontinuity increases within-generation identification and decreases interest in cross-generational transmission of values. Young American women in the middle to late 20th century experienced such a confluence of factors, and we focus on studies of women's political participation and development of politicized identities at this time. Thus, forms of civic engagement are shaped not only by individual experiences but also by cohort or generational identity.";"Journal Article";2004;"A. J. Stewart and C. McDermott";"Civic engagement, political identity, and generation in developmental context";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
929;"This study assessed the links between civic participation and adolescent behavior problems (bullying, physical fighting, and alcohol and tobacco use), and whether civic engagement could be a moderator of the negative effects of parent/family detachment. Participants were 7,097 11-, 13-, and 15-year-olds (48.6% girls) in a region of Northern Italy. Twenty percent were involved in some level of civic participation, the majority of which was faith-based. Results showed that adolescents who are involved in civic associations reported slightly less fighting and alcohol and tobacco use, but this relationship varies by sex, age, detachment from parents and family, and the frequency of adolescent participation. For the sample as a whole, a U-shaped relationship was found between civic participation and behavior problems, with the fewest behavior problems associated with moderate frequency of participation (1 to 4 times per week). The expected hypothesis that civic participation moderates the relationship between parent/family detachment and problem behaviors was suggested only for 15-year-old girls but not for younger girls or for boys. Implications for preventive, interventions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. Vieno, M. Nation, D. D. Perkins and M. Santinello";"Civic participation and the development of adolescent behavior problems";"Journal of Community Psychology";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
930;"Young people who reside in Mainland China and study in Hong Kong are known as 'cross-boundary (CB) youth.' They are Hong Kong citizens, and their well-being and social participation have a direct bearing on the success of civil society. Education is often seen as a social leveller, especially for the socially disadvantaged such as CB youth. School engagement reflects civic engagement. The nature and extent of their engagement with their schools and civic society are important indicators of social inclusion. However, society at large hears little from the voices of CB youth on education and current affairs, and this article is a response to redress this gap. The findings reveal that CB youth develop a kind of a 'neither-here-nor-there' citizenship orientation. Their engagement with school and Hong Kong society is characterized by weak-tie relationships and a superficial tourist-type of exposure. Implications for policy makers and educators are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Y. M. Yuen";"Caught between two cultures: The everyday civic life of cross-boundary youth";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPE";"YT"
931;"Offers evidence about the nature of the relationships and partnerships between experiential higher educational programs and the development of civic engagement by students who serve community-based collective organizations. Four focus groups with community leaders who hold positions in collective organizations in western Pennsylvania and northern West Virginia were held. Those invited to the focus groups held elective office at the local or county level, a civic service appointment or one in a local government agency, a leadership position in a nonprofit organization, especially organizations that served youth and the disadvantaged, or a position of student leadership in a public high school. The communities in which the focus groups were held were all below the national average in income and apparently in need of the development of social capital. Four basic changes identified were: a) Change the objectives of college and university's interaction with collective organizations. b) Use or build networks to better inform the collective organizations about the student assistance available from colleges and universities. c) Cooperatively plan the use of student assistance. d) Enhance efforts to improve collective organizations interaction with student assistants.";"Journal Article";2003;"R. A. Brisbin, Jr. and S. Hunter";"Community Leaders' Perceptions of University and College Efforts to Encourage Civic Engagement";"Review of Higher Education: Journal of the Association for the Study of Higher Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
932;"Objective: The promotion of recovery and quality of life is a major focus of national and local mental health system transformation efforts. There has been simultaneous interest in enhancing community participation as a facilitator of recovery. This study examines the community participation experiences of emerging adults and mature adults with serious mental illnesses and the relationship between various types of participation and recovery, quality of life, and meaning of life. Methods: Baseline data from the Consumer-Operated Service Program multisite study were utilized. The sample was recruited from traditional mental health services and consisted of 233 emerging adults and 1,594 mature adults. Ten areas of participation were examined: parenting, employment, volunteering, college student, group membership, civic engagement, peer support, friendships, intimate relationships, and engagement in religious/spiritual activities. Results: Emerging and mature adults differed in developmentally appropriate ways. Emerging adults and those who participated more had higher scores on the recovery, quality of life and meaning of life measures. Conclusions and Implications for Practice: The higher scores on the dependent variables may be explained by younger adults having greater hope and higher expectations that are typical for those at that stage of life and that living longer with a serious mental illness and being exposed longer to the mental health system may dampen hope. Participation in general, and specific areas of participation, were predictive of recovery-oriented outcomes. These results should inspire future developmentally-oriented research examining factors that facilitate recovery and provide direction to providers about participation areas that may be most beneficial in facilitating recovery.";"Journal Article";2012;"K. Kaplan, M. S. Salzer and E. Brusilovskiy";"Community participation as a predictor of recovery-oriented outcomes among emerging and mature adults with mental illnesses";"Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
933;"Recently, the topics of community service activity and civic engagement relative to psychosocial benefits have received considerable attention. The current study addresses the relationship between community service activities, interethnic attitudes and individual perceptions of the value, relevance and importance of community service activities. We hypothesized that as subjects (n = 40) participated in a variety of community service related activities, their perception of the overall importance of community engagement and interethnic attitudes (i.e., reductions in ethnocentrism) would significantly increase. A paired-samples t test showed significant increases among topics addressing perceptions of the importance of community service work and improvements among interethnic attitudes (p < .007). Results of the study and suggestions for future research are offered.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. J. Hoffman, J. Wallach and E. Sanchez";"Community service work, civic engagement, and 'giving back' to society: Key factors in improving interethnic relationships and achieving 'connectedness' in ethnically diverse communities";"Australian Social Work";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
934;"The growing reluctance among youth to participate in politics and exercise their right to vote rings alarm bells across the globe. This study adopts a comparative perspective to identify factors that might help reengage youth in the political process by documenting the scope and pervasiveness of the problem in the United States and the EU. This cross-national study shows that the antecedents of youth turnout are highly similar in the United States and in the EU member states. The authors also find a strong and consistently positive effect of news media use and interactive communication (online and interpersonal) on youth turnout.";"Journal Article";2007;"F. Esser and C. H. de Vreese";"Comparing young voters' political engagement in the United States and Europe";"American Behavioral Scientist";"Switzerland";"CPE";"Youth"
935;"Despite growing attention to both public engagement in policy development, and youth civic engagement, the engagement of young women and young mothers receives little attention. This article proposes guidelines for engaging with young women in provincial public policy development via their participation in public engagement initiatives. Developed in the context of a small Canadian province, the guidelines are based on an existing public engagement framework, modified to consider young women’s identities and engagement strategies. The guidelines are presented relative to the context, process, tools, and outcomes of public engagement initiatives. In presenting the guidelines, this article grapples with paradoxes of young women’s engagement, including the role of policy and policy discourses in creating and governing their identities, the role of public engagement in upholding and dismantling neoliberal policy agendas, and the challenges and benefits of reconciling appropriate conceptualisations of young women with a positivistic, masculine engagement framework.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. R. E. Levac";"Complicating the public: Enabling young women's participation in public engagement initiatives";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
936;"The purpose of this article is to share the results of a qualitative research study designed to shed light on the experiences of educators, administrators, and a teacher educator participating in a program-university collaborative model. This study conducted surveys, interviews, and classroom observations to explore understandings of recently adopted Pre-K Common Core Standards, feelings of self-efficacy about implementation, and perceptions of the benefits and challenges of participating in a program-university collaborative model for professional development and mentoring. Data revealed three primary themes—early childhood educators anticipate benefits and challenges to implementing Pre-K CCS; they may have limited professional preparation for working with young children; and they perceive both benefits and challenges from participating in a program-university collaborative model. Building on these data, the author provides an argument for early childhood teacher educators to take an expanded role in a civic engagement framework for professional development as a way to build the capacity of early childhood education to meet existing challenges and new demands.";"Journal Article";2016;"E. M. Anderson";"Confronting existing challenges and meeting new demands in early childhood education using program-university collaborative models";"Journal of Early Childhood Teacher Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
937;"This paper investigates whether youth-oriented websites can create new spaces for civic and political engagement. Through engagement with two areas of recent debate: the emergence of new forms of political participation through the internet and work on civic youth web spheres, it suggests that the national discursive context matters in understanding the availability of online civic opportunities. General findings show that young people are no longer labelled as politically apathetic, but have, instead, rejected institutionalized politics to focus on creating new spaces for everyday politics through local communities and the internet. However, this field tends to ignore diversity in political practices and preferences among young people and the continuing importance of official discourses in shaping opportunities for participation and engagement. In the Australian case, the state has remained a powerful actor, guiding young people into preferred forms of participation and has only had a limited foray into using innovative and interactive online mechanisms. Through content analysis of a mixture of government and community organization-led sites, that are either wholly online or tied to established offline organizations, this paper shows that a discourse and practice of managed, dutiful citizenship remains prevalent among sites aimed at the Australian youth. The sites that offer alternative, self-actualizing forms of citizenship expression and action for young people tend to be youth-led, online only, and receive advertising, rather than government-based, funding.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. Vromen";"Constructing Australian youth online: Empowered but dutiful citizens?";"Information, Communication & Society";"Australia";"CPECPP";"Youth"
938;"One can click on the internet and find many examples illustrative of an online trend: using traditional social movement tactics, such as petitions, to support, contest, or otherwise comment on cultural products and celebrities. Other petitions range from those seeking to address perceived problems in massively multiplayer online games such as World of Warcraft to petitions advocating for the open-source release of popular software to still other petitions that call on bands to share their concert recordings with fans. What this broad range of petitions has in common is a central focus on concerns that are important to youth culture and popular culture more broadly. This chapter will explore this emerging form of engagement by empirically tracing the outlines of one specific area in which cultural contestation is visible: the proliferation of online petitions contesting cultural concerns. After reviewing the literature that informs our approach, we provide an overview of culture-related online petition material to argue that (1) these petitions are not marginal sideshows; (2) these petitions tend to focus on products and industries associated with youth culture; and (3) many of the petitions represent consumer-based contestation. We also discuss potential implications of these processes for future research on online-enabled protest; we discuss how cultural contestation might be transformed into more state-oriented battles over cultural ownership and intellectual property; and we discuss approaches to civic engagement likely to be adopted increasingly by young people.";"Book Section";2008;"J. Earl and A. Schussman";"Contesting cultural control: Youth culture and online petitioning";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
939;"Attention is given in this article to recent action by many liberal states to regulate and criminalize certain forms of political dissent reliant on new media. I ask how those working in the fields of youth studies and social science more generally might understand such processes of criminalizing political dissent involving young people digital media. I do this mindful of the prevailing concern about a ‘crisis in democracy’ said to be evident in the withdrawal by many young people from traditional forms of political engagement, and the need to encourage greater youth participation in democratic practices. A heuristic or guiding frame is developed to analyse how new laws, amendments to existing laws and other regulatory practices are being implemented to contain certain forms of political participation, performed in large part by young people. A case study of ‘Distributed Denial of Service action’ is offered to examine government responses to political practices which I argue constitute legitimate forms of protest and civil disobedience.";"Journal Article";2016;"J. Bessant";"Democracy denied, youth participation and criminalizing digital dissent";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPECPP";"Youth"
940;"The question of generational renewal concerns trade unions as a whole. Questions regarding the low level of unionization, the absence of union activism and political engagement among young people and the lack of changeover are evident in the words of lead activists and trade unions alike. It’s not just about reinforcing their membership, especially in those sectors or companies in which they are underrepresented, and modifying the age structure from the inside, but also about renewing the trade unions’ organisational structure itself. That is the case for the Union Syndicales Solidaires, among which a good number of founders will be retired in a few years to come. The majority of young workers taking up membership do not do it because of the high ideological stand of Solidaires among trade union forces but rather for more classical reasons linked to their work. Few are also prone to sacrifice their personal life, when the activism required by Solidaires is extremely time-consuming. This is a thorny issue for the organisation that raises questions on the shape it will take in the future.";"Journal Article";2014;"J.-M. Denis and M. Thibault";"Des organisations syndicales en quête de renouvellement. Trajectoires militantes et expériences syndicales de jeunes militants de l’union syndicale Solidaires. = Trade union organisations looking for renewal. Trade union trajectories and experiences among Union Syndicales Solidaires’ young activists";"Nouvelle Revue de Psychosociologie";"France";"CPEAct";"Youth"
941;"Research on relationships and social networks supports the conclusion that there are mental health and physical health benefits that accrue from rich social connections and social participation (Piliavin, 2005). Other analyses lead to the conclusion that participation in social networks and communities is advantageous to the health of democracies, which, in turn, provides a basis for free enterprise and commerce (Putnam, 1995, 2000). In addition, the quality of life of individuals, in the most general sense, is tied to participation in social networks (Wright, 1999). This pattern of results provides a rationale for designing interventions to encourage, support, and enhance civic participation and for designing specific interventions for particular groups, including youth, retired persons, professional groups, and neighborhoods. This chapter focuses on service learning, which is a particular type of intervention that is designed to enhance educational outcomes and civic engagement among college students. There are many ways in which social psychology theory and research can contribute to and learn from the development of service learning as a purposive intervention to enhance cognitive and personal development, civic participation, volunteering, political participation, and intergroup relationships.";"Book Section";2005;"R. G. Bringle";"Designing Interventions to Promote Civic Engagement";"Processes of community change and social action.";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
942;"This study aimed to determine the effect of service-learning activities on the sensitivity to social problems of students aged 12 and 14. A mixed method was implemented which combines qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques. The Scale for Sensitivity to Social Problems was performed to determine the sensitivity of the young people to social problems. The results of the study showed that there was a meaningful difference in terms of sensitivity to social problems between the students involved in service-learning activities and those who did not participate in these activities. Furthermore, it was also found that service-learning activities have positive influence on the character and social development of the students.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Ocal and A. Altınok";"Developing social sensitivity with service-learning";"Social Indicators Research";"Turkey";"CPE";"Youth"
943;"Abstract. Background: Parents’ perceived informal social control, defined as the informal ways residents intervene to create a safe and orderly neighbourhood environment, may influence young children’s physical activity (PA) in the neighbourhood. This study aimed to develop and test the reliability of a scale of PA-related informal social control relevant to Chinese parents/caregivers of pre-schoolers (children aged 3 to 5 years) living in Hong Kong. Methods: Nominal Group Technique (NGT), a structured, multi-step brainstorming technique, was conducted with two groups of caregivers (mainly parents; n = 11) of Hong Kong pre-schoolers in June 2011. Items collected in the NGT sessions and those generated by a panel of experts were used to compile a list of items (n = 22) for a preliminary version of a questionnaire of informal social control. The newly-developed scale was tested with 20 Chinese-speaking parents/caregivers using cognitive interviews (August 2011). The modified scale, including all 22 original items of which a few were slightly reworded, was subsequently administered on two occasions, a week apart, to 61 Chinese parents/ caregivers of Hong Kong pre-schoolers in early 2012. The test-retest reliability and internal consistency of the items and scale were examined using intraclass correlation coefficients (ICC), paired t-tests, relative percentages of shifts in responses to items, and Cronbach’s α coefficient. Results: Thirteen items generated by parents/caregivers and nine items generated by the panel of experts (total 22 items) were included in a first working version of the scale and classified into three subscales: 'Personal involvement and general informal supervision', 'Civic engagement for the creation of a better neighbourhood environment' and 'Educating and assisting neighbourhood children'. Twenty out of 22 items showed moderate to excellent test-test reliability (ICC range: 0.40-0.81). All three subscales of informal social control showed acceptable levels of internal consistency (Cronbach's α >0.70). Conclusions: A reliable scale examining PA-related informal social control relevant to Chinese parents/caregivers of pre-schoolers living in Hong Kong was developed. Further studies should examine the factorial validity of the scale, its associations with Chinese children’s PA and its appropriateness for other populations of parents of young children.";"Journal Article";2014;"Y.-n. Suen, E. Cerin and R. R. Mellecker";"Development and reliability of a scale of physical-activity related informal social control for parents of Chinese pre-schoolers";"The International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity";"China";"CPE";"Youth"
944;"Four domains of developmental issues of university students in Hong Kong are examined in this paper. First, behavioral and lifestyle problems of university students are identified, including alcohol consumption, Internet addiction, cyber-pornography, irregular sleep patterns, and interpersonal violence. Second, the mental health problems of university students, including suicidal ideation, depression and anxiety problems, are outlined. Third, issues on self-determination (including establishment of personal goals), self-confidence, and materialism of the students are reviewed. Fourth, issues related to students’ connection to the society, including egocentrism and civic engagement, are discussed. The views of employers about university graduates in Hong Kong are also examined. With the emergence of developmental issues among Hong Kong university students, it is argued that promoting the psychosocial competencies of university students via positive youth development programs is an important strategy in addressing such issues.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. T. L. Shek and B. P. M. Cheung";"Developmental issues of university students in Hong Kong";"International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health";"China";"CPE";"Youth"
946;"Purpose: This study tested the effect of multiple levels of engagement in the productive roles of paid work, volunteering, and caregiving on midlife and older adults’ psychological wellbeing. Methods: Using cross-sectional data from a sample of 330 adults aged 50 and older (largely white, women, and educated), a treatment effects model was employed to test the impact of four levels of engagement (not involved and low, medium, and high engagement) on psychological well-being. Results: Those involved in work or volunteer activities who were high in engagement reported greater psychological well-being than those who were not involved, whereas those who were low or medium in engagement reported lower well-being than those not involved. A different pattern emerged for caregiving; midlevels of engagement were associated with higher well-being compared with the noninvolved, whereas low and high levels of engagement were associated with lower well-being. Implications: Findings suggest that one’s experience of an activity plays an important role in the extent to which involvement is associated with positive outcomes. Recommendations for enhancing role quality to promote psychological well-being in middle and later life are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Matz-Costa, E. Besen, J. B. James and M. Pitt-Catsouphes";"Differential impact of multiple levels of productive activity engagement on psychological well-being in middle and later life";"The Gerontologist";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
947;"Political interest is a potentially important moderator of the relationship between digital media use and traditional forms of political participation. We theorize that the interaction between interest and digital media can be either positive or negative, depending on whether the action is voting, an elite-directed act, or a self-directed act. To test our expectation, we use British Election Studies data from 2001, 2005, and 2010. We find that digital media use is positively and consistently associated with political talk for those lower in political interest. For voting, we find a similar relationship that appears to be strengthening over time. For the elite-directed acts of donating money and working for a party, we find a highly variable moderating effect of political interest that can be positive, negative, or nonexistent.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Bimber, M. C. Cunill, L. Copeland and R. Gibson";"Digital media and political participation: The moderating role of political interest across acts and over time";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
948;"Popular narratives assume that digital media play a central role mobilizing voters and especially young adults. Based on unique survey data of a diverse group or young adults from Spring, 2009, we consider the relationship between differentiated internet uses, and online and offline political engagement around the time of the 2008 U.S. presidential election. Thanks to our rich data set, we are able to consider both online and offline activities while taking into consideration more traditional measures. Our findings suggest that online forms of political engagement complement offline engagement. The pathways to young adults’ political participation remain relatively stable. We also find an association between Internet skills, social network site usage and greater levels of engagement. These findings imply that although Internet usage alone is unlikely to transform existing patterns in political participation radically, it may facilitate the creation of new pathways for engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Hargittai and A. Shaw";"Digitally savvy citizenship: The role of Internet skills and engagement in young adults' political participation around the 2008 presidential election";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
949;"We assume that emotions (anger, shame and hope) mediate the relationship between perceiving a discriminatory context and civic/political engagement. Results of a survey with 1242 participants (mean age 20.7 years; 53% men; 32.8% migrants) showed that such emotions play a different role according to the type of engagement and the population (native Italians versus migrants).";"Journal Article";2016;"C. Albanesi, D. Mazzoni, E. Cicognani and B. Zani";"Discriminatory contexts, emotions and civic/political engagement among native Italians and migrants";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
950;"The research summarized in this chapter indicates the importance of adolescents' connections to others and institutions for their health and well-being. A sense of connectedness has been found to be protective against an array of health risk behaviors including substance use, risky sexual behavior, and violence. Research suggests that positive connections are beneficial for all adolescents—across gender and racial, ethnic, and social class groups. This is important insofar as most interventions are designed to target specific groups of adolescents, but this also suggests the utility of broad, adolescent development-focused strategies that seek to promote universal, cross-cutting protective factors across social groups of youth. In this chapter, we have synthesized five areas of connectedness that have been related to better health outcomes among adolescents. These areas are not independent of one another. For example, schools and nonparental adults exist within communities and may represent an important aspect of community connectedness. Furthermore, the more connected adolescents feel in one area, the more likely they are to feel connected in another (analogous to a long-standing line of research that documents the clustering of health-jeopardizing behaviors). It is possible that when adolescents feel connected in one area, this builds skills and access to resources that are transferable to other settings. Thus, interventions designed to build connectedness in one aspect of adolescents' lives may have implications for other areas—as has been amply demonstrated by successful service-learning programs, where participation in community service in the second decade of life is predictive of future civic engagement. Overall, connectedness is a dynamic process that varies throughout adolescence. Adolescents may need different relationships, opportunities, and experiences to maintain a sense of connectedness to prosocial individuals, groups, and institutions over time. The opportunities and experiences adolescents need may vary greatly from ninth to twelfth grade. Thus, it is critical to better understand the needs of adolescents over time and, in a corresponding fashion, how institutions and adults can support these needs as they change, particularly as young people grow in their need for differentiation, independence, and autonomy. Despite tremendous growth in the area of connectedness research in the past two decades, research in this area is still limited. Given the various definitions that have been assigned to the concept of connectedness and the challenges in implementing and maintaining longitudinal studies that include both large and socially diverse groups of adolescents, we still need to explore the more encompassing question: what forms of connectedness have what kinds of impact and outcomes among what groups of adolescents? This question alone creates a substantive, long-term agenda for research, with potentially great implications for understanding both fundamental processes of healthy adolescent development, as well as the application of such knowledge to programs, policy, and practice among the wide array of adults working with and on behalf of adolescents.";"Book Section";2009;"D. H. Bernat and M. D. Resnick";"Connectedness in the lives of adolescents";"Adolescent health: Understanding and preventing risk behaviors.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
951;"This study focuses on young people's political identity, investigating its dimensionality and relationships to other facets of personality and attitudes in late adolescence. The data used to operationalize the concepts are derived from a large-scale study of British youth carried out in the late 1980s. Analysis of data from this study isolated 16 dimensions underlying aspects of young people's self-concepts, social attitudes and political involvement. These constituted the variables included in a set of further analyses, including confirmatory factor analyses. In line with conclusions from more specifically targeted studies, it was possible to establish three dimensions relating to political identity and aligned with those found in adult samples (political engagement, tolerance, political conservatism), and two further social attitude dimensions of particular salience for young people (moral conservatism and environmentalism). A dimension interpreted as generalized self-efficacy proved to be distinct from the political and attitudinal dimensions. Comparison of mean factor scores across groups defined by age gender, educational attainment and family social class gave good evidence of their discriminant validity.";"Journal Article";2003;"J. M. Bynner, D. M. Romney and N. P. Emler";"Dimensions of political and related facets of identity in late adolescence";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
952;"This chapter argues that the randomized controlled trials (RCT) 'gold standard' is not only inappropriate for evaluating many youth civic engagement initiatives, but can do harm. This is especially the case for complex youth civic engagement initiatives that are based on principles of youth ownership, local adaptation, and cultural responsiveness. This chapter will examine briefly the limitations of RCTs, particularly in the case of youth civic engagement, and offer evaluation alternatives based on complexity science and on an evaluation approach that is especially appropriate for youth civic engagement programs: developmental evaluation. The chapter will also offer examples of how developmental evaluation can be used to evaluate the impact of youth civic engagement initiatives, drawing on several real-world examples.";"Book Section";2010;"C. Campbell-Patton and M. Q. Patton";"Conceptualizing and evaluating the complexities of youth civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
953;"With a sample of 10,298 individuals who participated in three waves of interviews from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health conducted between 1994 and 2002, this study examines how exposure to community violence during adolescence could affect individual’s subsequent engagement in civic activities during their young adulthood. Exposure to violence in the community during adolescence decreased the likelihood for a young adult to participate in volunteering for community services. A positive parent–child relationship would promote the likelihood for individual’s civic engagement during young adulthood but there was no significant buffering effect from such relationship against the negative influence from violence exposure on young adults’ civic engagement. Implications for practice and future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"W.-Y. Chen, J. Propp and Y. Lee";"Connection between adolescent’s exposure to community violence and future civic engagement behaviors during their young adulthood";"Child & Adolescent Social Work Journal";"US";"CPE";"YT"
954;"This article explores the relationship between Internet use among young people, their political consumption, and their political participation. The study widens the notion of online civic and political engagement and includes measures of active and passive forms of participation. To test a number of hypotheses developed on the basis of extant research, a survey was conducted in 2006 among 2,404 young Dutch respondents (aged sixteen to twenty-four). The results demonstrate the importance of the Internet for political activities for young people. They also show that most online activities (ranging from news use, peer communication, and consumption to online service use) are positively related to political participation. Contrary to common wisdom, this article shows that the young online consumer is also politically active.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. H. De Vreese";"Digital renaissance: Young consumer and citizen?";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"Netherlands";"CPECPP";"YT"
955;"Drawing on data from a large-scale international project, this research examined predictors of civic engagement between immigrant (n = 599) and majority youth (n = 1,027) in Belgium, Germany, and Turkey. In all three countries immigrants were found to be more civically engaged than their majority peers. Further, based on the assumptions of the civic voluntarism model, civic engagement was predicted by resources, social experiences, and psychological engagement (i.e., internal political efficacy). The results showed that predictors differed by ethnic background. Although internal political efficacy beliefs were only found to be a significant predictor of civic engagement among majority youth, involvement in social networks was found to be a more meaningful predictor among immigrant youth. These results are discussed in terms of theoretical and practical implications.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Eckstein, P. Jugert, P. Noack, M. Born and T. Sener";"Comparing correlates of civic engagement between immigrant and majority youth in Belgium, Germany, and Turkey";"Research in Human Development";"Germany";"CPE";"YT"
956;"This chapter explores critical youth engagement: how young people—especially those from low-income and immigrant communities—understand conditions of social inequity and negotiate these stresses psychologically and politically. Further, it examines the conditions under which they decide to take up civic engagement by confronting structural injustice and human rights violations collectively. We witness critical youth engagement among low-income urban youth through a youth participatory action research (YPAR) and youth organizing approach. The second half of the chapter describes and explores this methodology. We also consider what critical youth engagement and YPAR means for social research, especially for research on youth civic engagement across populations of youth from any background. We hope that our chapter provides a wide-angle research agenda that can capture the theoretical and empirical wingspan of critical youth engagement projects on youth, adults, institutions, social movements, and youth policy, over time.";"Book Section";2010;"M. Fox, K. Mediratta, J. Ruglis, B. Stoudt, S. Shah and M. Fine";"Critical youth engagement: Participatory action research and organizing";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
957;"In consideration of the circumstances of impoverished youth as well as the transformative potential of critical service-learning at the level of the individual and the community, it is appropriate that we work to deepen our understanding of critical service-learning. This chapter seeks to do so from the perspective of the African American community's socioculturally indigenous knowledge and efforts to struggle against racialized social injustice. It will first explore critical service-learning through the sociocultural lens of particular efforts within the Black Freedom Movement to identify intersecting principles of practice—those places where the efforts of initiatives within the Black Freedom Movement coincide with components of the critical service learning construct. This part of the discussion will focus on three initiatives within the Black Freedom Movement to mobilize and organize the masses to civically engage in the struggle for social equality and justice for the racially marginalized. The three initiatives include: The Highlander Folk School, the Citizenship Schools of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), and the Freedom Schools of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). While not herein discussed due to limited space, the Black Panther Party is another initiative of the Black Freedom Movement that utilized strategies similar to those of the Highlander Folk School, the Citizenship Schools and the Freedom Schools to mobilize the community for racialized social justice. Second, the chapter will focus on the relevance of critical service-learning to contemporary urban communities of color, specifically in terms of empowering educationally and civically alienated young people to effectively engage in the work necessary to transform their lives and their communities.";"Book Section";2011;"K. Hayes";"Critical service-learning and the Black freedom movement";"Critical service-learning as revolutionary pedagogy: A project of student agency in action.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
958;"For high school community service programs to have a positive impact on subsequent civic engagement, students must volunteer in a sustained manner and must evaluate their volunteering experiences positively. Using a survey with 1,293 respondents and 100 semistructured interviews with past participants of the mandatory community service program implemented by the Ontario provincial government in 1999, the authors identify how and why students generate positive evaluations of community service requirements and whether the diversity of implementation or the mandatory nature might account for negative reactions to volunteering. The authors discuss the significance of these findings for academic debates about community service and for discussions about the ways in which public policy can promote the civic engagement of young people.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Henderson, S. M. Pancer and S. D. Brown";"Creating effective civic engagement policy for adolescents: Quantitative and qualitative evaluations of compulsory community service";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
959;"Cultivating youth's capacity to address climate change is critical for a sustainable future. This is especially true in developing countries in equatorial Africa where agrarian communities are severely affected by climate change. We examine a youth development program designed to increase knowledge and capacity for leadership and action in response to climate change. Ugandan youth, ages 16 to 24 years, participated in multiday residential workshops held in national forests. Workshops included biodiversity assessments with scientist mentors, discussions of environmental concerns, and reflective writing. Surveys revealed increases in self-efficacy, connection to nature, and political awareness. Youth reported gains in knowledge, leadership, social awareness, and commitment to civic action. Our results suggest that engaging youth in nature-based field experiences is a contextually appropriate pedagogical approach to empower conservation. We discuss challenges of interdisciplinary community-based research, highlighting the needs for advances in cross-cultural measurement and support for collaborative international program development and research.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. R. Johnson, J. S. Johnson-Pynn, D. L. Lugumya, R. Kityo and C. F. Drescher";"Cultivating youth's capacity to address climate change in Uganda";"International Perspectives in Psychology: Research, Practice, Consultation";"US";"CPE";"YT"
960;"Using data from an original two-wave panel survey of California high school students and a two-wave panel survey of high school students in Chicago, we find that different pedagogical approaches influence different forms of civic and political engagement. Specifically, controlling for prior levels of engagement and demographic factors, we find that open discussion of societal issues promotes engagement with political issues and elections. In contrast, service learning opportunities increase community-based and expressive actions. Both kinds of opportunities promoted commitments to participatory citizenship. These patterns can teach us about the kinds of opportunities (both in school and out) that can shape adolescents’ civic and political development.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Kahne, D. Crow and N. J. Lee";"Different pedagogy, different politics: High school learning opportunities and youth political engagement";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
961;"This chapter examines three measures of community-based civic engagement: informal group activity to solve community problems, volunteering, and group membership. Because these concepts are somewhat broad and amorphous, measuring them reliably is a challenge for survey research. Civic activity can be viewed as one element of a broader concept of civic and political engagement. This broad construct includes the idea of cognitive engagement--paying attention to government and public affairs, following the news in newspapers, on television, radio, or the Internet, talking about politics with friends and family, and expressing interest in the subject. It also includes both government and nongovernment organizations as the objects of activity and the arenas in which that activity occurs. Civic engagement, therefore, is typically defined as organized voluntary activity in nongovernmental arenas undertaken by citizens to solve problems and help others in the community. Political participation, on the other hand, is typically defined as actions undertaken by citizens to influence government and public policy.";"Book Section";2005;"S. Keeter, K. Jenkins, C. Zukin and M. Andolina";"Community-Based Civic Engagement";"What do children need to flourish: Conceptualizing and measuring indicators of positive development.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
962;"This paper addresses a number of key challenges in current subjective wellbeing (SWB) research: A new wave of studies should take into account that different things may make different people happy, thus going beyond a unitary ‘happiness formula’. Furthermore, empirical results need to be connected to broader theoretical narratives. Using a re-examination of the social context of well-being as its case study, this article therefore resorts to sociological theory and fills a gap by investigating how social capital is correlated in different ways with the SWB of men, women, parents, and non-parents. Ordered logit and OLS regression analyses systematically examine slope heterogeneity using UK data from the European Social Survey. It turns out that civic engagement is not at all associated with higher life satisfaction for mothers, while the relationship is positive for men and strongest for childless women. Moreover, informal socialising is positively and more strongly associated with life satisfaction among women, although only when OLS is used. In sum, the social context of well-being varies considerably by gender and parental status. Mothers do not seem to benefit from formal social capital, indicating a 'motherhood penalty' (see Correll et al., Am J Sociol 112(5):1297–1338 in 2007) regarding the psychological rewards usually associated with volunteering. Given the high levels of formal social capital among mothers, the findings also highlight the importance of the homo sociologicus concept. Consequently, SWB research can be successfully used to provide new insights into long-standing interdisciplinary theory debates such as the one on homo economicus versus homo sociologicus.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. Kroll";"Different things make different people happy: Examining social capital and subjective well-being by gender and parental status";"Social Indicators Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
963;"This study uses the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health data set to evaluate the long-term influence of school discipline and security on political and civic participation. We find that young adults with a history of school suspension are less likely than others to vote and volunteer in civic activities years later, suggesting that suspension negatively impacts the likelihood that youth engage in future political and civic activities. These findings are consistent with prior theory and research highlighting the long-term negative implications of punitive disciplinary policies and the role schools play in preparing youth to participate in a democratic polity. We conclude that suspension undermines the development of the individual skills and capacities necessary for a democratic society by substituting collaborative problem solving for the exclusion and physical removal of students. The research lends empirical grounds for recommending the reform of school governance and the implementation of more constructive models of discipline.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Kupchik and T. J. Catlaw";"Discipline and participation: The long-term effects of suspension and school security on the political and civic engagement of youth";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
964;"[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported in Vol 57(3-4) of American Journal of Community Psychology (see record [rid]2016-34337-020[/rid]). On Page 102, Footnote 1 should read: Analysis conducted by the first Author. On Page 106, the citation in the first column last paragraph was not unblinded from (AUTHOR). It should be: Cohen & Chaffee, 2013.] There is increasing concern about the large civic engagement gap between Whites and Latina/o and African American youth. Some suggest this may be because traditional models and measures of civic engagement may not be as applicable for youth from historically marginalized groups. With an urban sample of middle and high school‐age youth (n = 903, 52% female), we used structural equation modeling to identify differences in civic pathways between youth from different racial/ethnic backgrounds. We found significant differences between groups including much stronger relationships between exposure to democratic practices and civic self‐efficacy and knowledge for African American and Latina/o youth than for White youth and a stronger relationship between civic knowledge and future civic engagement for Whites and Latina/os than for African Americans. These findings suggest that educators and researchers interested need to take into account the diversity of youths' racial experiences when examining youth civic development.";"Journal Article";2016;"J. Littenberg‐Tobias and A. K. Cohen";"Diverging paths: Understanding racial differences in civic engagement among White, African American, and Latina/o adolescents using structural equation modeling";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
966;"Reports on the state of the horserace and analysis of the candidates' strategies are pervasive themes in news coverage of campaigns. Various explanations have been suggested for the dominance of strategy-oriented news over hard news. The most frequently identified factors are the length of the modem campaign, the built-in conflict between journalists and campaign operatives, and the pressures of the marketplace. This article provides a test of the market hypothesis. Given access to a wide variety of news reports about the presidential campaign during the weeks immediately preceding the 2000 election, we find that voters were drawn to reports on the horserace and strategy. Strategy reports proved especially popular among readers with higher levels of political engagement. In closing, we consider what journalists might do to make stories about the issues more relevant and marketable.";"Journal Article";2004;"S. lyengar, H. Norpoth and K. S. Hahn";"Consumer Demand for Election News: The Horserace Sells";"The Journal of Politics";"US";"CPE";"YT"
967;"Chronic poor health within inner cities is usually the result of prolonged exposure to a multitude of health disparities. These disparities are exacerbated by poverty, high unemployment, crime and youth violence. In many cases, these factors increase neighborhood instability and civic disengagement. Community garden programs can strengthen civic engagement and foster neighborhood stability, while simultaneously cutting down on youth violence. Community garden programs address the accumulation of health challenges in many ways and provide curative building blocks to deal with poor nutrition, obesity, diabetes, psychological disorders, and deficient growth of infants, substance abuse, civic detachment and suicide rate. Urban agriculture not only strengthens communities from within, but is also a cost-efficient, transgenerational cross cultural, multi-disciplinary tool that can be used to address these issues. This article will summarize a rapidly growing body of research addressing the use of community gardens and the ways in which it can positively impact economic, social, and health-related aspects within inner cities. The article will draw upon the experience of the Neighborhood Community Garden Initiative implemented by Lawrence Massachusetts. The initiative is a community-based multi-pronged approach and demonstrates how lot revitalization and urban agriculture not only address health-challenges but also effectively stabilizes distressed neighborhoods and is a cost effective community-organizing tool. In turn, violence is reduced and residents feel safer, relations with police improve thereby lowering stress levels and empowering residents to take pride and ownership in the further development of their neighborhoods.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. McCabe";"Community gardens to fight urban youth crime and stabilize neighborhoods";"International Journal of Child Health and Human Development";"US";"CPE";"YT"
968;"Amidst current research on the positive impact of rising rates of youth civic participation, but also indications of a shift in the underlying forms of civic life and increasing socioeconomic disparities in levels of participation, the authors investigate the meaning of civic engagement from the perspective of high-school–aged youth. The authors inductively develop a typology of engagement based on in-depth interviews with a purposive stratified sample of eighty-nine high school students in a Midwestern city. The authors find that youth link civic engagement with ambition and achievement as a means to build capital in a Bourdieuian field of youth achievement. While civic engagement is informed by structural position, youth are actively involved in navigating their positions and choices. Civic engagement emerges primarily through volunteerism as youth struggle to assemble and deploy capital in the achievement field and thus compound class-based disparities in civic involvement.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. A. Morimoto and L. A. Friedland";"Cultivating success: Youth achievement, capital and civic engagement in the contemporary United States";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
969;"This paper presents the conceptual basis and statistical assessment of the Pre-Adolescent Civic Engagement Scale (PACES), a civic engagement measure developed for use with middle childhood and early adolescent young people. We expand the current work on civic engagement measures by contributing a parsimonious measure that has been subjected to more rigorous statistical assessments than other measures developed for preadolescents. Results of factor analyses, both exploratory and confirmatory, conducted with 2 samples (n = 136; n = 151) of children and youth (aged 7 to 14 years), yielded an 11-item, 2-component scale assessing foundation for civic ethics and community connection among preadolescents.";"Book Section";2010;"N. Nicotera, I. Altschul, A. Schneider-Munoz and B. Webman";"Conceptual and analytic development of a civic engagement scale for preadolescents";"Research for what? Making engaged scholarship matter.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
970;"Despite public and media attention to ethnic minority young people’s political engagement in recent times, often expressed in crisis narratives about disengagement, disaffection or extremism, there has been little consideration of the range, or distinctive forms, of political action among ethnic minority young people. The purpose of this article is to address this by presenting qualitative research on political activism among ethnic minority young people in Birmingham and Bradford. We find evidence for ‘new grammars of action’ and highly ‘glocal’ (as distinct from transnational and diasporic) political orientations among the activists with whom we worked, as well as the significance of religious (as distinct from ethnic) identities in informing some activists’ political engagements. We conclude that, while there is evidence for changing political subjectivities, there is a need to take account of the interplay between old and new grammars of political action.";"Journal Article";2010;"T. O'Toole and R. Gale";"Contemporary grammars of political action among ethnic minority young activists";"Ethnic and Racial Studies";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
971;"Civic engagement was studied in relation to overall development in adolescence, emerging adulthood, and young adulthood to examine how earlier activity involvement and success in prior and concurrent age-salient domains of competence may contribute to 2 forms of civic engagement in adulthood (citizenship and volunteering). Data on 163 youth were drawn from a longitudinal study of competence in a normative, urban school sample. Results indicate that competence and activity involvement in adolescence predict citizenship and volunteering in adulthood, 10 to 15 years later. As hypothesized, however, the level of competence in developmentally salient domains in adolescence and emerging adulthood fully mediate the predictive significance of concurrent activity involvement for civic engagement outcomes in adulthood. Findings also suggest that citizenship and volunteering are distinct types of civic engagement that should be studied separately.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Obradović and A. S. Masten";"Developmental Antecedents of Young Adult Civic Engagement";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
972;"Youth civic and political participation (CPP) has been a central concern of research and public policy. This situation has been motivated by growing signs of the disaffection of younger generations, at least regarding conventional forms of participation. Recent theoretical debates stress how forms of CPP are evolving; nevertheless it is obviously important to integrate young people's views in the discussion, particularly taking into account groups at risk of exclusion, such as immigrants. This paper intends to contribute to this discussion by considering the meanings that young people attribute to their civic and political experiences, using data collected with focus groups (N = 94) that address the factors that facilitate and/or inhibit the participation of young people from immigrant (Brazilian and Angolan) and non-immigrant (Portuguese) backgrounds. Data will be analysed according to three main dimensions: (1) participants' sources of knowledge, information and influence; (2) participants' views on civic and political engagement: relevance, resources, personal experiences, trustworthiness and efficacy; and (3) participants' perceptions of excluded groups and proposals to promote inclusion. Results show that the experiences and levels of participation of young people of Brazilian and Angolan origin are influenced by their immigrant background. In addition, they indicate a strong tendency of young people to emphasise constraints over opportunities. They feel like incomplete or in-the-making citizens, and state their claim for rights and opportunities to be heard and to be civic and politically engaged.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. Ribeiro, C. Malafaia, T. Neves, P. D. Ferreira and I. Menezes";"Constraints and opportunities for civic and political participation: Perceptions of young people from immigrant and non-immigrant background in Portugal";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Portugal";"CPECPP";"YT"
973;"The prevalence of type 2 diabetes is rapidly rising, especially among minority and low-income youth. There is an unmet need to engage youth in identifying solutions to reverse this trajectory. Social marketing campaigns and entertainment education are effective forms of health communication for engaging populations in health-promoting behaviors. Critical to curbing the epidemic is moving the diabetes conversation away from individual behavior alone and toward a socioecologic perspective using a public health literacy framework. The authors developed an academic-community partnership to develop, implement, and evaluate a type 2 diabetes prevention campaign targeting minority and low-income youth. The Bigger Picture campaign uses hard-hitting, youth-generated spoken-word messages around key environmental and social drivers of the type 2 diabetes epidemic. Campaign goals included promoting health capacity and civic engagement. This article focuses on the development and implementation of the campaign, including (a) rationale and theoretical underpinnings, (b) steps in campaign creation, (c) testing the campaign messaging, and (d) campaign dissemination and evaluation planning. A youth-created health communication campaign using a public health literacy framework with targeted, relevant, and compelling messaging appears to be a promising vehicle for reaching at-risk youth to increase knowledge of and attitudes about preventing type 2 diabetes, change social norms, and motivate participation in health-promoting initiatives.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. A. Rogers, S. Fine, M. A. Handley, H. Davis, J. Kass and D. Schillinger";"Development and early implementation of TheBigger Picture, a youth-targeted public health literacy campaign to prevent type 2 diabetes";"Journal of Health Communication";"US";"CPE";"YT"
974;"This study presents the results of a collaborative community-based research project evaluating Youth Force, a youth community organizing program. Participants included urban youth in middle school and high school from minority racial and ethnic backgrounds. Employing a mixed methods research design, the study investigated the impacts of the program on youth participants, as well as the processes through which program experiences influenced youth outcomes. Results indicated that youth community organizing programs influence a range of youth development outcomes, including the development of skills, knowledge, civic engagement, empowerment, and positive changes in self-concept.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Schwartz and K. Suyemoto";"Creating change from the inside: Youth development within a youth community organizing program";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
975;"Four domains of developmental issues of university students in Hong Kong are examined in this chapter. First, behavioral and lifestyle problems of university students are identified, including alcohol consumption, Internet addiction, cyber-pornography, irregular sleep patterns, and interpersonal violence. Second, the mental health problems of university students including suicidal ideation, depression, and anxiety problems are outlined. Third, issues on self-determination (including establishment of personal goals), self-confidence, and materialism of the students are reviewed. Fourth, issues related to students' connection to the society, including egocentrism and civic engagement, are discussed. The views of employers about university graduates in Hong Kong are also examined. With the emergence of developmental issues among Hong Kong university students, it is argued that it is important to promote the psychosocial competencies of university students via positive youth development programs.";"Book Section";2014;"D. T. L. Shek and B. P. M. Cheung";"Developmental issues of university students";"Promotion of holistic development of young people in Hong Kong.";"Hong Kong";"CPE";"YT"
976;"In this chapter we review the current mechanisms U. S. society uses to cultivate civic engagement. Cultivate is a strategically chosen word to emphasize that civic engagement is grown across childhood and adolescence and requires the same kind of attention and care as for nurturing a plant. We first discuss existing social mechanisms that research has shown relates to later civic engagement, including civic education, community service, school activities, youth programs and family influences. We next discuss some influences such as the media for which there is less research so we are not certain of their impact. We conclude by discussing some limitations of current research and by considering where we need further research, especially to understand how to promote development of citizenship so that adult citizens are aware of social justice issues.";"Book Section";2008;"L. R. Sherrod and J. W. Lauckhardt";"Cultivating civic engagement";"Positive psychology: Exploring the best in people, Vol 4: Pursuing human flourishing.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
977;"This volume makes a distinctive and valuable contribution to understanding European adolescents' and young adults' orientations to political and civic participation with a range of methods of assessing individuals, context (including policy contexts), and processes. The directions it suggests and the questions it raises will be of interest to researchers for decades to come.";"Book Section";2015;"J. Torney-Purta and J.-A. Amadeo";"Cross-national political and civic engagement research on European adolescents and young adults: Considerations at the individual, context, and process levels";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
978;"A national mail survey of adolescents between the ages of 12 and 17 (n = 876) was conducted immediately before the U.S. presidential election (October 2012) to investigate socialization agents that may correlate with political and civic engagement. The relative importance of potential correlates of engagement including demographics, parents, peers, schools, religion, traditional media, social networks, and digital communication were evaluated. Regression analysis revealed that civically engaged youth identify with a religion, participate in civic education activities at school and extracurricular activities, take action (e.g., boycotting or buycotting), develop attitudes about citizenship, and engage in online/social media political activities. Politically engaged youth come from higher income households, discuss news and politics, take action, and are very prone to engage in online/social media political activities. While a wider range of activities appear to be related to civic engagement, those who are politically engaged appear to have a strong interest in online media usage. Implications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. H. Wicks, J. L. Wicks, S. A. Morimoto, A. Maxwell and S. R. Schulte";"Correlates of political and civic engagement among youth during the 2012 presidential campaign";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
979;"In this chapter, we define civic engagement, examine trends over the past 30 years, consider the developmental process within a developmental systems framework (what we call a civic context), and provide an illustration of this developmental process for non-college-attending youth, a group at high risk for not engaging in civic activities. We conclude with implications for the practice community as well as next steps for research. Although we take a lifespan perspective in this chapter, we are mostly resigned to focus on development from childhood through the transition to adulthood. The empirical literature on the continued development of civic engagement among older adults is unfortunately thin and life-span data ranging from childhood into older adulthood is even thinner.";"Book Section";2010;"J. F. Zaff, D. Hart, C. A. Flanagan, J. Youniss and P. Levine";"Developing civic engagement within a civic context";"The handbook of life-span development, Vol 2: Social and emotional development.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
980;"Using longitudinal data from Grades 8 to 11 of the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development, a longitudinal study involving U.S. adolescents, we examined the developmental trajectories of multiple components of civic engagement, and the effects of youth development program participation and participation in another major domain of youth engagement (religious activity) on these trajectories. A set of two-level, hierarchical linear models (time-varying measures of civic engagement at level 1 and covariates at level 2) were conducted. Results indicated that the components of civic engagement have different starting points and growth rates during adolescence and that the contextual factors have differing effects dependent on the civic engagement component. By understanding how the components of civic engagement develop during adolescence, and the contextual factors that affect those trajectories, practitioners can gain more nuanced insights into how and when to effectively encourage youth civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. F. Zaff, K. Kawashima-Ginsberg, E. S. Lin, M. Lamb, A. Balsano and R. M. Lerner";"Developmental trajectories of civic engagement across adolescence: Disaggregation of an integrated construct";"Journal of Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
981;"Previous research has found that attending racially pluralistic high schools is associated with a reduced likelihood of future electoral and civic engagement. Analysis of a national survey of 18–24 year olds after the 2012 election confirms this finding. However, certain school and family practices and extracurricular activities appear to compensate. Discussion of controversial current issues in social studies classes diminishes the negative association between attending a racially pluralistic school and electoral engagement. School‐based discussion is particularly important for young people who attend pluralistic schools and who do not participate in political discussion at home. Opportunities to associate with peers who share common interests through issue‐oriented groups predict electoral engagement. Considering that strong arguments can be made in favor of racial diversity in schools, it is important to compensate for the lessened electoral engagement in diverse schools by creating policies and teacher preparation resources that promote high‐quality discussion of controversial issues in classrooms, and by encouraging students to participate in extracurricular groups that address political issues.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. Kawashima‐Ginsberg and P. Levine";"Diversity in classrooms: The relationship between deliberative and associative opportunities in school and later electoral engagement";"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy (ASAP)";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
982;"With the rapid development of interactive communication technology, the Internet is a major source of news and also plays an important role in connecting individual members of society. However, Internet users may have different perspectives on whether the Internet positively functions as a medium for public deliberation. Based on the assumption that being exposed to information on public affairs is a crucial step for one’s civic engagement, this study explores how individuals’ motives related to news consumption, elaborative online news reading, and online news sharing influence their perceptions of online deliberation using structural equation modeling method (N = 998). The study finds significant relationships between news consumption motives and elaborative news reading and sharing behaviors, but only elaborative reading behavior had a significant effect on one’s perceptions of online deliberation. The implications of these findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2013;"H. Kang, J. K. Lee, K. H. You and S. Lee";"Does online news reading and sharing shape perceptions of the Internet as a place for public deliberations?";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
983;"This study employs a secondary analysis of U.S. nationally representative data from the Pew Internet 2008 civic engagement survey (N = 2251) to examine the degree to which contacting public officials both online and offline is explained by the variables of gender and political connectedness. We find that while women are somewhat less likely to contact public officials through direct means, such as emailing or writing a letter, they are more likely to sign petitions, offline and especially online. Gender gaps in direct forms of contact are smaller in the online context than the offline context. We additionally find that that gender moderates the relationship between political connectedness developed via social networking sites and contacting public officials, such that women gain even further advantage in signing online petitions, but also gain further disadvantage in writing a letter/calling public officials and signing offline petitions. Finally, we find that political connectedness, achieved via social networking sites and offline contexts, is related to contacting public officials through both online and traditional means, suggesting a blurring of offline and online worlds.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Brundidge, K. Baek, T. J. Johnson and L. Williams";"Does the medium still matter? The influence of gender and political connectedness on contacting U.S. Public officials online and offline";"Sex Roles";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
984;"This paper, in order to deepen our understanding of the role of opinion leadership on Twitter, the world’s largest microblogging service, has investigated the interrelationships between opinion leadership, Twitter use motivations, and political engagement. It finds that Twitter opinion leaders have higher motivations of information seeking, mobilization, and public expression than nonleaders. It has also been found that mobilization and public-expression motivations mediate the association between perceived opinion leadership and Twitter use frequency. Most importantly, this study finds that Twitter opinion leadership makes a significant contribution to individuals’ involvement in political processes, while Twitter use itself or media use motivation does not necessarily help individuals’ political engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. S. Park";"Does Twitter motivate involvement in politics? Tweeting, opinion leadership, and political engagement";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
985;"In the abstract, few ideas generate more widespread agreement than the notion that a high level of citizen volunteering will benefit society. Formal volunteer work and informal helping of diverse kinds are seen as signs of 'social capital' and socially healthy civic engagement, supported by both the political Left and the political Right (Putnam, 1993). Approximately half of adults of all ages in the United States engage in formal volunteer work each year (Hodgkinson & Weitzman, 1996). Several authors have presented data or argued that such volunteering may bring health or well-being benefits for youth, mature adults, or older persons. The purpose of this chapter is to offer a scientific perspective and to review available evidence on how volunteering affects health and longevity. We focus on formal volunteer work, performed through a school, hospital, library, or environmental, political, or other organization. Formal volunteer work stands in contrast to more casual or unorganized helping activities, often termed 'informal helping,' such as giving directions to a stranger or serving as a caregiver for a family member or a neighbor (Wilson, 2000). Volunteering must also be distinguished from paid work. Formal volunteering has been the topic of a great deal of social scientific study, although most previous research has examined predictors of volunteering rather than its consequences (Wilson, 2000). This chapter's primary focus is on physical health outcomes, although I will also cite evidence linking volunteering with improved mental health and subjective well-being. First, I describe mechanisms by which volunteering might affect physical health, as well as moderating factors that might strengthen or weaken these influences. Next, I review empirical evidence suggesting that volunteering may indeed provide physical and mental health benefits. I conclude by discussing some practical implications and needs for further research.";"Book Section";2007;"D. Oman";"Does volunteering foster physical health and longevity?";"Altruism and health: Perspectives from empirical research.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
986;"The article examines the role of dual identification with both the ethnocultural ingroup and the society of residence in the politicization of migrants. The researchers employed a longitudinal and comparative research design with members of the two largest, but sociologically very different, migrant groups in Germany as research participants (i.e. Turkish migrants and Russian migrants). In line with prior work that has shown that, among members of aggrieved groups, dual identity functions as a politicized collective identity, we found that dual identification fostered political engagement among Turkish migrants. In contrast, Russian migrants reported no substantial grievances, and dual identification negatively affected their subsequent political engagement. The contributions of these findings to an articulation of research on politicization with research on intergroup conflict and a more comprehensive understanding of political phenomena driven by dual identification are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Simon, F. Reichert, C. D. Schaefer, A. Bachmann and D. Renger";"Dual identification and the (de‐)politicization of migrants: Longitudinal and comparative evidence";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Germany";"CPE";"Youth"
987;"Drawing on the literatures on dual identity and politicization, this study relates the political engagement of European-born Muslims to their dual identification as ethno-religious minorities and as citizens. Minorities’ political engagement may target mainstream society and/or ethno-religious communities. Surveying the Turkish and Moroccan Belgian second generation, our study analyzes their support for religious political assertion, participation in ethno-religious and mainstream organizations, and trust in civic institutions. Its explanatory focus is on the dual ethno-religious and civic identifications of the second generation and on perceived discrimination and perceived incompatibility as threats to their dual identity. Our findings show that participation in organizations beyond the ethno-religious community is most likely among high civic and low ethnic identifiers, and lower among dual identifiers. Rather than increasing political apathy, perceived discrimination goes along with higher levels of participation in both ethno-religious and mainstream organizations. Finally, the perception of Islamic and Western ways of life as incompatible predicts greater support for religious political assertion and lower trust in civic institutions. Implications for the role of dual identity and identity threat in the political integration of ethno-religious minorities are discussed.";"Journal Article";2013;"F. Fleischmann, K. Phalet and M. Swyngedouw";"Dual identity under threat: When and how do Turkish and Moroccan minorities engage in politics?";"Zeitschrift für Psychologie";"Netherlands";"CPE";"Youth"
988;"This article focuses on the narratives and experiences of young Hispanics in south Texas. These youths matured during America's high period of civic engagement. Their involvement in the development of social clubs defined and reinforced their culture. Growing up Hispanic meant belonging to a large, supportive, Hispanic family. The clubs defined dating rituals and social behavior. This article also raises the issues of how social capital is realized within the Hispanic culture and its repercussions.";"Journal Article";2006;"B. Griffith, R. Prezas and G. Labercane";"Early Experiences of Young Men of Latin Descent: Herencia de los Jovenes";"Journal of Hispanic Higher Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
989;"The aim of this study was to assess the impact of the Newfoundland and Labrador groundfish moratorium on the health and social wellness of two communities severely affected by the industry collapse. A qualitative study was conducted involving individual and group interviews with residents from communities in which differences (as indexed primarily by economic and demographic statistics) were observed. Using the concept of social capital and its associated themes of help and support, trust, leadership, and civic engagement, it was observed that the ‘high crisis community’ also demonstrated negative alterations in social and political characteristics which may have compromised its capacity to cope with the crisis and translated into detriments in resident wellness. Among a variety of identified challenges, out-migration appeared to be the greatest threat as it has translated into an assortment of negative realities. The utility of social capital as a framework for understanding community crises is also discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Fowler and H. Etchegary";"Economic crisis and social capital: The story of two rural fishing communities";"Journal of Occupational and Organizational Psychology";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
990;"It has almost become axiomatic in community informatics (CI) research around the world that the manner and extent of adoption of new media technologies is significantly influenced by the social and cultural context of their design, development and diffusion. Factors influencing the extent of participation by community members, the levels of commitment of all stakeholders over prolonged periods of time, the degree of epistemological conflict or the perceived relevance of ICTs to diverse everyday lifestyles can all act to provide powerful barriers to the implementation of collaborative CI initiatives. The opening article in this volume explores these issues. The following articles share the common theme of the potential role of ICTs for facilitating the greater political and civic engagement of young people. An additional article critically investigates the democratizing potential of the Internet through an analysis of its use by non-profit organizations. A final article provides an account of a project designed to elicit the potential benefits of the Internet as a means to tackle health inequalities by improving the communication of risk and support for behavioural change of older men with heart conditions.";"Journal Article";2007;"B. D. Loader and W. H. Dutton";"Editorial comment";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
991;"Introduces the 3 sections of this special journal issue. The first section contains articles explicitly addressing the concept and definition of citizenship. The first article reviews the history of research on political socialization, examining the importance of knowledge and education. The second represents an empirical effort to determine indicator measures of civic engagement. A third article in this first section explores the impact of doing community service on the development of citizenship; although service has long been viewed to promote civic engagement, this chapter questions that interaction. A final article, examines the relation between social capital and civic development. Although not explicitly focused on youth, this chapter examines the interaction between communities and social capital. As youth become more involved in communities, they become part of this process. Chapters in the next section begin to address this connection. The next section examines some major contributors to the development of citizenship. Clearly our ideas about citizenship are closely intertwined with the ways we, as a society, try to promote it.";"Journal Article";2002;"L. R. Sherrod, C. Flanagan and J. Youniss";"Editors' introduction";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
992;"A new generation of young people with changing definitions of leadership in a changing world is emerging. They are not interested in charismatic leaders showing them the way; they want to do it themselves or in partnership with others. Added to this, these impulses are coming not only from the global North, but also more forcefully from the global South—and with increasing urgency. This chapter builds upon this understanding of leadership by examining two global education programs in higher education, one in the global North, the other in the global South. These programs are focused on developing student leadership through civic engagement in colleges and universities. The programs we direct at Providence College and the University of Cape Town, South Africa (UCT), in very different contexts, reinforce the importance of a new definition of leadership education that values transparency, authenticity, collaboration, action, and interactivity. This new leadership is part of a shift from command and control, to community and reciprocity, framed by a concern for social justice—a change that can be found in the approaches to citizen leadership education across the globe.";"Book Section";2015;"N. V. Longo and J. McMillan";"Educating for global leadership: A North-South collaboration";"Engaging youth in leadership for social and political change.";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
993;"At a time when many young Americans have reduced their civic engagement, and public schools have de-emphasized their civic mission, some youth are taking initiative at the community level, and some community-based organizations are establishing educational programs to promote their participation. These programs originate in economically disinvested and racially segregated areas whose young people require and receive 'education for democracy' appropriate for their situation. This article provides perspectives on these programs, including their social purpose, curricular content, pedagogical methods, and implications for a new civics that contrasts with traditional approaches. It draws on analysis of educational efforts by organizations affiliated with a national project designed to increase youth participation in the South Bronx, Mississippi Delta, Albuquerque, East Oakland, and other areas.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. Checkoway";"Education for democracy by young people in community-based organizations";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
994;"This article reviews four bodies of research that shed light on how to promote active care for the environment in children and youth: research on sources of proenvironmental behavior, socialization for democratic skills and values, the development of a personal sense of competence, and the development of collective competence. The article begins with an overview of studies of formative childhood experiences reported by environmental activists and educators, followed by correlational and experimental studies with young people regarding factors associated with their taking action for the environment. Because behaviors with the largest potential benefits for the environment require political engagement, the article also reviews experiences associated with young people's interest and engagement in public issues. Action for the environment in the home or in public arena like schools and communities requires a personal sense of competence and a sense of collective competence, or confidence in one's ability to achieve goals by working with a group. Therefore experiences that promote the development of these assets are summarized as well. The conclusion compares major findings in these different fields and discusses implications for environmental educators.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. Chawla and D. F. Cushing";"Education for strategic environmental behavior";"Environmental Education Research";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
995;"This book is the first reference work to focus on the developmental process of religion and spirituality across the human life span. Spiritual development is an important part of human development that has links to identity development, moral development, and civic engagement. This encyclopedia offers insight into the factors that influence religious and spiritual development over time. The editors provide readers with glimpses into the religious and spiritual developmental trajectories of people from all over the world, from many different religious and spiritual backgrounds. The key features of this encyclopedia are: short, accessible entries written by leading specialists and theorists from a wide range of disciplines and professions, both within the United States and internationally, to provide a broad, multidisciplinary scope; examination of spirituality in the broadest sense, encompassing religion as just one path toward spiritual development; exploration of community-based programs that focus on enhancing spiritual development, especially the links between spiritual development and positive personal and social development in youth. Some of the key themes herein are: texts, traditions, leading religious and spiritual figures, religious and spiritual concepts, religious and spiritual practices, religious and spiritual places, nature and spirituality, organizations, the arts, health, and supports/contexts.";"Book";2006;"E. M. Dowling and W. G. Scarlett";"Encyclopedia of religious and spiritual development";"Sage program on applied development science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
996;"This article presents the notes on a conversation with Carl E. Schorske. Given the occasion of this issue of American Imago in his honor, we were to talk about his early encounters with the work of Freud and psychoanalysis. These encounters took place during the Second World War, when Carl worked at the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), and in the 1950s, when he taught at Wesleyan University in Connecticut. In our conversations about his first teaching post at Wesleyan and the intellectual camaraderie with Brown and Marcuse, another element kept coming up, and that was music. Schorske has been intensely interested in Freud's changing relationship with the archaic in particular and with the past in general. In Freud's younger years, Schorske wrote, historical understanding was ascendant in his thinking, but as he developed psychoanalysis as a universal doctrine based on a historical notions of the structure of the psyche, Freud left history behind. Those of us fortunate enough to study with Schorske at Wesleyan, Berkeley or Princeton, experienced his 'cooking with gas,' his extraordinarily energetic balance of the scholar and teacher, the intellectual and the activist. These were often moments of political engagement, but they were always mediated through a care for and attention to the texture and meaning of historical material. Under his guidance, history wasn't just an inert substance waiting for students to get interested in it. We learned from Carl Schorske how to ignite the past in order to create meaning for the present.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. S. Roth";"Energizing the elemental: Notes on a conversation with Carl E. Schorske";"American Imago";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
997;"This paper describes the case of an after-school program, focused on providing enrichment opportunities for neighborhood youth, jointly administered through an academic division and residential community within a large urban research university. The program, originally conceived as an activity-based after-school program for middle school youth, expanded in scope in response to both community and student needs. The resident faculty fellow in this community served as a liaison between the academic division and office of residential education, helping maintain continuity and facilitating effective student leadership of the program. In this case, we detail the origins and evolution of the program, including strategies used to resolve challenges that arose over several years of program implementation.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. A. Pyatak, J. Díaz and C. Delgado, Jr.";"Engage/Trojan Neighbors: A community service partnership between an academic division and residential community";"Work: Journal of Prevention, Assessment & Rehabilitation";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
998;"Objectives: The purposes of this study were (a) to describe the implementation of a poverty simulation, (b) to evaluate its use on nursing students attitudes about poverty, and (c) to offer lessons learned. Design and Sample: Using a mixed-method design, a convenience sample of senior undergraduate nursing students (n = 43) from a public university in a mid-Atlantic state participated in a poverty simulation experience. Students assumed the roles of real-life families and were given limited amounts of resources to survive in a simulated community. This simulation took place during a community health practicum clinical day. Measures: The short form of Attitudes about Poverty and Poor Populations Scale (APPPS) was adapted for this evaluation. This 21-item scale includes factors of personal deficiency, stigma, and structural perspective, which measures a range of diverse attitudes toward poverty and poor people. Results: The results of this evaluation demonstrated that nursing students viewed the poverty simulation as an effective teaching strategy and actively participated. In particular, nursing students scores on the factor of stigma of poverty demonstrated statistically significant changes. Conclusion: With proper planning, organization, and reflection, a poverty simulation experience can be a positive impetus for lifelong learning and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2012;"N. Patterson and L. J. Hulton";"Enhancing nursing students’ understanding of poverty through simulation";"Public Health Nursing";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
999;"Comments on several of the articles found in this special issue of Journal of Community Psychology focusing on youth and democracy. Power, roughly defined as the ability to act, is a prominent theme throughout most of these articles, both in terms of the processes and the outcomes of youth development activities. S. Evans' research (see record [rid]2007-11512-002[/rid]) suggests that voice and influence are necessary to connect youth to community in meaningful ways. R. J. Watts and C. Flanagan (see record [rid]2007-11512-007[/rid]) suggest that a 'sense of agency' may be what moves people to become engaged as opposed to remaining 'armchair activists.' J. Morsillo and I. Prilleltensky (see record [rid]2007-11512-004[/rid]) contend that youth engaged in civic action should have the opportunity to engage in 'empowering group processes' that allow them to articulate their own passions and determine how they will act upon them. I. Prilleltensky and D. R. Fox (see record [rid]2007-11512-008[/rid]) make the case that neither personal nor community wellness can be achieved without proper consideration of relevant power dynamics and that helping youth understand power dynamics is necessary so that one doesn't reinforce notions that legitimize injustice. N. Harré (see record [rid]2007-11512-003[/rid]), likewise, mentions the need for meaningful opportunities for youth engagement as well as the opportunity to reflect, to work with a group where they can feel a sense of belonging, to gain social recognition for their work, and to experience challenge as well as small victories. S. M. Pancer et al (see record [rid]2007-11512-005[/rid]) describe a need for environments that value and support youth involvement and adds that there must also be rewards for adults who believe in youth engagement. As highlighted by these articles, understanding how to promote independent, citizen-initiated civic engagement is a worthy object of consideration and study.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. E. Fleishman";"Enlivening and broadening participatory democracy: Reflections on youth and democracy articles";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1000;"There is increasing interest in 'moving upstream' in youth health promotion efforts to focus on building youth self-esteem, self-efficacy and civic engagement. Participatory Action Research (PAR) can be a powerful mechanism for galvanizing youth to become active agents of this change. Engaging youth in PAR and health promotion, however, is not always an easy task. This article describes a model (e-PAR) for using technology and Participatory Action Research to engage youth in community health promotion. The e-PAR Model was developed iteratively in collaboration with 57 youth and five community partners through seven projects. The Model is designed to be used with a group of youth working with a facilitator within a youth-serving organization. In addition to outlining the theoretical basis of the e-PAR Model, this article provides an overview of how the Model was developed along with implications for practice and research.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Flicker, O. Maley, A. Ridgley, S. Biscope, C. Lombardo and H. A. Skinner";"E-PAR: Using technology and participatory action research to engage youth in health promotion";"Action Research";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
1001;"Hirschman's (1970, 1993) theoretical constructs of Exit and Voice represent a useful way to think about citizenship. Exit refers to a desire to emigrate and can be construed as apolitical, private, and passive--a threat to citizenship--whereas Voice refers to political commitment and can be construed as ideal citizenship. A survey of 560 Bulgarian university students in 1998 explored their emphasis on Exit and Voice (as options for themselves in the future) and the association of each option with different economic, political, and psychological factors. One in four students wanted to emigrate, and half of them considered leaving the country for a period of time. Exit plans appeared mainly to be triggered by a wish to participate in the consumer culture, but were also associated with a critical view of the political system as well as a rejection of tradition in conjunction with a Western identity. Although most of the students shared vague or ideal Voice-related plans, few wanted to become actively involved in politics. An emphasis on Voice reflected not only a somewhat limited political engagement but also a more traditionalistic attitude associated with plans for a career and family. The findings indicate that a normative separation between Exit and Voice as theoretical concepts does not cover the complexities of the Bulgarian students' emigration and political involvement plans.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. Ådnanes";"Exit and/or Voice? Youth and Post-Communist Citizenship in Bulgaria";"Political Psychology";"Norway";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1002;"Universities have traditionally had a vested interest in the civic preparation of students. In order to understand the unique situation of this population of students in a university serving non-traditional community students, qualitative data was used to identify pathways and barriers associated with their civic engagement. Results suggest themes associated with time, knowledge, and access.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. M. Johnson-Hakim, C. M. Kirk, R. L. Rowley, A. D. Lien, J. P. Greenleaf and C. A. Burdsal";"Exploring civic engagement at an Urban commuter campus: Pathways and barriers";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1003;"Political elites provide a unique perspective on political socialization. By examining these individuals’ experiences and viewpoints, scholars have an opportunity to evaluate methods to increase political engagement among the mass public. This paper undertakes such an exploration using a 2013 mail survey of Electoral College members, specifically considering responses to an open-ended question about electors’ first political memories, accounting for respondents’ age, partisanship, and gender. This study finds that elites’ earliest political memories often involve electoral—particularly presidential—politics and note these findings’ implications for political socialization scholars.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. B. Yanus and K. O’Connor";"Exploring elites’ first political memories: A case study of presidential electors";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1004;"In what ways do online groups help to foster political engagement among citizens? We employ a multimethod design incorporating content analysis of online political group pages and original survey research of university undergraduates (n = 455) to assess the relationship between online political group membership and political engagement—measured through political knowledge and political participation surrounding the 2008 election. We find that participation in online political groups is strongly correlated with offline political participation, as a potential function of engaging members online. However, we fail to confirm that there is a corresponding positive relationship between participation in online political groups and political knowledge, likely due to low quality online group discussion.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Conroy, J. T. Feezell and M. Guerrero";"Facebook and political engagement: A study of online political group membership and offline political engagement";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1005;"This exploratory study aims to investigate the existing efforts in civic engagement using Facebook. Previous work describes the typical usage of Facebook for connecting with others, to educate and inform in a wide range of context. Little research exists, however, on the emerging role of Facebook as an enabler for civic engagement in a social network environment. With over one billion global Facebook users, there is emerging evidence that activists are making concerted efforts to utilize Facebook’s dynamic ability for addressing social issues. The present study conducted face-to-face interviews with twelve activists in examining how Facebook was used to conduct civic engagement activities that address social issues. The analysis was based on the five criteria of Internet activism, i.e. collection of information; publication of information; dialogue; coordinating actions and lobbying for decision makers. The results revealed that activists are using Facebook to seek information, check on others, follow links, post civic messages, promote social events, appeal for donations, call for volunteers, discuss social issues, schedule plans and advocate change. These findings indicate that activists are using Facebook to shape the traditional civic engagement landscape in an online realm. Future opportunities for this stream of research are then discussed before concluding.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. M. Warren, A. Sulaiman and N. I. Jaafar";"Facebook: The enabler of online civic engagement for activists";"Computers in Human Behavior";"Malaysia";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1006;"The aim of this paper was to re-introduce the issue of football supporters in Croatia, after two decades of absence from sociological field research, in four steps: first, by giving a brief explanation of the changes in Croatian society, secondly, by giving a brief overview of changes in modern football, thirdly, by describing the theoretical and methodological framework of Croatian research done in the past as well as by describing the contemporary theoretical context in which our research has been performed, and finally, by presenting the preliminary results of our ongoing research within the FP7 MYPLACE (Memory, Youth, Political Legacy and Civic Engagement) project. Croatian society passed through the painful process of war and transition, and football supporters strengthened their role as social actors particularly regarding their own formal structure which was not imaginable in a one-party system, as well as regarding social actions like protests, boycotts, demonstrations, petitions and other forms of resistance to the local and national political-economic elites of the new consumer society.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. Perasović and M. Mustapić";"Football supporters in the context of Croatian sociology: Research perspectives 20 years after";"Kinesiology";"Croatia";"CPE";"Youth"
1007;"Which form or forms of civic engagement have the most potential to involve young people in a socially-just diverse democracy? At a time when civic engagement will benefit from conceptual clarification, this paper addresses this question and some of the issues it raises. It analyzes four forms of youth civic engagement for a socially-just diverse democracy. It examines each one according to analytic categories, compares their similarities and differences, and raises questions for future work. It draws upon research in psychology, sociology, and other academic disciplines; and on intergroup relations, multicultural education, social work, and other professional fields. The expectation is that systematic analysis of these phenomena as a subject of study will contribute to the quality of their practice, and move discussion of civic engagement to the next level.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. Checkoway and A. Aldana";"Four forms of youth civic engagement for diverse democracy";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1008;"Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are 'crowding out' participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. An analysis of survey data shows that identification with other political consumers significantly enhances the relationship between political consumerism and traditional political engagement, particularly among younger generations of Americans. The authors argue that engaging in political consumerism alongside others provides an important opportunity for young citizens to develop the civic competencies necessary for engagement in the formal political sphere.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. R. Gotlieb and C. Wells";"From concerned shopper to dutiful citizen: Implications of individual and collective orientations toward political consumerism";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1009;"This study combines a media content analysis (N = 1158) and panel survey data (N = 1612) conducted during the Swedish 2010 national election campaign, to analyze the effects of both game-framed and issue-framed news on political cynicism, institutional trust, and political interest. The findings show that news framing matters. Whereas game-framed news increases cynicism and depresses interest, issue-framed news has mobilizing effects. Furthermore, by conceptually and empirically distinguishing frame exposure from motivated news attention as two different modes of news media use, the results show that the effects of exposure to game-framed and issue-framed news are distinct from motivated news attention. These findings suggest two different mechanisms behind media effects and shine new light on the spiral of cynicism–virtuous circle controversy.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Shehata";"Game frames, issue frames, and mobilization: Disentangling the effects of frame exposure and motivated news attention on political cynicism and engagement";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"Sweden";"CPE";"Youth"
1010;"The study examines gender disparities in civic engagement: volunteering, religious affiliation, and other group membership (such as social clubs, recreational groups, trade unions, commercial groups, professional organizations, or groups concerned with children like the PTA or boy scouts) as reflected in the National Epidemiologic Survey of Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC)—Waves 1 and 2 datasets collected in years 2001–2002 and 2004–2005. This comparison was conducted with special focus on female former offenders. After controlling for socio-demographic and mental health variables, adjusted odds ratios indicated that female former offenders were at increased likelihood to be civically disengaged than their male counterparts. Policy implications of study findings involving females offenders are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. T. Mahmood, M. G. Vaughn and S. W. Tyuse";"Gender disparity in civic engagement among former offenders in the U.S. Population";"American Journal of Criminal Justice";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1011;"This study was designed to examine gender differences in the political engagement of college students, in relation to perception of gender inequality, partisanship, issue involvement, and media use during the 2000 presidential and congressional campaign. A survey-based study of political engagement was conducted among 236 undergraduate students at a large northeastern university in Pennsylvania--a swing state--during the campaign. Findings support the theory that women with higher perception of gender inequality tend to be more politically engaged than women with lower perception gender inequality. Foreign policy as an issue of interest is important in this study because it is the only policy issue for which there was both a significant gender difference and a significant association with political engagement.";"Journal Article";2005;"A. G. Bernstein";"Gendered Characteristics of Political Engagement in College Students";"Sex Roles";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1012;"The focus of this chapter is to review the connection between civic engagement and education framed relative to the global increase and spread in Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs). Through a review of Robert Luskin's (1990) model of political sophistication and Thomas Lickona's (1991) model for fostering moral character development, a theory outlining TakinglTGlobal's perspective on the process by which civic engagement can be fostered in young people will be presented. When situated within the context of globalization and the rise of Web 2.0 technologies, the notion of civic engagement becomes increasingly entangled in global perspectives relating to the ecological, social, economic, political, and cultural implications of change. Effective integration of ICTs into learning contexts, both formal and informal, will serve as key components in the evolving arsenal of educators looking to build the fundamental literacies required to unpack and ultimately address global issues of public concern. In the final section of the chapter, approaches developed and implemented by TakinglTGlobal that address some of the key dimensions of global civic engagement will be used to provide points of discussion and departure for future research.";"Book Section";2012;"M. Furdyk and S. Keith";"Global education as a catalyst for social change";"New directions in social education research: The influence of technology and globalization on the lives of students.";"Canada";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1013;"In this article, I begin to unpack how urban physical activity space is being imagined by physical activity policy-makers. I review literature pertaining to youth, urban space and play, and I engage in a preliminary analysis of a small selection of government (Canada) and media communications to examine how space and health are represented discursively in policy texts. These representations of space and health are not necessarily new, but are appearing to become more prevalent in Canadian public health contexts as the 'panic' about youth crime and physical (in)activity escalates. I am concerned with how space is represented in policy texts and what space is called onto be(come) in the service of the new public health in Toronto, Canada. I examine how youth are discursively incited, and in what ways, to make use of, and to find salvation in, 'healthified' urban spaces. In current neoliberal and neo-conservative times, youth are increasingly called upon to engage in healthy living in spaces that are replete with discourses of 'healthification', civic engagement and consumerism. I conclude by suggesting that we need to pay attention to current investments in urban youth's active living space, how urban youth take up and/or refuse spatial inscriptions and prescriptions, and how youth imagine themselves as subjects of healthified urban spaces (that are best thought of in terms of a complicated network of hegemonic local and global interrelations).";"Journal Article";2007;"C. Fusco";"'Healthification' and the promises of urban space: A textual analysis of place, activity, youth (PLAY-ing) in the city";"International Review for the Sociology of Sport";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
1014;"Previous research on volunteering finds significant differences by race and social class. We augment these findings by examining a largely ignored measure of social class: tenure status, the distinction between renters and homeowners. We test a theory that predicts people volunteer more if they have a 'stake' in their community and we use the value of their home as a measure of the size of this stake, with renters having no stake at all, using data from the 2003 Panel Study of Income Dynamics. We find that although homeowners volunteer more than renters, the value of their home has no influence on their volunteer work. Length of residence in the neighborhood has a positive effect on volunteerism. Tenure status partially mediates the influence of race and family income on volunteering but not education.";"Journal Article";2010;"T. Rotolo, J. Wilson and M. E. Hughes";"Homeownership and volunteering: An alternative approach to studying social inequality and civic engagement";"Sociological Forum";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1015;"This study examined the role of emerging adult (EA) development variables and political self-regulation in predicting political attitudes and behaviors in college students. We tested a large multi-institutional sample in which EA-identity exploration predicted political attitude strength and EA-negativity/instability and other-focus predicted political information seeking and political orientation (liberal/conservative). Political self-regulatory style, both internalized and not, predicted political attitude strength, media usage, and political orientation. EA development variables and a more autonomous motivation for participating in the political process offer insight into fostering political engagement in young adults.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. Walker and E. Iverson";"Identity development and political self-regulation in emerging adult political attitudes and behavior";"Emerging Adulthood";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1016;"This special issue of Applied Developmental Science (ADS) spotlights civic engagement in immigrants, with an emphasis on immigrant youth whose engagement is important not only in the present but also in the future. This ADS issue brings a set of fresh interdisciplinary perspectives to the discourse on immigration and civic engagement by refraining the meaning of civic engagement and casting it within the contexts of the lives of different immigrant groups. The scholars in this volume point to the importance of numerous research dimensions. When it comes to the civic engagement of immigrants, it is important to take into account the following: (a) socioeconomic factors, (b) immigrant generation, (c) age or development, (d) country or culture of origin, (e) local or national occurrences, and (f) changing relations between sending and receiving countries. One way broadly to sum up these This volume concludes with commentaries by three prominent scholars. They situate the present topic within a broader discussion of civic engagement in general and migration research. They also affirm the need for more research on immigrant civic engagement to inform the broader and virtually daily public discussions of immigration and the polity.";"Journal Article";2008;"L. A. Jensen and C. A. Flanagan";"Immigrant civic engagement: New translations";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1017;"Immigrant youth and children of immigrants make up a large and increasing share of the nation’s population, and over the next few decades they will constitute a significant portion of the U.S. workforce. Robert Teranishi, Carola Suárez-Orozco, and Marcelo Suárez-Orozco argue that increasing their educational attainment, economic productivity, and civic engagement should thus be a national priority. Community colleges offer one particularly important venue for achieving this objective. Because they are conveniently located, cost much less than four-year colleges, feature open admissions, and accommodate students who work or have family responsibilities, community colleges are well suited to meet the educational needs of immigrants who want to obtain an affordable postsecondary education, learn English-language skills, and prepare for the labor market. The authors explore how community colleges can serve immigrant students more effectively. Already, more immigrant students attend community colleges than any other type of postsecondary institution. But community colleges could attract even more immigrant students through outreach programs that help them to apply and to navigate the financial aid system. Federal reforms should also allow financial aid to cover tuition for English as a Second Language courses. Community colleges themselves could raise funds to provide scholarships for immigrants and undocumented students. Although there are many good ideas for interventions that can boost enrollment and improve the performance of immigrant students in community colleges, rigorous research on effective programs is scant. The research community and community colleges need to work together closely to evaluate these programs with a view toward what works and why. Without such research, policy makers will find it difficult to improve the role of community colleges in increasing the educational achievement of immigrant students.";"Journal Article";2011;"R. T. Teranishi, C. Suárez-Orozco and M. Suárez-Orozco";"Immigrants in community colleges";"The Future of Children";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1018;"Service learning methodologies provide information systems students with the opportunity to create and implement systems in real-world, public service-oriented social contexts. This paper presents a case study of integrating a service learning project into an undergraduate Computer Information Systems course titled 'Information Systems' for the first time at the Hashemite University in Jordan. The project requires students to visit local non-profit and government agencies to learn about and to provide needed information systems services and solutions that are closely related to the specific course topics that they have come across during their course lectures. Students are required to brainstorm and suggest innovative ideas and to provide needed information systems services and solution based on tips and hints provided by the instructor and specialized consultants in the field. In these activities, students actively evaluate and analyze the complex contributors associated with understanding problem domains as well as design and implement real-world solutions. Student’s achievement in this project is evaluated through their academic supervisor, their community partners, and student’s reflection on their experience. This paper presents qualitative analysis of integrating service learning and civic engagement in this course, and highlights benefits, challenges, and recommendations for future implementation.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Al-Khasawneh and B. K. Hammad";"Implementation of service learning and civic engagement for computer information systems students through a course project at the Hashemite University";"Education for Information";"Jordan";"CPE";"Youth"
1019;"Background: Service-learning (S-L) is an educational approach that integrates community service with academic learning. S-L helps educate youth about their civic role and responsibility in society, and empowers them to tackle societal problems, strengthening communities through civic engagement. The objectives of this study were to demonstrate the effectiveness of S-L in fostering civic responsibility and communication skills in college students and to increase health literacy regarding iron-deficiency anemia (IDA) among both students and community women. Methods: This interventional exploratory study used a mixed methods approach. Thirteen first-year students from a women's college participated in the project. The authors held small interactive group sessions to teach the students about IDA and communication skills. A questionnaire measured the students' perceived knowledge about civic responsibility, communication skills, and IDA. The students then developed and delivered a health education campaign for sixty five community women and measured changes in the women's health literacy about IDA. A focus group discussion was conducted to collect students' reflections after the S-L experience. The changes in the civic responsibility and communication skills were determined by Wilcoxon rank test, while health literacy in women by a McNemar test. Results: Students showed significant improvement in all three constructs of civic responsibility and in perceptions of their communication skills. Increases in civic responsibility and in acquisition of knowledge emerged as the main themes of the focus group discussion with students. The community women showed substantial improvement in health literacy of IDA. Discussion: In this study, S-L achieves two purposes: (a) Increases students' knowledge of health topics, their sense of civic responsibility and improves their communication skills, and (b) educates women in the community about common and preventable health issues.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. A. Ayub, T. Jaffery, F. Aziz and M. Rahmat";"Improving health literacy of women about iron deficiency anemia and civic responsibility of students through service learning";"Education for Health: Change in Learning & Practice";"Pakistan";"CPE";"Youth"
1020;"The current chapter aims to increase student voice in school reform by building partnerships. The early findings from the research reviewed in this chapter demonstrate the ways in which including student voice could strengthen the implementation of educational change, increase attention to equity and personalized environments, improve civic engagement, and strengthen developmental outcomes for youth. The inclusion of students in the reform process therefore provides many potential benefits with little additional cost. Increasing student voice more broadly requires caution, however. Surface-level implementation could create greater alienation among young people by offering insincere gestures rather than authentic partnership. As with any educational change, the quality of implementation will prove to be as important as the merit of the idea itself.";"Book Section";2012;"D. T. Mitra";"Increasing student voice in school reform: Building partnerships, improving outcomes";"Handbook of implementation science for psychology in education.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1021;"There has been much debate surrounding the potential benefits and costs of online interaction. The present research argues that engagement with online discussion forums can have underappreciated benefits for users’ well-being and engagement in offline civic action, and that identification with other online forum users plays a key role in this regard. Users of a variety of online discussion forums participated in this study. We hypothesized and found that participants who felt their expectations had been exceeded by the forum reported higher levels of forum identification. Identification, in turn, predicted their satisfaction with life and involvement in offline civic activities. Formal analyses confirmed that identification served as a mediator for both of these outcomes. Importantly, whether the forum concerned a stigmatized topic moderated certain of these relationships. Findings are discussed in the context of theoretical and applied implications.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. F. Pendry and J. Salvatore";"Individual and social benefits of online discussion forums";"Computers in Human Behavior";"UK";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1022;"To redress the scourge of violent extremism, an array of policies, programs, and practices have been implemented. Yet, these initiatives could sometimes conflict with the preferences of individuals who may be susceptible to radicalization. To illustrate, some initiatives might challenge the values of these individuals. The degree to which these individuals feel significant or important might thus decrease—a decrease that has been shown to rouse the pursuit of violent radicalization. To prevent this complication, two studies were designed to uncover programs, policies, or practices that align to the preferences of people who may be more susceptible than average to violent radicalization. In Study 1, three individuals who had been charged with crimes related to terrorism, but had since relinquished extremism, were asked to suggest initiatives they feel could prevent violent radicalization in Australian Muslims. Similarly, in the second study, young Australian Muslim adults who rejected extremist ideologies were asked the same question. The participants advocated initiatives that foster tolerance towards diverse perspectives, inspire individuals to trust their values and intuition, encourage civic engagement, improve the credibility of imams, and enable people to derive strength from their community. A review of previous literature indicates that many of these initiatives might not only resonate with the preferences of individuals who may be vulnerable to violent extremism but could also foster a sense of significance and meaning in life—an experience that tends to prevent radicalization.";"Journal Article";2016;"R. B. M. Ali, S. A. Moss, K. Barrelle and P. Lentini";"Initiatives that counter violent radicalization but are perceived as suitable by targeted communities";"Journal of Police and Criminal Psychology";"Australia";"CPE";"Youth"
1023;"This study examines the short- and long-term impact of AmeriCorps participation on members' civic engagement, education, employment, and life skills. The analysis compares changes in the attitudes and behaviors of participants over time to those of individuals not enrolled in AmeriCorps, controlling for interest in national and community service, member and family demographics, and prior civic engagement. Results indicate that participation in AmeriCorps led to positive impacts on members, especially in the area of civic engagement, members' connection to community, knowledge about problems facing their community, and participation in community-based activities. AmeriCorps had some positive impacts on its members' employment-related outcomes. Few statistically significant impacts were found for measures of participants' attitude toward education or educational attainment, or for selected life skills measures. Within a subset of community service programs that incorporate a residential component for members, the study also uncovered a short-term negative impact of participation on members' appreciation for ethnic and cultural diversity, which disappeared over time. The implications of these findings for future research on national service are discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"P. Frumkin, J. Jastrzab, M. Vaaler, A. Greeney, R. T. Grimm, Jr., K. Cramer and N. Dietz";"Inside national service: AmeriCorps' impact on participants";"Journal of Policy Analysis and Management";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1024;"The positive impact of intergenerational civic engagement program models on age cohorts and individuals is evident. As a policy phenomenon, we will need to examine the implications that can contribute to the development and maintenance of this social planning model. Generations United, the U.S. intergenerational advocacy organization, prepared a summary of legislative action during the 108th Congress that, if passed, would reinforce intergenerational civic engagement models. Their action priorities reflect recommendations in three overriding policy initiatives that can affect the quality of intergenerational civic engagement initiatives in the United States. Generations United: (1) recommends the support of community learning centers and intergenerational shared sites; (2) encourages government resources to promote the Younger Americans Act that includes positive development of young people through intergenerational opportunities; (3) recommends the reauthorization of the Corporation for National and Community Service and an increase in funding for the expansion of demonstration projects under the Senior Corps program; (4) encourages restored funding for the social services block grant to its full level at $2.8 billion; (5) supports raising the income threshold and lowering the age requirement for foster grandparents to make more senior volunteers eligible for the program; (6) consistently publicized the importance of the LEGACY Bill that will provide access to safe affordable housing for grandparents and other relative-headed households; (7) supports allocation of additional Fair Housing Initiatives Programs (FHIP); and (8) encourages funds to grand-family education and a nationwide survey of the housing and service needs of grandparents and other relatives raising children. The growing needs of our most vulnerable populations demand that we create a national climate in which all generations are integrally involved in the planning process for social change in the twenty-first century and in which the concept of civic engagement and quality of life for all generations become the national norm throughout the United States.";"Book Section";2006;"S. Newman and R. Goff";"Intergenerational Relationships and Civic Engagement";"Civic engagement and the baby boomer generation: Research, policy, and practice perspectives.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1025;"In August 2006, the Foundation for Long Term Care (Albany, New York) received funding for a variant on service learning in elder care in which Boomers, other older adults, as well as college students would jointly engage in service-learning projects designed to address community needs in five different college towns and cities. This article reviews the historical antecedents to this project describing how it evolved from service of youth for the benefit of elders to the conceptualization of intergenerational service learning as service with elders. This new conceptualization ties in with Erikson's concept of generativity and the rising interest in civic engagement among elders. Recent research on the impact of volunteerism and health on an older population is reviewed, as is a summary of the different service-learning projects at each academic institution. This article discusses culminating evaluation findings on civic engagement, generativity, and satisfaction from participants at the five colleges in the project and describes challenges associated with evaluating outcomes of the diverse service-learning projects. Recommendations for future work are also discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. R. Hegeman, P. Roodin, K. A. Gilliland and K. B. Ó'Flathabháin";"Intergenerational service learning: Linking three generations: Concept, history, and outcome assessment";"Gerontology & Geriatrics Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1026;"Americans are living longer, and the meaning of age has changed, particularly for Boomers and seniors. These demographic changes have economic and social ramifications with implications for health care, including rehabilitation services, and health science education. Service learning is an experiential learning pedagogy that integrates traditional higher education with structured active learning experiences. This article reports on one intergenerational service learning program spanning 3 years. It was designed to facilitate community dialogue on fall prevention and active aging, and to provide intergenerational educational community-based experiences in occupational therapy professional education. The program additionally sought to promote students' understanding of aging and issues related to aging in place, students' professional development and civic engagement, and to encourage students to consider pursuing a career in occupational therapy gerontology practice.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. P. Horowitz, S. D. Wong and K. Dechello";"Intergenerational service learning: To promote active aging, and occupational therapy gerontology practice";"Gerontology & Geriatrics Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1027;"Objective: The authors explored the relation between adolescent reports of parental warmth and monitoring and the development of youth civic engagement. Design: Longitudinal data were collected from 759 14- and 15-year-olds and their parents in the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development. Results: Two-group latent variable models indicated that perceived parental monitoring predicted future civic engagement among males, whereas perceived parental warmth predicted future civic engagement among females. Adolescent reports of parenting did not predict change in civic engagement. Conclusion: Adolescent reports of parenting contribute to youth civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"N. Bebiroglu, G. J. Geldhof, E. E. Pinderhughes, E. Phelps and R. M. Lerner";"From family to society: The role of perceived parenting behaviors in promoting youth civic engagement";"Parenting: Science and Practice";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1028;"This article focuses on the design and use of networked technologies to create learning environments to foster the civic engagement of youth. First, we briefly describe the Zora three-dimensional multiuser environment that engages children in the design of a graphical virtual city and its social organization. Anecdotal data are then used to help define different aspects of civic engagement, namely civic actions and civic discourse. Finally, we present descriptive results from a pilot study of young people using Zora in the context of a multicultural summer camp for youth. During this experience, children developed a virtual community that became a safe space for experimenting with decision-making, self-organization, and civic conversations, as well as for testing democratic values, behaviors, and attitudes. Using Zora as a case study, this article shows the potential of networked technologies to facilitate different aspects of young people's civic development.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. U. Bers and C. Chau";"Fostering Civic Engagement by Building a Virtual City";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1029;"American youth who participate in both school-based and community based programs during high school remain more civically engaged than their contemporaries throughout adulthood. However, few studies have examined the developmental processes through which participation in a youth directed program promotes civic responsibility. In this qualitative study, 23 males and 9 females took part in one of jive focus groups to talk about their experiences as members of a youth empowerment center in the southwest. The results reveal a three-phased process model of development from program participant to civically engaged youth. Each of the three phases, participation, connection and expansion, is explained using the words and examples provided by the youth. Implications for application and future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. Borden and J. Serido";"From program participant to engaged citizen: A developmental journey";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1030;"Comments on an article by Heather Malin et al. (see record [rid]2015-26289-004[/rid]). Malin et al. introduce a new idea to existing scholarship on youth civic engagement. They label this new concept civic purpose and define it as a sustained intention to contribute to the world beyond the self through civic or political action. Malin & colleagues view purpose as a life-organizing aim with personal and social benefits. Indeed, having purpose has been routinely discussed as a developmental asset for positive youth development, and a compelling research literature supports these claims, linking purpose with indicators of psychological health and positive behavior during adolescence. The notion of civic purpose as introduced by Malin et al. reflects an innovative idea that expands and strengthens existing scholarship on civic engagement. The aim in this commentary was to suggest that, as the study of civic purpose unfolds, it would be wise to consider simultaneously the characteristics of those who have it and the challenges facing those for whom it has not yet fully mater.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. L. Burrow";"Illuminating pathways to civic purpose: Commentary on Malin, Ballard, and Damon";"Human Development";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1031;"Hopeful expectations for the future have been shown to play an important role in the positive development of youth, including youth contributions to society. Although theory and some research suggest that familial socialization may influence future-oriented cognitions, little work has focused on the possible interrelation of parent– child relationships and the development of hope, particularly during adolescence. Accordingly, the first goal of this study was to identify developmental profiles of youth with respect to hopeful future expectations (HFE) and parental trust across adolescence. Next, we explored whether these developmental trajectories were related to youth Contribution, indexed by community leadership, service, and helping attitudes and behaviors. We used growth mixture modeling to simultaneously examine trajectories of adolescents’ perceived connections with parents (indexed by parent trust) and HFE among 1,432 participants (59 % female) from Waves 3 through 6 (Grades 7 through 10) of the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development. A four-profile model provided the best fit to the data, with the following profiles: Moderate HFE/U-shaped Trust; Moderate HFE/Increasing Trust; Both Decreasing; and Both High Stable profiles. We then explored whether hope-trust profiles were related to youth Contribution in Wave 7. Contrary to hypotheses, results indicated that the profile reflecting the greatest discrepancy in HFE and trust across early to middle adolescence (i.e., Moderate Hope/U-shaped Trust) was associated with the highest mean Contribution scores. The implications of the findings for future theory and research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. S. Callina, S. K. Johnson, M. H. Buckingham and R. M. Lerner";"Hope in context: Developmental profiles of trust, hopeful future expectations, and civic engagement across adolescence";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1032;"Inclusive participation is a primary component of civil society. Yet opportunities and pathways for youth civic engagement remain limited for youth. This limitation has been significantly influenced by the daily segregation of youth from adults, negative public beliefs about adolescents, and stereotypes, both negative and overly romantic, about the capabilities of adolescents. However, this state of affairs is being challenged by youth and adults across the county. Five contemporary pathways for youth civic engagement are described: public policy/consultation, community coalition involvement, youth in organizational decision making, youth organizing and activism, and school-based service learning. Three overarching qualities among these 5 pathways are also discussed: youth ownership, youth-adult partnership, and facilitative policies and structures.";"Journal Article";2002;"L. Camino and S. Zeldin";"From periphery to center: Pathways for youth civic engagement in the day-to-day life of communities";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1033;"Research examining youths’ political development mostly focused on young people as a general group; comparatively less attention has been devoted to the examination of gender pathways toward citizenship. Two studies were conducted addressing (a) the role of parents’ participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and age group (n = 1419) and (b) the role of adolescent social and civic participation and the moderating role of adolescent gender and type of school (n = 1871). Results confirmed the gender gap in political interest and in the use of the Internet for political participation, while no differences emerged for political activity and voting intentions. Adolescents’ political engagement and participation are influenced by parents’ participation (especially among girls) and by adolescents’ social and civic participation (especially among boys). The impact of adolescents’ social and civic participation on conventional participation (voting intentions) is partially mediated by sense of community and institutional trust.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Cicognani, B. Zani, B. Fournier, C. Gavray and M. Born";"Gender differences in youths' political engagement and participation. The role of parents and of adolescents’ social and civic participation";"Journal of Adolescence";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
1034;"Identity formation is a core developmental task of adolescence. Adolescents can rely on different social-cognitive styles to seek, process, and encode self-relevant information: information-oriented, normative, and diffuse-avoidant identity styles. The reliance on different styles might impact adolescents’ adjustment and their active involvement in the society. The purpose of this study was to examine whether adolescents with different identity styles report differences in positive youth development (analyzed with the Five Cs—Competence, Confidence, Character, Connection, and Caring—model) and in various forms of civic engagement (i.e., involvement in school self-government activities, volunteering activities, youth political organizations, and youth non-political organizations). The participants were 1,633 (54.1 % female) 14–19 years old adolescents (Mage = 16.56, SDage = 1.22). The findings indicated that adolescents with different identity styles differed significantly on all the Five Cs and on two (i.e., involvement in volunteering activities and in youth non-political organizations) forms of civic engagement. Briefly, adolescents with an information-oriented style reported high levels of both the Five Cs and civic engagement; participants with a normative style reported moderate to high scores on the Five Cs but low rates of civic engagement; diffuse-avoidant respondents scored low both on the Five Cs and on civic engagement. These findings suggest that the information-oriented style, contrary to the diffuse-avoidant one, has beneficial effects for both the individual and the community, while the normative style has quite beneficial effects for the individual but not for his/her community. Concluding, adolescents with different identity styles display meaningful differences in positive youth development and in rates of civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Crocetti, R. Erentaitė and R. Žukauskienė";"Identity styles, positive youth development, and civic engagement in adolescence";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"Netherlands";"CPE";"YT"
1035;"The purpose of this study was to examine the links between identity (statuses and processes) and adolescent civic engagement (volunteer and political participation). Participants were 392 Italian high school students (42% males) aged 14–20 years (Mage = 16.23 years; SDage = 1.53) who completed a self-report questionnaire. First, using a person-centered approach, we found that achieved adolescents were more involved in volunteer activities, reported higher civic efficacy, and stronger aspirations to contribute to their communities than their diffused counterparts. Second, by means of a variable-centered approach, we demonstrated that the link between identity processes (i.e., commitment and in-depth exploration) and past and future volunteer and political participation was mediated by social responsibility. Implications of the findings for current understanding of the link between adolescent identity formation and civic engagement are discussed and suggestions for future research are outlined.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Crocetti, P. Jahromi and W. Meeus";"Identity and civic engagement in adolescence";"Journal of Adolescence";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
1036;"Global Perspectives on Well-Being in Immigrant Families stands apart from current edited books by focusing mainly on immigrants coming to countries other than the United States, and on the experiences of children, adolescents, and young adults. Its international panel of experts addresses the complexities of acculturation in individual and family contexts, and explores how key factors, such as education, home environment, parenting issues, and discrimination, contribute to optimal or unsuccessful adjustment. Findings on acculturation orientations, acculturation outcomes, religiosity, ethnic and racial socialization, parenting practices and attachment, identity management strategies, political and civic engagement among immigrant children and youth are presented. In our conclusions we clarify how cultural adaptation can be studied based on the results of the current volume. With its innovative and cutting-edge approaches to theoretical and methodological concerns, Global Perspectives on Well-Being in Immigrant Families offers up-to-date evidence and insights for researchers and practitioners in the fields of developmental psychology, cross-cultural psychology, family studies, gender studies, sociology, social work, and counseling.";"Book";2014;"R. Dimitrova, M. Bender and F. van de Vijver";"Global perspectives on well-being in immigrant families";"Advances in immigrant family research";"Netherlands";"CPE";"YT"
1037;"Purpose: This study examined the ability of adolescent connection in family and community contexts to promote an aspect of healthy youth development and transition into adulthood, civic engagement. Methods: Data are from Wave 1 (1995) and Wave 3 (2001–2002) of the in-home interviews from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. The sample for this study included 9130 young adults aged 18–26 years. Linear and logistic regression models were used to measure the influence of connection in family and community contexts (Wave 1) on outcomes of civic engagement in young adulthood (Wave 3). Results: Stronger connection in all family and community contexts during adolescence predicted greater likelihood of voting, community volunteer service, involvement in social action/solidarity groups, education groups, and/or conservation groups, and endorsement of civic trust in young adulthood. Select connections in family and community contexts were also significant predictors of political voice/involvement and blood product donation. In a final multivariate model, frequency of shared activities with parent(s) and school connection during adolescence emerged as unique predictors of young adult civic engagement. Conclusions: Connections in family and community contexts during adolescence promote healthy youth development through facilitation of multiple aspects of civic engagement in young adulthood. The importance of these connections in fostering youth capacity to bond to a broader community construct is discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"N. N. Duke, C. L. Skay, S. L. Pettingell and I. W. Borowsky";"From adolescent connections to social capital: Predictors of civic engagement in young adulthood";"Journal of Adolescent Health";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1038;"Examined the effects of tertiary education on the social and civic engagement of youth. The social and civic activity of 470 young adults were observed during the year before entering tertiary education, at age 17 or 18 yrs, and at completion of tertiary education, at age 22 or 23 yrs. Results show that the social and civic engagement of young people who entered higher education was higher in their late adolescence than that of their peers who did not enter. However, higher education exerted a small additional effect on civic engagement, for both young and mature students. The children of professionals were the social grouping most likely to be involved in civic activities. The relationship of higher education, professional occupations and family socialization is discussed.";"Journal Article";2002;"M. Egerton";"Higher education and civic engagement";"British Journal of Sociology";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1039;"In their study of the factors that explain Americans' participation in collective action, Verba and his colleagues are (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995) question the logic of rational choice theories that hold that citizens will refrain from activity on behalf of a collective good. Because individuals reap the benefits of collective goods whether or not they participate in the political process, rational choice theory suggests that it is smart for citizens to save their resources and abstain from community involvement, to 'take a free ride.' This chapter argues that participation in community-based or neighborhood organizations (hereafter referred to as CBOs or CBYOs for community-based youth organizations) nurtures a civic ethic in young people. By engaging in such groups, youths learn that 'bearing the cost becomes part of the benefit' (Verba et al., 1995, pp. 100-103). The chapter discusses three reasons for the role these groups play in civic engagement and shows that each is a way in which CBOs nurture morality. First, CBOs provide a structured outlet for leisure time, including a prosocial reference group of peers and adult mentors who are typically models of moral behavior. Second, CBOs provide opportunities to work toward goals that are collectively defined in a context where the status of all members is relatively equal. Third, CBOs develop social trust. Their potential for extending the radius of humanity that youths trust and for whom they feel responsible depends on how much diversity exists within the organization and on the range of other groups in the community with which members of the organization interact. In this sense, CBOs do provide institutional support for morality. Instead of promoting a 'free ride,' they nurture in youths a belief that bearing the cost is part of the benefit.";"Book Section";2004;"C. Flanagan";"Institutional Support for Morality: Community-based and Neighborhood Organizations";"Nurturing morality.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1040;"The purpose of this study was to investigate a) the relations between different types of civic behaviors and middle school students’ perceptions of school climate, and b) the compositional effects of student civic engagement on setting-level school climate perceptions. Using a sample of 4,073 students in 11 public schools from a southeastern state, multilevel regression analyses found that, in general, civic behaviors were positively associated with school climate outcomes at the individual and setting level. However, certain types of civic behavior were negatively associated with desired school climate outcomes at both levels. These findings suggest a complicated relationship between student civic engagement and school climate, and imply that schools and adult leaders may need to carefully consider the types of opportunities for civic engagement provided to students.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. D. Geller, A. Voight, H. Wegman and M. Nation";"How do varying types of youth civic engagement relate to perceptions of school climate?";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1041;"Notwithstanding the voluminous studies of Hong Kong’s anticorruption experience and the admiration the ICAC has earned from other governments as a model for 'institutional engineering,' little is known about how the public in Hong Kong has perceived and responded to corruption. Less clear is what factors beyond a powerful and independent anticorruption agency have made the Hong Kong experience possible. Drawing on original survey data collected in Hong Kong in 2010–2011, this study investigates what determines individual propensities to accept or reject corruption and explores the role of a zero-tolerance culture in preventing corruption. Evidence confirms the existence of a low tolerance for corruption in Hong Kong. It also reveals a more significant impact of informal institutions than formal ones on corruption tolerance levels. As the very first study of zero tolerance of corruption, this research adds considerable depth to our understanding of why Hong Kong has become one of the most corruption-free societies in the world and of the importance of civic engagement in deterring actual and potential corruption.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. Gong and S. Wang";"Indicators and implications of zero tolerance of corruption: The case of Hong Kong";"Social Indicators Research";"Hong Kong";"CPE";"YT"
1042;"This study examines how queer young people in Australia are engaging in an online community to address their marginalisation and oppression. Drawing on an analysis of online forums and in-depth interviews with 14 participants, we use Durkheim's concept of egoism and the social model of disability to analyse the role and impact of the online community. The findings indicate that the community not only provides a sense of belonging for the participants and reduces their experiences of isolation, but also connects them to resources and networking opportunities that foster political participation. In this way, the online community operates as a space for young people to understand and potentially overcome their experiences of egoism and marginality. It helps them to reach the realisation that it is not them but the heteronormative ‘society’ that is the problem. In doing so, the online community provides young people with the emotional resources and social capital to do something to address their marginalisation.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. Hanckel and A. Morris";"Finding community and contesting heteronormativity: Queer young people's engagement in an Australian online community";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPECPP";"YT"
1043;"This chapter will first focus on immigrant youth's rates of civic and political participation. This will be followed by a description of their motives for participating, with special attention to the extent to which having a cultural or ethnic identity is a motivator. Then, we will turn to the question of community and societal reactions to the cultural, ethnic, and racial backgrounds of immigrant youth. Specifically, a number of studies have addressed the impact of discrimination on immigrant youth's identities and their civic and political lives. Next, the chapter will consider how being an immigrant youth may intersect in distinctive ways with the developmental contexts of family, religious institutions, and media in either encouraging or diminishing civic and political engagement. Finally, in the conclusion, we will consider the implications for policy and American civil society of the available research.";"Book Section";2010;"L. A. Jensen";"Immigrant youth in the United States: Coming of age among diverse civic cultures";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1044;"This study aims to show the role of Internet literacy in empowering digital natives’ civic engagement. Using a survey of 10th graders, we analyzed the effects of digital media use and Internet literacy on adolescents’ political and social interest, participation, and efficacy, controlling for their home and school environments. In doing so, we try to highlight the following points. First, we emphasize that there are two separate dimensions of Internet literacy: Internet skill literacy and Internet information literacy. Second, we adopt a broader concept of civic engagement reflecting the changing youth practices observed in the contemporary media environment. The study empirically found that Internet information literacy, not Internet skill literacy, is intricately related to adolescents’ civic engagement. It was also shown that adolescents’ Internet use contributed only to new and alternative forms of participation. Overall, the findings show that an adolescent who can critically understand and effectively evaluate online information is more likely to become an active civic participant than one who lacks such skills. The study concludes with a few policy suggestions.";"Journal Article";2016;"E.-m. Kim and S. Yang";"Internet literacy and digital natives’ civic engagement: Internet skill literacy or Internet information literacy?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Korea";"CPE";"YT"
1045;"Sociologists have frequently cited the importance of the local institutional base for bolstering social organization and control, and ultimately reducing crime rates. Local noneconomic institutions may be particularly relevant to controlling urban Black crime rates, because in the face of limited access to the legitimate labor force, access to institutions such as churches and civic organizations helps to extend social networks, increase civic engagement, transmit mainstream norms, and provide a forum from which to address community problems. This analysis examines the links between measures of access to such noneconomic institutions and Black homicide rates for a sample of large urban areas circa 1990. The results indicate that after controlling for socioeconomic disadvantage, racial inequality and various other relevant measures, institutional access is negatively associated with Black homicide rates. However, this violence constraining impact appears to be most dramatic in urban areas where Blacks are most highly segregated from Whites. Implications of these results are discussed.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. R. Lee and G. C. Ousey";"Institutional Access, Residential Segregation, and Urban Black Homicide";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1046;"Research on youth civic engagement focuses on individual-level predictors. We examined individual-and school-level characteristics, including family affluence, democratic school social climate and perceived neighborhood social capital, in their relation to civic engagement of 15-year-old students. Data were taken from the 2006 World Health Organization Health Behaviour in School-aged Children survey. A sample of 8,077 adolescents in 10th grade from five countries (Belgium, Canada, Italy, Romania, England) were assessed. Multilevel models were analyzed for each country and across the entire sample. Results showed that family affluence, democratic school climate and perceived neighborhood social capital positively related to participation in community organizations. These links were stronger at the aggregate contextual than individual level and varied by country. Canadian youth participated most and Romanian youth least of the five countries. Gender predicted engagement in two countries (girls participate more in Canada, boys in Italy). Findings showed significant contributions of the social environment to adolescents’ engagement in their communities.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Lenzi, A. Vieno, D. D. Perkins, M. Santinello, F. J. Elgar, A. Morgan and S. Mazzardis";"Family affluence, school and neighborhood contexts and adolescents’ civic engagement: A cross-national study";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1047;"Civic engagement, defined as involvement in community life, is influenced by reciprocal relationships between individuals and contexts and is a key factor that contributes to positive youth development. The present study evaluates a theoretical model linking perceived democratic school climate with adolescent civic engagement (operationalized as civic responsibility and intentions for future participation), taking into account the mediating role of civic discussions and perceived fairness at school. Participants were 403 adolescents (47.9% male) ranging in age from 11 to 15 years old (mean age = 13.6). Path analysis results partially validated the proposed theoretical model. Higher levels of democratic school climate were associated with higher levels of adolescent civic responsibility; the association was fully mediated by civic discussions and perceived fairness at school. Adolescents’ civic responsibility, then, was positively associated with a stronger intention to participate in the civic domain in the future.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Lenzi, A. Vieno, J. Sharkey, A. Mayworm, L. Scacchi, M. Pastore and M. Santinello";"How school can teach civic engagement besides civic education: The role of democratic school climate";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"Italy";"CPEAct";"YT"
1048;"The study of civic activity has become a central focus for many social scientists over the past decade, generating considerable research and debate. Previous studies have largely overlooked the role of youth socialization into civic life, most notably in the settings of home and school. Further, differences along gender lines in civic capacity have not been given sufficient attention in past studies. This study adds to the literature by examining the potential pathways in the development of youth civic activity and potential, utilizing both gender-neutral and gender-specific structural equation modeling of data from the 1996 National Household Education Survey. Results indicate that involvement by parents in their child s schooling plays a crucial, mediating role in the relationship between adult and youth civic activity. Gender differences are minimal; thus adult school involvement is crucial for transmitting civic culture from parents to both female and male youth.";"Journal Article";2010;"T. L. Matthews, L. M. Hempel and F. M. Howell";"Gender and the transmission of civic engagement: Assessing the influences on youth civic activity";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1049;"Individuals frequently perceive positive changes in themselves following adversity; after a collective trauma, they may perceive such benefits in others or in their society as well. We examined perceived benefits of the September 11, 2001 (9/11) terrorist attacks in a 3-year study of a national sample of adults (N =1,382). Many individuals (57.8%) perceived social benefits of 9/11, including increased prosocial behavior, religiousness, or political engagement. Individuals who found increased national religiosity as a benefit 2 months post-9/11 reported greater positive affect and life satisfaction and lower distress and posttraumatic stress up to 3 years post-9/11. Pre-9/11 religiousness and Republican political affiliation predicted perceiving religion-related social benefits post-9/11. Perceptions of social change are important but understudied responses to stressful events.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. J. Poulin, R. C. Silver, V. Gil-Rivas, E. A. Holman and D. N. McIntosh";"Finding social benefits after a collective trauma: Perceiving societal changes and well-being following 9/11";"Journal of Traumatic Stress";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1050;"This longitudinal study aimed to investigate the contributions of family functioning (in terms of support and control) to the development of civic engagement in term of personal values (i.e., values related to health, school, religion, and disapproval of deviance) as well as participation in groups that pursue cultural, religious-volunteer, and sport goals. The study controlled for sociodemographic factors, such as parental level of education and integrity of the family. Two waves of data were collected among 175 Italian late adolescents at a one-year interval. Hierarchical regression analyses showed that the average level of parental support positively related to both health value and religion value; increased parental control positively related to health value and disapproval of deviance; and average levels of both parental support and control positively related to religious-volunteer group. However, increased parental support negatively related to participation in a cultural group. The discussion focused on the important role of the family in current Italian society for youth socialization in regard to civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Rabaglietti, A. Roggero, T. Begotti, G. Borca and S. Ciairano";"Family functioning's contributions to values and group participation in Italian late adolescents: A longitudinal study";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1051;"This chapter describes a newly defined and interdisciplinary construct we argue is necessary for understanding the conditions that promote or hinder youth civic engagement. Informed social reflection integrates three psychological domains that can be examined from the combined perspectives of developmental and cultural or contextual psychological theory: civic orientation, ethical awareness, and historical understanding. We begin this chapter with a general framework for the integration of practice and theory as it directs research on the ontogeny of civic, ethical, and historical consciousness. In the section that follows, we explore how our earlier assessment of the impact of one learning organization, the Facing History and Ourselves program (hereafter, Facing History), inspired research using this theory. The third section describes how the theory has evolved over time through exchange with and inspiration from practice, first as a vehicle for the understanding of how adolescents make civic and ethical choices, and then through the translation of such findings into tools for both educational evaluation of program impact and for the assessment of students' social learning and development";"Book Section";2010;"R. L. Selman and J. Kwok";"Informed social reflection: Its development and importance for adolescents' civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1052;"The organization of this Handbook reflects the field of research and policy on youth civic engagement. It is organized into three sections: global and multidisciplinary perspectives; development, socialization, and diversity; and methods and measures. The chapters in this Handbook explore the dimensions of international comparisons that are important to contemporary research on youth civic engagement.";"Book";2010;"L. R. Sherrod, J. Torney-Purta and C. A. Flanagan";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
1053;"The last 6 decades of empirical research on civic engagement among young people living in democracies and of the recognition of international human rights have seen the achievement of many milestones. This article focuses on some connections between these 2 areas and examines the ways in which everyday settings such as neighborhoods and the schools that exist within them can foster support for human rights (especially the practice of participatory rights) among adolescents. Secondary analysis of the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement Civic Education (CIVED) Study (data collected in 1999 from nationally representative samples of 14-year-olds in 28 countries) is presented. A cluster analysis of 12 attitudinal scales in 5 countries sharing the Western European tradition (Australia, England, Finland, Sweden, and the United States) is presented. A new conceptual model is also introduced, a modification of Super and Harkness’s Developmental Niche. This model frames an analysis unpacking some findings from the CIVED Study and focusing on the everyday experiences and neighborhood niches for the development of participatory human rights. The larger message is that research on social justice attitudes among young people is a valuable form of social advocacy and action.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Torney‐Purta and C. Barber";"Fostering young people’s support for participatory human rights through their developmental niches";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1054;"The risky driving tendencies of young drivers has been extensively researched, but much less is known about across-time patterns of risky driving behavior and the factors which influence these. This study identified factors associated with stable, increasing and decreasing risky driving trajectories among 751 Australian drivers participating in an ongoing longitudinal study. Five groups were formed on the basis of participants’ patterns of risky driving from 19–20 to 27–28 years (i.e., stable low-risk, stable speeding, stable high-risk, increasing and decreasing). Very few participants exhibited a stable high-risk pattern. Characteristics that differentiated the different across-time groups were identified using Multinomial Logistic Regression. The most consistent correlates of risky driving patterns were antisocial behavior, binge drinking and relationship status. Sex, school completion, temperament, civic engagement, and antisocial peer friendships were also correlated with different across-time patterns. The implications of these findings for road safety are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. Vassallo, J. Lahausse and B. Edwards";"Factors affecting stability and change in risky driving from late adolescence to the late twenties";"Accident Analysis and Prevention";"Australia";"CPE";"YT"
1055;"As discussed in the Foreword to this volume, our intent was to stimulate discussion about the purpose of schooling in the two North American nations of Canada and the United States. In their reflections and discussions on public schooling, the most important priority for essayists is improving human interactions. In particular, they emphasize celebrating diversity (of thought, of curriculum, of demographics); faith in young people's abilities; dialogue and communication among people at various levels of society; and the ideas of respect, trust, and nurturance of others. Included in this interaction is the notion of student safety in schools—both safety to take risks, and physical and emotional safety from bullying and harassment. Additionally, all essayists discuss issues of how to apply education and schooling in real-world settings, either in terms of specific skills or literacies; relevance to the changing social, political, and economic realities young people are facing; or in terms of a general ability to have a wide array of opportunities and have freedom and choice about the trajectory of their lives. An important expression of these real-world applications is the desire that young people apply their potential, talents, assets, and voices to civic engagement and leadership.";"Book Section";2013;"J. L. View, D. Laitsch and P. Earley";"Final observations";"Why public schools? Voices from the United States and Canada.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1056;"As we know from frequently cited statistics on voter participation, not all Canadians feel, at least not where voting is concerned. Voter turnout for the 2004 Canadian federal elections was 60.9 per cent, the lowest in the history of Canada. Several studies have found a strong correlation between voting and other forms of civic engagement such as community organizing and protesting. Despite millennial debates over the meaning and potential for democracy, most philosophers, political theorists, and educators agree that citizens of a democracy engage in decisions that affect their lives. And we have no shortage of such pressing decisions. In the past year alone, Canadians have wrestled with a host of social policy concerns that call for the kind of rigorous public debates that are the hallmark of democracy. The media carry a variety of views and perspectives. Through election campaigns, a free press, and community discourse, politicians and the broader public debate policies most prominent in the minds of the people they are likely to affect. If we are to assess the capacity of schools to undertake the essential and demanding task of educating young people as democratic citizens, it seems important to examine the tensions that underlie these efforts.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. Cook and J. Westheimer";"Introduction: Democracy and education";"Canadian Journal of Education";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
1057;"This study examines if Facebook, one of the most popular social network sites among college students in the U.S., is related to attitudes and behaviors that enhance individuals’ social capital. Using data from a random web survey of college students across Texas (n = 2, 603), we find positive relationships between intensity of Facebook use and students’ life satisfaction, social trust, civic engagement, and political participation. While these findings should ease the concerns of those who fear that Facebook has mostly negative effects on young adults, the positive and significant associations between Facebook variables and social capital were small, suggesting that online social networks are not the most effective solution for youth disengagement from civic duty and democracy.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. Valenzuela, N. Park and K. F. Kee";"Is there social capital in a social network site?: Facebook use and college students' life satisfaction, trust, and participation";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1058;"In the 2008 U.S. presidential election, social network sites such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. But do political activities on Facebook affect political participation among young voters, a group traditionally perceived as apathetic in regard to civic engagement? Or do these activities represent another example of feel-good participation that has little realworld impact, a concept often referred to as 'slacktivism'? Results from a survey of undergraduate students (N = 683) at a large public university in the Midwestern United States conducted in the month prior to the election found that students tend to engage in lightweight political participation both on Facebook and in other venues. Furthermore, two OLS regressions found that political activity on Facebook (e.g., posting a politically oriented status update, becoming a 'fan' of a candidate) is a significant predictor of other forms of political participation (e.g., volunteering for an organizing, signing a paper or online petition), and that a number of factors—including intensity of Facebook use and the political activity users see their friends performing on the site—predict political activity on Facebook. Students’ perceptions regarding the appropriateness of political activity on Facebook, as well as the specific kinds of political activities they engaged in and witnessed within the site, were also explored.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Vitak, P. Zube, A. Smock, C. T. Carr, N. Ellison and C. Lampe";"It’s complicated: Facebook users’ political participation in the 2008 election";"Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1059;"The aim of this study was to describe civic patterns of engagement of Latino first- and second-generation (immigrant-origin) young adults and to provide insights into what differentiates these patterns. Based on 58 in-depth interviews with 18- to 25-year-olds of Dominican, Mexican, and Central American origin, the authors first established variations in different levels of civic engagement profiles. The authors then analyzed the characteristics that distinguish these civic profiles, considering demographic variables (generation, gender, education level, and undocumented status) as well as motivations for civic engagement. Two thirds of first- and second-generation participants were actively engaged, though variations in patterns emerged across civic profiles; undocumented status appeared a particularly salient driver of engagement. The authors found that rather than being instrumentally and individually motivated, Latino immigrant-origin young adults were primarily motivated to be civically engaged by social responsibility as well as by social (in)justices.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Suárez-Orozco, M. G. Hernández and S. Casanova";"'It’s sort of my calling': The civic engagement and social responsibility of Latino immigrant-origin young adults";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1060;"Background/Context: This essay is part of a special issue that emerges from a year-long faculty seminar at Teachers College, Columbia University. The seminar’s purpose has been to examine in fresh terms the nexus of globalization, education, and citizenship. Participants come from diverse fields of research and practice, among them art education, comparative education, curriculum and teaching, language studies, philosophy of education, social studies, and technology. They bring to the table different scholarly frameworks drawn from the social sciences and humanities. They accepted invitations to participate because of their respective research interests, all of which touch on education in a globalized world. They were also intrigued by an all-too-rare opportunity to study in seminar conditions with colleagues from different fields, with whom they might otherwise never interact given the harried conditions of university life today. Participants found the seminar generative in terms of ideas about globalization, education, and citizenship. Participants also appreciated what, for them, became a novel and rich occasion for professional and personal growth. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: The goal of this paper is to open up a dialogic space where educators can learn from and with transnational immigrant youth who are already participating in civic learning opportunities as local and global citizens in and beyond the sphere of schools. Drawing on data from two qualitative research studies, I discuss the global lifestyle and civic engagement of Kwame, one transnational immigrant youth, who lives in New York and maintains close ties to Africa. The relationship between his transnational immigrant identity and civic engagement provide insights into how he is constructing, negotiating, and contesting citizenship norms, K–16 civic learning opportunities, and new technologies of civic engagement for the betterment of diverse democratic societies. Conclusion/Recommendations: The author argues that, in the midst of contentious debates on immigration and (mis)representations of immigrants in the media, dialogic spaces between and among educators and transnational immigrant youth can be created to grapple with notions of globalization, education, and citizenship. Moreover, as schools also serve as public civic space, educators can focus on engaging transnational immigrant youth’s daily experiences and knowledge in the curriculum. In so doing, the curriculum opens up opportunities for teachers and students to dialogue and learn about what is already happening with youth to further encourage, motivate, and sustain youth’s civic engagement at local, national, and global levels. Such learning carries the potential of a diverse action-oriented educated citizenry committed to human rights in a globalized world.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. G. Knight";"'It's already happening': Learning from civically engaged transnational immigrant youth";"Teachers College Record";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1061;"The article represents three spheres of activity in Käthe Dräger's life—pedagogics, psychoanalysis and politics. She was influenced by socialist ideas already at a very young age and included them in her work as a teacher at a >Lebensgemeinschaftsschule<. The principles and aims of KPD(O) and Drager's political engagement are discussed. Dräger began to be interested in psychoanalysis in the early thirties and started her studies at the Berliner Psychoanalytisches Institut comprising a training analysis with Ada Müller-Braunschweig. Conflicts which arose from working illegally against the nationalsocialistic system during that time are scrutinized in detail. Her resistance is illustrated very vividly by information provided by Theodor Bergmann, a KPD(0)-comrade. After the Second World War she worked in East Berlin hoping that a new era was going to implement communist ideals. Soon she came into conflict with the Stalinist system and decided to work in West Berlin in child guidance. Käthe Dräger was a founder member of the DPV in 1950. She primarily was engaged in psychoanalytical training and organization, aiming at the rejuvenation of Freud's psychoanalysis.";"Journal Article";2007;"I. Winkelmann";"Käthe Dräger (1900-1979): Ein leben als psychoanalytikerin, pädagogin und kommunistin. = Käthe Dräger (1900-1979): A life as a psychoanalyst, educationalist and communist";"Jahrbuch der Psychoanalyse";"Germany";"CPE";"Youth"
1062;"Scholarship on collective civic action helps link collective-level contentious actions and individual-level civic engagement. Using longitudinal data from a group of New Orleans residents who started blogging in the wake of hurricane Katrina, we highlight the digitally mediated social processes linking individual civic engagement with collective civic actions. Through a developmental approach, we analyze the progression from individual blogging to the creation of social networks, the formation of a community of 'Katrina bloggers,' and their engagement on a range of offline collective civic actions. We argue that the Web serves as a 'virtual' mobilizing structure, enabling individuals with shared concerns to organize across time and space, without the need of copresence or preexisting formal ties, networks, or organizations. Our analysis provides insights into the development of virtual communities and social movements formed around collective identities and processes of collective efficacy that highlight the dynamics of contention in civil society.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. G. Ortiz and S. F. Ostertag";"Katrina bloggers and the development of collective civic action: The Web as a virtual mobilizing structure";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1063;"The objective of this study was to explore the presence of ideological barriers to addressing local health inequalities in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. A survey of active citizens revealed low levels of awareness of the social determinants of health (SDOH) framework, and some incongruence between understanding and attitudes towards the SDOH. Support for addressing health inequalities was associated with awareness of the SDOH framework, liberal value-systems, and a cluster of socio-demographic characteristics. Liberal leaning participants were also more politically active than their conservative counterparts. Ideological barriers included lack of SDOH awareness, narrow understandings of the relative influences of the SDOH, resistance to deprioritizing healthcare, and conservative values. Advancement of a SDOH policy agenda should incorporate wider dissemination efforts to citizens and local service providers to increase support for this framework, and utilization of existing support and political engagement from liberal-leaning demographics.";"Journal Article";2007;"P. A. Collins, J. Abelson and J. D. Eyles";"Knowledge into action? Understanding ideological barriers to addressing health inequalities at the local level";"Health Policy";"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
1064;"An influential view of education is that it prepares young people for adult life, usually in the areas of civic engagement, leisure and contemplation. Employment may be a locus for learning some worthwhile skills and knowledge, but it is not itself the possible locus or one of the possible loci of a worthwhile life. This article disputes that view by drawing attention to those aspects of employment that make it potentially an aspect of a worthwhile life. The exercise and development of one's abilities, co-operation with others, self-discovery and the pursuit of excellence are all identified as potential components of a worthwhile life. If such an aspect of life is worth striving for then education should prepare one for it. Objections to this argument are reviewed and ultimately rejected.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Winch";"Learning the virtues at work";"Ethics and Education";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1065;"Although some point to the large effects of schooling on civic engagement (usually measured in terms of volunteering and participation in civic organizations) and social cohesion (usually measured in terms of social networks and relationship quality), the effects of schooling on social outcomes have not been estimated with the same rigor as the effects of schooling on labor-market outcomes, such as earnings. In particular, previous research has failed to consider (i) the many potential and often unobserved confounding factors ('endowments') influencing both schooling and social outcomes, including family upbringing, innate characteristics, and personality, and (ii) the ways in which schooling pushes individuals in multiple directions simultaneously, including toward greater social engagement, but also toward more independent and market-driven pursuits. Using samples of unrelated persons, ordinary siblings, and identical twins, this study explores the effects of schooling on measures of civic engagement and social relationships, as well as labor-force earnings and labor-force participation. The siblings models reveal a more complex picture than typically suggested by standard individual estimates. On one hand, the results reveal a robust positive effect of schooling on earnings: well-schooled persons work more and earn more, albeit not as much as associations without control for endowments suggest. On the other hand, the results reveal more tenuous and occasionally negative effects of schooling on social outcomes. The effects of schooling on volunteering and membership in civic organizations, for example, disappear almost entirely with control for endowments. Also, within-identical-twins models reverse the positive effects of schooling on reports of support from friends, family, and coworkers. These results may reflect the tension schooling creates between market and non-market commitments, as well as between independence and interpersonal reliability. Schooling may, indeed, induce some pro-social behaviors, but schooling allows individuals choices of whether to pursue more personal interests as well.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Schnittker and J. R. Behrman";"Learning to do well or learning to do good? Estimating the effects of schooling on civic engagement, social cohesion, and labor market outcomes in the presence of endowments";"Social Science Research";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1066;"Findings indicate that the Legacy Leadership Institute Model is able to attract baby boomers and those near baby boomer age, the highly educated, and participants diverse in both gender and ethnicity. Although each institute tends to attract a slightly different configuration of Legacy Leaders, their profiles are similar to the baby boomer demographics, and individuals who might not otherwise have found a satisfactory entry point into making a personal commitment to civic engagement are active participants. Therefore, their expected level of future involvement with the community is quite high and follow-up data collection substantiates sustained levels of engagement with the community. The intent of the LLI models was to not only attract the fifty-plus population to participate but also to increase the potential of ongoing involvement at levels higher than current norms. To date, the model is fulfilling these expectations. Process and outcome evaluations indicate that combining lifelong learning with civic engagement creates a powerful recruitment tool. Participants first entering into an LLI indicate that primary motives for attending are that the LLI was a structured, university-sponsored learning environment, and the opportunity to connect with others with a common purpose. The inclusion of volunteer community service as a part of the lifelong learning experience was not always the initial motivating factor in participation. Exit interviews with a subset of participants indicate that if participants had been informed only about the community service opportunities and the need for volunteers that most would not have been interested. The integration of a continuous, lifelong learning component that extends beyond the LLI classroom experience has broad appeal to younger retirees and to the baby boomer generation. Participants appreciated understanding the issues surrounding and the context in which their assistance might be valuable. Legacy Leaders stated that if the initial advertisement had focused solely on recruitment of volunteers that they would not have responded. The findings provide support for the large-scale replication of this model. Legacy leader models have expanded into multiple U.S. and global sites, a testimony to its adaptability to community need regardless of geographic locale and to its global resonance with the cohort to which it is targeted.";"Book Section";2006;"L. B. Wilson, S. P. Simson, J. Steele and K. Harlow-Rosentraub";"Legacy Leadership Institutes: Combining Lifelong Learning with Civic Engagement";"Civic engagement and the baby boomer generation: Research, policy, and practice perspectives.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1067;"Examined the lifestyle component of the problems related to young drivers' accident risk. The relationship between lifestyle and accident risk was measured, and specific high-risk and low-risk groups were identified. Lifestyle was measured through a questionnaire; 3,000 20-yr-olds described themselves and how often they deal with a large number of different activities, like sports, music, movies, reading, cars and driving, and political engagement. They also reported their involvement in traffic accidents. Lifestyle profiles were defined through principal component and cluster analyses. These profiles were correlated to accidents to define high-risk and low-risk groups. There were 15 clusters including 4 high-risk groups with an average overrisk of 150% and 2 low-risk groups with an average underrisk of 75%.";"Journal Article";1994;"N. P. Gregersen and H. Y. Berg";"Lifestyle and accidents among young drivers";"Accident Analysis and Prevention";"Sweden";"CPE";"Youth"
1068;"Existing research on the effect of social media use on political behavior has yielded mixed results to date, demonstrating the importance of research examining the effects of varying types of social media communication on political behavior. The experiment reported in this study provides valuable insights into the role of social media in elections. A longitudinal experiment was conducted to assess the effect Facebook use in the 2012 Presidential election had on political information efficacy, external efficacy, and political engagement. Results suggested that while political information efficacy and engagement increased over time, it was not related to following candidates on Facebook.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. Pennington, K. L. Winfrey, B. R. Warner and M. W. Kearney";"Liking Obama and Romney (on Facebook): An experimental evaluation of political engagement and efficacy during the 2012 general election";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1069;"This essay offers a case study of an attempt to merge scholarly research and political engagement via an empowering applied communication of social justice. First, a prison project is examined in which students/prisoners re-staged the 1858 Lincoln/Douglas debates as a more fully representative three-way debate including Lincoln, Douglas, and the black abolitionist, David Walker. Second, the essay outlines some 'outreach' strategies that extended the pedagogical and political energies of the classroom into the larger site of the prison itself. Third, descriptions are offered of some outreach strategies that proved effective in launching the energies of the prison classroom into the loose community of prison-rights activists, politically engaged scholars, and friends and families of prisoners. Interwoven throughout the essay is information regarding the political-economy of the 'correctional-industrial-complex' and the voices of students/prisoners.";"Journal Article";1998;"S. Hartnett";"Lincoln and Douglas meet the abolitionist David Walker as prisoners debate slavery: Empowering education, applied communication, and social justice";"Journal of Applied Communication Research";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1070;"Being aware of local community information is critical to maintaining civic engagement and participation. The use of online news and microblog content to create and disseminate community information has long been studied. However, interactions in the online spaces dedicated to local communities tend to only garner very limited usage, and people often do not consider microblog content as a meaningful source of local community information. Local News Chatter (LNC) was designed to address these challenges by augmenting local news feeds with microblog content and presenting them in a tag cloud that displays news topics of varying popularity with different tag sizes. Our study with 30 local residents highlights that LNC increases the visibility of hyperlocal community news information and successfully utilizes microblog as an additional information layer. LNC also increases one’s community awareness and shows the potential for leveraging community knowledge as a deliberation platform for local topics.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. Han, P. C. Shih and J. M. Carroll";"Local news chatter: Augmenting community news by aggregating hyperlocal microblog content in a tag cloud";"International Journal of Human-Computer Interaction";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1071;"Erik Erikson’s theory of human development defines generativity as the concern for the continuation of life after an individual’s death. According to the theory, such a concern has a wide spectrum that ranges from the desire to procreate to the willingness to contribute for the sake of generations that have yet to come, and is thus closely related to concepts of social responsibility and agency. Although this is a well-known aspect of the theory it is only marginally measured in the common quantitative measures of generativity—e.g. the Loyola Generativity Scale. In this study we present the Social Generativity Scale (SGS), which is focused on responsibility for future generation. Correlational analysis showed that the SGS is more consistently linked to future orientation than other generativity measures (i.e. measured with consideration of future consequences), inclusiveness, and political engagement, and negatively related to social dominance orientation and prejudice. The results suggest that the SGS better captures the social responsibility dimension of the generativity concept than previous measures, and for this reason it is complementary to those scales that comprehend generativity as the concern for personal continuation after death and desire of parenting.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. Morselli and S. Passini";"Measuring prosocial attitudes for future generations: The Social Generativity Scale";"Journal of Adult Development";"Switzerland";"CPE";"Youth"
1072;"Does a participatory, open‐ended organizational format inspire creativity and draw on participants' local knowledge? Many nonprofits operate under this assumption, and many of their financial sponsors agree, and therefore demand precise accounts documenting the nonprofits' 'participatory' formats. In the U.S. youth civic engagement projects described here, the practice of accounting itself had an effect, regardless of funders' goals. Volunteers devoted more time to documenting just how participatory, open‐ended and grassroots they were than they devoted to any other topic. Organizers strenuously tried to avert attention from accounting's importance, but could not avoid it. Volunteers could not reflect on the accounting process, or on the political questions behind it; knowledge of it became a repressed institutional intuition.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Eliasoph";"Measuring the grassroots: Puzzles of cultivating the grassroots from the top down";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1073;"This paper is a study of consumer resistance among active abstainers of the Facebook social network site. I analyze the discourses invoked by individuals who consciously choose to abstain from participation on the ubiquitous Facebook platform. This discourse analysis draws from approximately 100 web and print publications from 2006 to early 2012, as well as personal interviews conducted with 20 Facebook abstainers. I conceptualize Facebook abstention as a performative mode of resistance, which must be understood within the context of a neoliberal consumer culture, in which subjects are empowered to act through consumption choices—or in this case non-consumption choices—and through the public display of those choices. I argue that such public displays are always at risk of misinterpretation due to the dominant discursive frameworks through which abstention is given meaning. This paper gives particular attention to the ways in which connotations of taste and distinction are invoked by refusers through their conspicuous displays of non-consumption. This has the effect of framing refusal as a performance of elitism, which may work against observers interpreting conscientious refusal as a persuasive and emulable practice of critique. The implication of this is that refusal is a limited tactic of political engagement where media platforms are concerned.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Portwood-Stacer";"Media refusal and conspicuous non-consumption: The performative and political dimensions of Facebook abstention";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1074;"This study examined the impact of media use on political engagement among South Korean voters. The two major strengths of the current study were the examination of multiple dimensions of media use and citizen communication, and the consideration of mediating variables. Multigroup structural equation modelling was used to examine the direct and indirect effects of media use on political engagement via mediator online citizen communication. The present study used data from the 19th General Election Survey in Korea conducted by the Korean Social Data Center. A nationally representative sample of 829 Korean voters (age range: 21–59) was included for analysis. Results indicated: (1) for those in the 20–30 year age group, political efficacy positively predicted online media use and this, in turn, was related to political engagement via mediator online citizen communication; and (2) for those in the 40–50 year age group, political efficacy positively predicted both offline and online media use, with online media use affecting political engagement directly.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Park and S. You";"Media use preference: The mediating role of communication on political engagement";"Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology";"Korea";"CPE";"Youth"
1075;"The civic community perspective focuses on local social and economic institutions that buffer communities from external, often global forces. Important community organizations such as locally oriented business establishments, civic organizations, associations, and churches are emphasized. These critical entities are posited to benefit a community through an enhanced quality of life, more civic engagement by the citizenry, and a strong capacity for local problem-solving. This address argues specifically for the beneficial consequences of locally oriented retail businesses (single-establishment enterprises and local chains). The relative presence of these local firms is shown to be associated in a positive way with small manufacturing establishments, associations, public gathering places ('third places'), social capital, and voter turnout. Negative correlations are presented for the relationships between locally oriented retail businesses and rates of poverty, infant mortality, and crime. Throughout the presentation, concern is expressed that the South lags behind other U.S. regions in employment and wages derived from these locally oriented firms.";"Journal Article";2005;"C. M. Tolbert, II";"Minding Our Own Business: Local Retail Establishments and the Future of Southern Civic Community";"Social Forces";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1076;"In present-day societies, the extent to which young people still participate in civic life is an important matter of concern. The claim of a generational 'decline' in civic engagement has been contested, and interchanged with the notion of a 'replacement' of traditional engagement by new types of participation, and the emergence of the 'monitorial citizen' who participates in more individualized ways. Concurrently, this study explored the assumption of a 'pluralization' of involvement, advancing a new concept: the 'civic omnivore,' characterized by an expanded civic repertoire. Drawing data from a sample of 1,493 Belgian and Dutch university students, we identify five repertoires of participation such as, disengaged students, classical volunteers, humanitarian citizens, monitorial citizens, and civic omnivores. Our findings support the pluralization thesis, by showing that young citizens are not exclusively engaged in new monitorial ways, yet also expand their civic repertoire by combining traditional and new forms in more complex ways.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. Hustinx, L. C. P. M. Meijs, F. Handy and R. A. Cnaan";"Monitorial citizens or civic omnivores? Repertoires of civic participation among university students";"Youth & Society";"Belgium";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1077;"The 2004 presidential election led to considerable discussion about whether moral values motivated people to vote, and if so, whether it led to a conservative electoral advantage. The results of two studies--one conducted in the context of the 2000 presidential election, the other in the context of the 2004 presidential election--indicated that stronger moral convictions associated with candidates themselves and attitudes on issues of the day uniquely predicted self-reported voting behavior and intentions to vote even when controlling for a host of alternative explanations (e.g., attitude strength, strength of party identification). In addition, we found strong support for the hypothesis that moral convictions equally motivated political engagement for those on the political right and left and little support for the notion that a combination of morality and politics is something more characteristic of the political right than it is of the political left.";"Journal Article";2008;"L. J. Skitka and C. W. Bauman";"Moral conviction and political engagement";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1078;"People construct moral identities for being a supportive affiliate of stigmatized groups. To extend past research that focused on such identities within formal organizations, this study seeks to identify the process of moral identity construction in a personal setting—friendships between gay, lesbian, and bisexual (GLB) people and straight people. Analyzing data from in‐depth interviews with college students, we show that straight students claim moral worth by emphasizing their deliberate decisions to develop and sustain friendships with GLB people and by highlighting how the friendships led them to personal enlightenment and political engagement. GLB students, as a stigmatized group, also claim moral worth by emphasizing their ability to transcend the community boundary and to be accepted in the larger society. Students make such claims as they strategically link these aspects of cross‐orientation friendships to existing moral discourses in the larger society and draw on resources available in the organizational and life course contexts.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Ueno and H. Gentile";"Moral identity in friendships between gay, lesbian, and bisexual students and straight students in college";"Symbolic Interaction";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1079;"This paper presents a panel study on the outcomes of a national, volunteer-driven demonstration project. The Legacy Corps for Health and Independent Living program expanded to include multigenerational approaches as one aspect of attracting and involving Baby Boomers into voluntary activities supporting critical community needs. Legacy Corps includes a panel study tracking more than 1,500 participants. Outcome measures compare multigenerational teams versus single volunteers over the age of 50 and assess changes in community attachment and ongoing civic engagement. Analysis indicates improved attachment and increased community contribution postproject. Implications focus on how evidence-based demonstrations with long-term follow-up can inform legislation.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. Harlow-Rosentraub, L. B. Wilson and D. Swindell";"Multigenerational approaches to civic engagement: Findings from a panel study";"Journal of Intergenerational Relationships";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1080;"This article examines the political uses of social networking (SN) Web sites by young adults in context of the early stages of the 2008 presidential primary season. Using a survey of over 3,500 18- to 24-year-olds contacted immediately prior to the Iowa caucuses, we illustrate that although SN Web sites are recognized by youth as a possible source of news and that many receive some of their news from these sites, the types of news gathered probably do little to inform them or add to democratic discourse. Moreover, the study shows that in spite of the promise SN sites hold for increasing political interest and participation among a chronically disengaged cohort, users are no more inclined to participate in politics than are users of other media.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. C. Baumgartner and J. S. Morris";"MyFaceTube politics: Social networking web sites and political engagement of young adults";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1081;"The author presents an overview of an emerging field that looks at the impact of video games on civic engagement. Some video games have explicit civics-related content and engage players in simulations of civically related projects, but most others do not. However, research has shown that video game playing engages players in civically oriented experiences that previous research has found to promote civic outcomes in classroom-based programs. These include helping and guiding others; learning about problems in society; exploring social, moral, or ethical issues; organizing groups; and making decisions about how a community, city, or nation should be run.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. U. Bers";"Let the games begin: Civic playing on high-tech consoles";"Review of General Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1082;"Up to a million children and teenagers participated in the 2006 immigrant rights marches. Why do young people engage in protest politics, and how are they mobilized into such activities? A longstanding literature on political socialization suggests that young people learn from their parents, acquiring political attitudes and interests from older generations. This article argues that for immigrant families processes of political learning and mobilization also occur in the reverse: Younger family members can use English language skills and differential access to political information to inform and mobilize parents. The authors make the case for a model of bidirectional political socialization and show how intergenerational communication and interaction can increase a whole family’s political engagement by pooling different information sources and networks: from schools and new technologies among teens, and from workplaces, churches, and ethnic media among parents. We build our argument on 79 in-depth interviews with Mexican-origin teens and parents living in Richmond and Oakland, California, who are U.S.-born citizens, naturalized citizens, legal permanent residents, or undocumented migrants.";"Journal Article";2008;"I. Bloemraad and C. Trost";"It's a family affair: Intergenerational mobilization in the spring 2006 protests";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1083;"This chapter explores the links among media literacy (specifically news media literacy), civic engagement, and positive youth development (PYD). We begin by providing an overview of the literature on PYD and media literacy, and go on to discuss media literacy in the context of civic development. We also explore the existing literature on the associations between news media use, news media literacy, and civic indicators. In addition, we discuss the promotion of media literacy (with a focus on news media literacy) and PYD in educational, extracurricular, and home settings. We conclude with a discussion of the current research in this nascent and interdisciplinary area and, as well, consider directions for future research.";"Book Section";2011;"M. J. Boyd and J. Dobrow";"Media literacy and positive youth development";"Advances in child development and behavior, Vol 41: Positive youth development.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1084;"Developments in media and communications technologies over the last two decades have been regarded by some commentators as offering the potential for a revival of flagging democracies and of democratic participation. More generally, the possibility for individuals to take advantage of new ways of participating in politics via new media has perhaps been somewhat overshadowed for young people, among other groups, by the vast range of other, more immediately enticing uses of such communicative technologies which are on offer. The collection of articles within this special issue covers the topic of young people, new technologies and political engagement from a range of perspectives and approaches.";"Journal Article";2008;"R. Brooks and P. Hodkinson";"Introduction";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPP";"YT"
1085;"Learning through Serving (2nd Edition) student guidebook is designed to help students understand and reflect on their community service experiences as individuals and as citizens of communities in need of their compassionate expertise. It is designed to assist faculty in facilitating student development of compassionate expertise through the context of service in applying disciplinary knowledge to community issues and challenges. In sum, the book is about how to make academic sense of civic service in preparing for students' roles as future citizen leaders. Therefore, to ensure that the content and activities are relevant to contemporary service-learning experiences the original authors and editors have reunited to write revised and expanded chapters to share their collective expertise. Specifically, each chapter now more fully addresses issues of social justice, privilege/power, diversity, intercultural communication, and technology. In addition, there are more examples from different academic disciplines, additional academic content for understanding service-learning issues, and information on issues related to students with disabilities and to international students. The authors have also added four new chapters on mentoring, leadership, becoming a change agent, and short-term global and immersive service-learning experiences.";"Book";2013;"C. M. Cress, P. J. Collier and V. L. Reitenauer";"Learning through serving: A student guidebook for service-learning and civic engagement across academic disciplines and cultural communities., 2nd ed";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
1086;"This study explored whether discussions about the media, when positively linked to interest in the news media, were related to adolescents’ current and future civic engagement. A sample of 2638 adolescents (age M = 17, SD = 1.2), who participated in a school-based study on positive socialization, completed self-report measures on interest in the news media and discussions about the media with parents and friends. Current civic engagement was measured by involvement in volunteering and civic commitments. Future civic engagement was measured by intentions to participate in civic activities in the future. The results showed that more interpersonal discussions about the media and higher interest in the news media both predicted higher civic engagement. Positive links between discussions about the media and current civic engagement were partly mediated by interest in the news media. In addition, interest in the news media together with current civic engagement fully mediated a positive link between discussions about the media and future civic engagement. Moderating effects of gender were observed, with discussions about the media a better predictor of boys’ interest in the news media, and current civic engagement a better predictor of girls’ future civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Erentaitė, R. Žukauskienė, W. Beyers and R. Pilkauskaitė-Valickienė";"Is news media related to civic engagement? The effects of interest in and discussions about the news media on current and future civic engagement of adolescents";"Journal of Adolescence";"Lithuania";"CPE";"YT"
1087;"Religious service attendance has been identified as an important source of political participation among Christians and Muslims in the USA. In Europe, where religion is seen as a barrier rather than a bridge to Muslims’ integration, the role of mosque attendance for the political participation of Muslims remains understudied. This study asks whether the politically mobilizing role of service attendance extends to Muslim minorities in Europe. We examine direct and indirect effects of the frequency of religious service attendance on organizational participation, political trust and voting intentions among large nationwide samples of Turkish and Moroccan minorities in the Netherlands using multi-group structural equation modelling. Our results show that service attendance relates positively to engagement in both co-ethnic and mainstream organizations. These two forms of civic engagement translate into a greater intention to vote among Turks, but not Moroccans.";"Journal Article";2016;"F. Fleischmann, B. Martinovic and M. Böhm";"Mobilising mosques? The role of service attendance for political participation of Turkish and Moroccan minorities in the Netherlands";"Ethnic and Racial Studies";"Netherlands";"CPECPP";"YT"
1088;"The authors examined the relations between participation in a range of high school extracurricular contexts and developmental outcomes in adolescence and young adulthood among an economically diverse sample of African American and European American youths. In general, when some prior self-selection factors were controlled, 11th graders' participation in school clubs and organized sports was associated with concurrent indicators of academic and psychological adjustment and with drug and alcohol use. In addition, participation in 11th grade school clubs and prosocial activities was associated with educational status and civic engagement at 1 year after high school. A few of the concurrent and longitudinal relations between activity participation and development were moderated by race and gender. Finally, breadth of participation, or number of activity contexts, was associated with positive academic, psychological, and behavioral outcomes.";"Journal Article";2006;"J. A. Fredricks and J. S. Eccles";"Is extracurricular participation associated with beneficial outcomes? Concurrent and longitudinal relations";"Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1089;"This chapter explores the potential for youth civic engagement through geospatial gameplay. Geospatial gameplay includes activities that share the basic qualities common to most digital games—goals, rules, a feedback system, voluntary action—but also includes a component of navigating players through a physical space. For example, think of the treasure hunt designed to teach new students about key resources in their school. In the last 10-15 years, digital tools and social network sites have substantially augmented the possibilities of geospatial play. The treasure hunt can be networked, global in scope, documented with pictures, or accompanied by Twitter conversations, as is the case with geocaching. With these new developments, educators have begun to think creatively about how to take advantage of these possibilities in their practice. In this chapter, we present and analyze two examples where geospatial gameplay is used to support students' interests and skill development for civic engagement. These examples, both carried out in urban educational settings—one formal, one informal—provide an opportunity to closely examine the pedagogical possibilities of geospatial play as well as the limitations.";"Book Section";2015;"A. Garcia and E. Middaugh";"Lost, sweaty, and engaged in dialogue: The civic opportunities of geospatial play";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1090;"This article reviews recent thinking and practice on the issue of youth mobilization in the United Kingdom. Developing young people's sense of civic efficacy has been shown to be the key to facilitating civic engagement. However, different approaches and online mobilization strategies have been adopted by top-down government or parliament-supported projects, and by non-governmental or 'issue' organizations. To address the question of whether UK mobilization sites are making the most of the internet to facilitate youth efficacy 20 youth and issue mobilization websites were analysed looking at content, design and interactivity. The study found that most top-down youth sites, such as youth parliaments and forums, lacked appealing, relevant content and a clear purpose; their aim was to generically 'involve' young people without a set of specific reasons and benefits that would motivate young users. Youth portals were an exception to the rule as they provided users with comprehensive, accessible and relevant information and tools. NGO sites were much more empowering and strategic in their agenda and reach, with slick, comprehensive and appealing pages, although quite focused on citizens already engaged with the issues. Overall, the study finds clear signs of a move towards the politics of everyday life and the model of the citizen-consumer. Political organizations providing promotional material, participation tools and practical tips that link to young visitors' lifeworld are more likely to succeed in boosting their sense of efficacy. However, that raises important questions about the gravitas of such online activities in traditional political terms.";"Journal Article";2008;"R. Gerodimos";"Mobilising young citizens in the UK: A content analysis of youth and issue websites";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPECPP";"YT"
1091;"Unlike typical implementations of technology in education, which are dominated by Internet search and retrieval activities with limited peer interaction, the technical and social features of social media, and social network sites (SNSs) especially, provide rich opportunities for collaboration. In this chapter, we argue that SNSs and social networking applications enable innovative forms of peer collaboration and civic engagement. To this end, we begin by defining key terms and summarizing the research surrounding the use of these technologies in education before presenting exemplars and concluding with recommendations for researchers and educators. Because very few studies have been published within the educational research literature that address learning and teaching with SNSs, we discuss existing research within the larger field of social media and education to contextualize the exemplars presented. In this chapter, we focus on peer collaboration and civic engagement rather than these other forms of learning for two reasons: (a) recent standards and policy documents emphasize collaborative knowledge creation and civic participation as essential competencies for students in the twenty-first century, and (b) the socio-technical features of SNSs, especially, seem conducive to helping bring these about, as explained later in the chapter. Moreover, we view the development of collaboration and civic engagement within SNSs and beyond them as potentially synergistic activities. Furthermore, the chapter explores aspects of learning that occur in youth-initiated SNSs and social networking applications within informal learning environments as well as in formal settings. Next, we draw from nascent research in the learning sciences and digital media and learning fields to illuminate how social media offer new possibilities for peer collaboration and civic engagement within formal and informal learning environments. We focus especially, but not exclusively, on SNSs and social networking applications.";"Book Section";2013;"C. Greenhow and J. Li";"Like, comment, share: Collaboration and civic engagement within social network sites";"Emerging technologies for the classroom: A learning sciences perspective.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1092;"The present study investigated how school climate, school connectedness and academic efficacy beliefs inform emergent civic engagement behaviors among middle school youth of color. These associations were examined both concurrently and longitudinally using a developmentally appropriate measure of civic engagement. Data were drawn from two subsamples of a larger study of social/emotional development in middle school (cross-sectional sample n = 324; longitudinal sample n = 232), M = 12 years old, 46 % female, 53 % male. Forty-two percent (42.2 %) of the sample self-identified as African American, 19.8 % as Multiracial or Mixed, 19.4 % as Latino, 11.6 % as Asian American or Pacific Islander, 11.6 % identified as Other, and 5.2 % as Native American. The study tested and found support for a latent mediation model in which more positive perceptions of school climate were positively related to school connectedness, and this in turn, was positively associated with civic engagement; school climate was also positively associated with academic-self-efficacy beliefs, but such beliefs did not mediate the climate-civic engagement association. Implications for future research and practice are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Guillaume, R. Jagers and D. Rivas-Drake";"Middle school as a developmental niche for civic engagement";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1093;"Moral identity has been positively linked to prosocial behaviors and negatively linked to antisocial behaviors; but, the processes by which it is linked to such outcomes are unclear. The purpose of the present study was to examine moral identity not only as a predictor, but also as a moderator of relationships between other predictors (moral disengagement and self-regulation) and youth outcomes (prosocial and antisocial behaviors). The sample consisted of 384 adolescents (42 % female), ages 15–18 recruited from across the US using an online survey panel. Latent variables were created for moral identity, moral disengagement, and self-regulation. Structural equation models assessed these latent variables, and interactions of moral identity with moral disengagement and self-regulation, as predictors of prosocial (charity and civic engagement) and antisocial (aggression and rule breaking) behaviors. None of the interactions were significant predicting prosocial behaviors. For antisocial behaviors, the interaction between moral identity and moral disengagement predicted aggression, while the interaction between moral identity and self-regulation was significant in predicting aggression and rule breaking. Specifically, at higher levels of moral identity, the positive link between moral disengagement and aggression was weaker, and the negative link between self-regulation and both antisocial behaviors was weaker. Thus, moral identity may buffer against the maladaptive effects of high moral disengagement and low self-regulation.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. A. Hardy, D. S. Bean and J. A. Olsen";"Moral identity and adolescent prosocial and antisocial behaviors: Interactions with moral disengagement and self-regulation";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1094;"Although critiqued for circular reasoning and lack of definitional and analytic clarity, social capital has garnered widespread interest in two areas relevant to environmental education (EE): the impact of family and community-level social capital on positive youth development and of community-level social capital in fostering collective action to manage natural resources. Although EE is normally considered for its value relative to environmental outcomes or natural capital, intergenerational, community, and other approaches to EE may also foster social capital. Drawing on Putnam’s definition of social capital, which emphasizes civic engagement, we developed and tested for reliability a survey to measure cognitive and structural attributes of social capital among youth. We conclude that although several attributes of our instrument are useful for use with youth aged 10–18 years in EE contexts, much more work needs to be done on conceptualizing and developing measures of social capital that are relevant to EE. Further, we suggest that social capital presents a framework for how EE programs can bring youth and adults together to create the conditions that enable collective action, as a complement to ongoing work in EE focusing on individual behaviors.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. E. Krasny, L. Kalbacker, R. C. Stedman and A. Russ";"Measuring social capital among youth: Applications in environmental education";"Environmental Education Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1095;"While juvenile homicide garnered a tremendous amount of attention from the general public, the media, and policymakers around 1990, macro-level research examining intercommunity variations in juvenile homicide is generally sparse. In addition, most studies addressing this topic focus on urban areas, neglecting the equally important issue of juvenile homicide in rural communities. This analysis extends prior research by investigating the structural sources of variation in rural juvenile homicide rates and by examining the influence of religion on this phenomenon. Informing our analyses with theoretical insights drawn from the moral communities and civil society literatures, we investigate the protective effects of civically engaged religious denominations on juvenile family, acquaintance, and stranger homicides in rural counties. For comparative purposes, we also perform parallel analyses on a sample of urban areas. The empirical analyses of county-level data using negative binomial regression estimation techniques indicate that the presence of civically engaged religious adherents is inversely associated with juvenile homicide in rural areas (net of the affects of a range of control variables), but that this protective effect is primarily confined to juvenile family homicides. In contrast, the measure of civically engaged denominations has no effect on juvenile homicide in urban areas. We conclude with a discussion of the theoretical importance of these findings and directions for future research.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. R. Lee and J. P. Bartkowski";"Love Thy Neighbor? Moral Communities, Civic Engagement, and Juvenile Homicide in Rural Areas";"Social Forces";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1096;"This book explores several key characteristics of positive youth development such as competence, character, confidence, social connections, and compassion that coalesce to create a young person who is developing successfully towards an 'ideal' adulthood, one marked by contributions to self, others, and the institutions of civil society. The author analyzes the meaning of a thriving civil society and its relationship to the potential of youth for self-actualization and positive development. This book argues that a young person's ability to thrive is enabled by a society that supports the rights of individuals to develop their abilities as best they can, and that a civil society supporting individual freedom and justice can only exist when the people in that society act to support, protect, and extend the societal institutions affording such liberty for all of its citizens. This book looks closely at how integrated moral and civic identity typically emerges in the adolescent stage of human development, a time when a person's self-definition is undergoing significant changes. It also explores different programs and policies that promote positive youth development, the most successful ones being those that cultivate adult-to-youth relationships, establish skill-building, and provide the opportunity for youth participation and leadership.";"Book";2004;"R. M. Lerner";"Liberty: Thriving and civic engagement among America's youth";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
1097;"Civic engagement in adolescence contributes to the positive development of young people and to the health of communities and societies. The present study examined how an open classroom climate and adolescent students' citizenship self-efficacy can promote their expectations to participate in civic activities. Multilevel Structural Equation Modelling techniques were used to examine data from a nationally representative sample of 3,352 Italian eighth-graders, controlling for students' socio-economic status. The results revealed that students' willingness to participate in civic activities, both at the individual level and at the classroom level, was positively influenced by an open classroom climate and that this influence was mediated by students' citizenship self-efficacy. Our findings suggest that an open classroom climate can help students to become civically and politically involved by fostering their citizenship self-efficacy. The results of the present study extend our understanding of civic engagement in adolescence and inform policies that aim to promote it.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Manganelli, F. Lucidi and F. Alivernini";"Italian adolescents' civic engagement and open classroom climate: The mediating role of self-efficacy";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1098;"A dominant perspective in social capital research emphasizes a 'structural' dimension of social capital, consisting of network connections, and a 'cognitive' dimension, consisting of attitudes toward trust. Correspondingly, membership in organizations (i.e., membership density) and general trust in people (i.e., social trust) are two indicators commonly used to relate structural and cognitive social capital, respectively, to a variety of health and other outcomes. This study analyzed relationships between membership density, social trust and a more comprehensive set of household-level social capital indicators as well as selected civic and health behaviors in the context of Nicaragua. The sample of respondents was drawn from 6 communities and interviews were conducted with 482 heads of households, resulting in data on 2882 individuals. Factor analyses suggest that membership density loaded strongly (loading = 0.81) onto an 'organizational participation' factor which contained a number of qualitative characteristics of involvement, including bridging social capital. Further, this structural dimension of social capital appears to be a construct consisting of more than just informal social networks. However, factor analyses suggest that distinctions between levels of trust are warranted in Nicaragua: social trust loaded weakly (loading = 0.32) onto a factor characterized by institutional trust in a factor analysis of trust items, and well below 0.30 in a factor analysis of both structural and cognitive dimensions of social capital. A nuanced understanding of these household-level indicators of structural and cognitive social capital held implications for civic and health behaviors. While membership density and institutional trust were positively related to an index of political engagement, social trust was either not related or negatively associated (among urban respondents). Similarly, social trust was associated with over 50% reduced odds of an additional childhood vaccinations whereas institutional trust was associated with increased odds (OR = 1.7) of an additional vaccination. The findings highlight the complexity of social capital and the importance of exploring more comprehensive indicators.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. D. Mitchell and T. J. Bossert";"Measuring dimensions of social capital: Evidence from surveys in poor communities in Nicaragua";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1099;"This chapter reviews current research exploring the role of Web 2.0 technologies in fostering civic interests and participation among youth. It specifically focuses on three issues: (1) reconceptualizing the very notion of civic participation so that it reflects the ways in which young people incorporate their civic interests and media content into their everyday lives; (2) examining whether and how children and teenagers make selective use of digital technologies for civic purposes in view of the participation opportunities that new media offer and the ways in which young people utilize online tools available to them; and (3) identifying strategies to further promote online civic participation among youth. This review includes works that aim to provide new insights into advocacy scholarship and practice, and these works are presented as a new starting point for further research, validation and debate.";"Book Section";2015;"T. Papaioannou";"Media and civic engagement: The role of Web 2.0 technologies in fostering youth participation";"The Routledge international handbook of children, adolescents and media.";"Cyprus";"CPECPP";"YT"
1100;"Background/Context: The literature on classroom discussion often undercuts itself by treating discussion only as an instructional method, confining its role to the instrumental. Although discussion does serve as an effective means to other curricular ends (teaching with discussion), the capable practice of discussion can also be considered a curriculum objective in its own right (teaching for discussion). The latter is justified on the grounds that listening and speaking to what Danielle Allen called 'strangers' about powerful ideas and public problems is crucial to democratic citizen formation; indeed, it defines democracy, signaling a citizen’s coming of age while at the same time creating the public sphere that democracy requires—a space where political argument and action flourish. Purpose /Focus of Study: The author outlines a discursive approach to the cultivation of enlightened political engagement in schools. He argues that schools are the best available sites for this project because they have the key assets: diverse schoolmates (more or less), problems (both academic and social), 'strangers' (schoolmates who are not friends or family), and curriculum and instruction (schools are intentionally educative places). Ambitious classroom discussion models—for example, seminars and deliberations—can mobilize these assets; but new habits, especially those that build equity and trust, are needed. Setting: Two empirical cases of classroom discussion ground the argument in classroom practice. In one, high school students deliberate whether physician-assisted suicide should be legalized in their state. In the other, suburban middle school students conduct a seminar on Howard Fast’s novel of the American revolution, April Morning. Research Design: This is an analytic essay/argument. Conclusions/Recommendations: Schools in societies with democratic ideals are obligated to cultivate enlightened and engaged citizens. Helping young people form the habits of listening to strangers, at that very public place called school, should advance this work.";"Journal Article";2010;"W. Parker";"Listening to strangers: Classroom discussion in democratic education";"Teachers College Record";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1101;"It is often assumed that the increased use of the new information and communication technology (ICT) can displace traditional face-to-face sociability. At the same time, it has been argued that the new ICT can also strengthen traditional forms of sociability. This article evaluates these opposite views by examining how the frequency of Internet use is connected with two forms of sociability: civic engagement and interpersonal involvement. Empirical interest is narrowed down to four European countries. The data utilized are the Finnish, British, French and Italian sections of the European Social Survey 2002-2003 (N = 6,762). The methods of analysis include cross-tabulations and logistic regression models. The findings indicate that frequent Internet use is positively associated with both forms of sociability in all countries. However, there are also cross-country differences in the strength of these associations and in the effects of sociodemographic control variables. The findings thus suggest that the contemporary development of the information society has different implications for different types of societies.";"Journal Article";2007;"P. Räsänen and A. Kouvo";"Linked or divided by the web?: Internet use and sociability in four European countries";"Information, Communication & Society";"Finland";"CPE";"YT"
1102;"In this chapter we take up education and schooling as a strategic location for understanding citizenship for lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgendered (LGBT) young people. We examine the perspectives of young people regarding LGBT social change in education in the form of school reform. Youth activism for LGBT-inclusive school reform is used as an example of the direct political engagement of young people in social and political change. We point to recent examples in which students are not only engaged in school change, but become active in directly challenging structures and barriers that have characterized educational institutions, whether through individual or group legal action, or community-based activism for social change. We begin by considering central concepts and processes that frame thinking about youth civic development, and youth activism in particular. With this as a background, we focus on the dilemmas as well as possibilities for contemporary LGBT youth in the civic arena. We then consider the relevance of historical and contemporary thinking about schools and education, and about youth civic engagement, for understanding activism by and for LGBT students. Finally, youth's political activism for state-level school policy reform is illustrated through analyses of student participation in Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs) in California high schools, and a related case study of mobilization efforts that bring together LGBT and allied young people to lobby for state-level policy and legislative reform regarding LGBT issues in school. Our chapter shows that LGBT youth activism offers a strategic vantage point for understanding youth civic and political development.";"Book Section";2010;"S. T. Russell, R. B. Toomey, J. Crockett and C. Laub";"LGBT politics, youth activism, and civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1103;"Civic involvement is something that all liberal-democratic governments want to encourage among their young citizens. Much of the literature has focused on the individual and what factors influence him or her to become civically engaged. What has been absent from these analyses of civic participation is an investigation of the impact of groups on the individual's perception of, and participation in, civic activities. This article looks at the impact of ethnic group history on perceptions of civic engagement and argues that, instead of there being 1 civic culture in the United States, there are a variety of civic subcultures; each with their own set of attitudes about civic engagement and a set of concomitant behaviors that they understand to be appropriate contributions to civic life.";"Journal Article";2002;"M. Sánchez-Jankowski";"Minority youth and civic engagement: The impact of group relations";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1104;"Studies of political and civic engagement have revealed that different types of participatory behaviors exist. Relying on Ekman and Amnå’s (Human Aff 22(3):283–300, 2012) participation typology, we developed a new measure, the Participatory Behaviors Scale (PBS), to analyze four dimensions of participation: formal political participation, activism, civil participation and disengagement. As proposed by Ekman and Amnå, disengagement is a genuine and active style of participation. A study was conducted on a sample of community residents (N = 566) to examine the statistical validity and psychometric properties of the PBS. Confirmatory factor analyses showed that the second-order factor structure of PBS (composed of four first-order factors, i.e., disengagement, civil participation, formal political participation and activism) produced the most satisfactory fit indexes. The reliability and validity of the scale were verified. The scale was then tested on a second sample of voters. The methodological and theoretical implications are discussed, and further developments are outlined.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Talò and T. Mannarini";"Measuring participation: Development and validation the Participatory Behaviors Scale";"Social Indicators Research";"Italy";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1105;"This article presents findings from a Participatory Photo Mapping (PPM) project designed to understand young people’s perceptions of the neighborhood environment. PPM is an approach that integrates photography, community mapping, and walk-along interviews to learn about people’s lived experience in a spatial context. Ten participants aged 14 to 17 years were recruited from a youth program in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. Participants designed neighborhood tours and through their analysis, identified vacant properties as a key concern. They reported that vacant properties affect them personally by facilitating illicit drug activity and perpetuating the sense that 'people don’t care' about their neighborhood. Furthermore, they described their own role in changing their neighborhood to improve environmental conditions. These findings add qualitative support to the notion that teenagers’ own perceptions of neighborhood features may have an impact on outcomes such as anxiety and hopelessness and suggest implications for engaging youth in assessing and intervening in their neighborhood environment.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Teixeira";"'It seems like no one cares': Participatory photo mapping to understand youth perspectives on property vacancy";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1106;"A historic election in 2008 brings up new questions about why there is a generational difference in political engagement. Younger generations became more involved in the latest election, and it is important for scholars to understand why this change occurred. In an effort to begin this conversation, the researchers asked young citizens to talk about their choice to vote or not vote, and to become more involved or ignore campaign 2008. Through a focus group investigation and an analysis of citizens’ responses, the researchers hope to further understand young citizens. Two themes found within the discussions are consistent with previous research: community and efficacy. However, this study explains some of the ways that these two motivations for action might be interlinked.";"Journal Article";2011;"E. A. Dudash and S. Harris";"New kids on the block: My first time in a political community";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1107;"As the gulfs between low-income and more affluent youth widen, researchers and practitioners continue to search for effective means of closing gaps in academic achievement, digital participation, and civic engagement. This article examines how youth organizing offers a bridge across these divides. We consider how one youth organizing group, The Philadelphia Student Union, integrated new media into its core functions and how the student members experience these tools. Drawing on extant research, we argue that when situated within an organizing framework, new media tools can help to promote the digital literacy, academic achievement, and civic engagement of low-income youth of color, who have otherwise limited opportunities to contribute to the civic life of their communities.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Conner and A. Slattery";"New media and the power of youth organizing: Minding the gaps";"Equity & Excellence in Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1108;"This study examined whether the use of various types of media for news consumption would influence young people's political and civic engagement through a survey of university students in Singapore. The findings showed that news consumption through different platforms related to the respondents' political and civic participation in different ways. Consumption of news through the traditional media was not significantly associated with either offline or online political participation. Instead, news consumption through the Internet and social network sites was significantly associated with both offline and online political and civic engagement and political knowledge. In addition, print and Internet news consumption was found to be significantly associated with political knowledge. Implications of the findings were also discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"X. Hao, N. Wen and C. George";"News consumption and political and civic engagement among young people";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Singapore";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1109;"This paper examines young people’s civic motivations in conjunction with their expected gratifications from, and evaluations of, civic websites. Forty-six young people took part in this qualitative study, which included individual written evaluations as well as group reviews of the websites of four civic organisations (Fairtrade Foundation, Soil Association, Friends of the Earth, The Meatrix). The key finding of the study is that young people are willing to engage with civic websites as long as a series of ‘terms and conditions’ are met that would make that engagement meaningful to them, such as a link between the issue and the individual’s lifeworld and the benefits of civic action. These conditions constitute a coherent paradigm of civic consumerism, although the evidence strongly suggests that this is due to a sense of civic loneliness and widespread skepticism about the relevance of collective action. Furthermore, the study highlights the importance of the emotional dimension of civic engagement, which recurred consistently in these young people’s narratives. The implications and limitations of this paradigm of civic consumerism are examined, along with the ensuing challenge to the internet’s democratic potential.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Gerodimos";"Online youth civic attitudes and the limits of civic consumerism: The emerging challenge to the internet’s democratic potential";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1110;"This chapter presents examples and possibilities of a growing movement of youth who inform and organize themselves online, and then proceed to take action in their communities. Also discussed is a growing movement of interactive online civic engagement sites based around social tools, such as TakingITGlobal.org, aimed at facilitating youth engagement by providing access to peers, information and tools to mobilize and organize. Yet, just like the movement, the research and feedback mechanisms are young and in need of further development. The most burning research question revolves around the development of an evaluation methodology that assesses the efficacy of online civic engagement sites, specifically the connection between online and offline preparation and action. It is recommended that there be further exploration of the initial findings from youth survey mentioned in this chapter: specifically more detailed investigations into the use and potential improvements to online civic engagement sites for networking with peers, finding information, and organizing.";"Book Section";2008;"K. Raynes-Goldie and L. Walker";"Our space: Online civic engagement tools for youth";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";;"CPE";"Youth"
1112;"This article conceptually links theory and research on volunteerism to different forms of political activity, specifically activism and civic engagement. Multiple perspectives and measures of personality as antecedents of volunteerism, activism, and civic engagement are outlined, including individual differences in motivations, interpersonal orientations, and traits. Next, self-report data from 624 people involved in AIDS service organizations (as clients, volunteers, staff, or supporters) are utilized to empirically explore the best personality predictors of AIDS activism and civic engagement. Other-focused rather than self-focused motivation better predicted AIDS activism and civic engagement. The only measure of interpersonal orientation consistently related to these outcomes was communal orientation; as well, only the trait of extraversion was related to both outcomes. In analyses testing the predictive power of constellations of personality measures, other-focused motivation better predicted AIDS activism and civic engagement than the other measures of motivation, interpersonal orientation, and traits. Finally, meditational analyses supported a developmental sequence in which other-focused motivation leads to specific activism, which, in turn, encourages broader civic engagement. The discussion focuses on theoretical implications for understanding the impact of personality on different forms of citizenship behaviors and of the applicability of the Volunteer Process Model for studying political activity and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. M. Omoto, M. Snyder and J. D. Hackett";"Personality and motivational antecedents of activism and civic engagement";"Journal of Personality";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1113;"Presents a tribute to Peter Benson. Peter was a friend, scholar, advocate, and force for good. I mourn his passing. I came to the William T. Grant Foundation in 2000 as the senior vice president, running the grant making programs. Karen Hein—then the foundation's president—and I established a 'Visiting Scholar' program in 2001 to support and foster in-depth collaboration with leading scholars in the field of youth development. Karen and I were clear about our aspirations for the foundation, but less clear about how to get there. Peter had broad and deep commitments to young people; he never shied away from big goals and big ideas. He became a valuable member of our team. For those who knew Peter, you understand that this was not small-scale stuff. In Peter's first year, we considered the economic, social, and political factors that seemed to explain the emerging interest in positive human development (in contrast to deficit reduction models); theories and research on civil society and civic engagement; what it might mean to be a 'developmentally attentive community'; and what were (in Peter's language) the 'developmental nutrients' that young people needed. In 2002, the discussions segued into considering why and how individuals, communities, and societies change, and how such changes might influence youth (and vice versa). Working through these ideas with Peter was intellectually stimulating, fun, and ultimately significant in shaping the foundation's work. At their best, social settings are infused with the developmental supports that Peter tried to understand and create all his professional life. As Peter and I often said to each other, the community of people interested in the development of children and youth are better able to recognize good social settings than to create them when they do not exist. It is the issue at the heart of the work of the William T. Grant Foundation and so many others. And, it is a job that just got a little harder with Peter's passing.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. C. Granger";"Peter Benson tribute";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1114;"For this article, we tested whether and to what extent young people’s rates of informed voting are influenced by laws and policies that regulate the electoral system and by civic education policies. Education policies and state voting laws vary widely and are in rapid flux; their impact is important to understand. Immediately after the 2012 election, a sample of 4,483 youth was surveyed that included at least 75 respondents in each of the 50 states and national oversamples of African Americans and Latinos. Their experiences with civic education and support from their families predicted their informed political participation as young adults, but variations in the existing state policies did not matter. This may suggest that the kinds of policies that states have enacted—such as allowing early voting or requiring one course on government in high school—are not helpful but policies that promote extracurricular participation and discussion of current issues in schools could be much more effective.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. Kawashima-Ginsberg and P. Levine";"Policy effects on informed political engagement";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1115;"Based upon a three-year multidisciplinary international research project, this volume examines the interplay of factors affecting civic and political engagement. It considers participation across different generations, nations and ethnic groups, and the shifting variety of forms that participation can take. Together, the chapters provide a comprehensive overview of current understandings of the factors and processes that influence citizens' patterns of political and civic engagement. They also present a set of evidence-based recommendations for policy, practice and intervention that can be used by political and civil society actors to enhance levels of engagement. Political and Civic Engagement is an invaluable resource for researchers and academics across the social sciences; politicians and political institutions; media professionals; educational professionals and schools; youth workers and education NGOs; and leaders of ethnic minority and migrant organisations and communities.";"Book";2015;"M. Barrett and B. Zani";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives";;"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1116;"This book aims to provide a comprehensive overview of current understandings of the factors and processes which influence the political and civic engagement of citizens. The book draws on theoretical insights provided by a range of disciplines including Politics, Sociology, Social Policy, Psychology' and Education, presents a wealth of new evidence on political and civic engagement that has recently been gathered from across Europe, and reports on the policy discourses which frame debates about citizen participation in Europe. It also otters a series of wide-ranging reflections on the nature of political and civic engagement and disengagement, and presents a set of evidence-based recommendations for policy, practice and intervention that can be used by political and civil society' actors to enhance levels of political and civic engagement and participation, particularly among youth, women, ethnic minorities and migrants. Much of the discussion in this book is based on work which was conducted as part of an international research project funded by the European Commission under the Seventh Framework Programme, Processes Influencing Democratic Ownership and Participation (PIDOP). This multidisciplinary research project collected data on political and civic engagement in nine European countries and has significantly advanced our understanding of the factors and processes that influence citizen engagement and participation.";"Book Section";2015;"M. Barrett and B. Zani";"Political and civic engagement: Theoretical understandings, evidence and policies";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1117;"In the past, the political attitudes and political participation of young people in Hong Kong were seldom considered to be social issues. Recently, however, the increased involvement of Hong Kong youth in political activities has attracted public attention. Drawing on data from various social surveys conducted by the Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, this paper explores the views of young people in Hong Kong regarding current socio-economic-political developments, democratization, their political aspirations, and their actual political behaviour and make a comparison with earlier generations. Through statistical analysis, this paper offers solid explanations for the recent phenomenon of increased political engagement among Hong Kong youth, which will broaden our understanding of their political ideals and the socio-political environment of Hong Kong.";"Journal Article";2014;"V. Zheng, P. S. Wan and K. Wong";"Political attitudes and political participation of Hong Kong youth";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1118;"Emerging adulthood is critical for the development and solidification of civic values and commitments. In the midst of exploring employment, relationships, education, and parenthood, young adults question who they are, what they value, and what kind of values they want their society to stand for. According to longitudinal work, the way that individuals wrangle with and take positions on issues that are salient in their early adulthood and the points of view circulating in political discourse at that time shape those individuals’ political positions into midlife. Given the life-long political relevance of emerging adulthood, it is important to examine the opportunities for civic engagement during these years. In this chapter, the authors summarize the current field of civic engagement, explore ways in which civic engagement impacts individual development and functioning, and suggest a set of recommendations for promoting equal opportunities for civic engagement in emerging adulthood and beyond.";"Book Section";2016;"J. Núñez and C. Flanagan";"Political beliefs and civic engagement in emerging adulthood";"The Oxford handbook of emerging adulthood.";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1119;"Objective: Taking a qualitative approach, this study sought to describe consumer attitudes toward political participation and the association between political engagement and social recovery. Methods: This study used data from seven focus groups of self-identified consumers of mental health services in the New York City area (N = 52). Attitudes and behaviors related to voting and other forms of political engagement were identified and classified according to grounded theory, with a focus on the relationship between political engagement and broader social functioning, participation, and recovery. Results: Participants described the symbolic meaning of voting and political participation in terms of connection to social inclusion versus exclusion. Participants described political participation as a component of empowerment for minority groups in general, including persons who use mental health services and those from racial-ethnic minority groups. Conclusions: Qualitative studies of the symbolic meanings of political participation are an important component of understanding the broad yet interconnected dimensions of social recovery.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. M. Bergstresser, I. S. Brown and A. Colesante";"Political engagement as an element of social recovery: A qualitative study";"Psychiatric Services";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1120;"This study examines how exposure to a televised debate affects young citizens' normative democratic tendencies, attitudes that have been linked to increased civic and political participation, including voting behavior. The authors also are interested in the confidence young citizens express in the political knowledge they possess--their political information efficacy--and specifically how confidence in one's knowledge may be affected by exposure to such a sustained and 'information-rich' source of campaign information as a 90-minute candidate debate. Findings reveal that debates strengthen, at least in the short term, democratic attitudes and also strengthen young citizens' levels of political information efficacy.";"Journal Article";2007;"M. S. McKinney and S. Chattopadhyay";"Political engagement through debates: Young citizens' reactions to the 2004 presidential debates";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1121;"Despite the increase in young adult political engagement during the early part of the twenty-first century, young adult voting rates remain relatively low. This study explores the effects of Internet messages on young adult political efficacy and political information efficacy through a pretest/posttest experiment. Young voters (N = 486) reported significantly increased political efficacy and political information efficacy following exposure to several experimental stimuli; however, young women in the sample lag behind their male counterparts with regard to the confidence in their political information. Perhaps not surprisingly, Democrat participants were significantly higher in political efficacy in the days prior to the 2008 U.S. presidential election as it seemed likely that their candidate would win the election. Exposure to a negative media presentation of young voters did not appear to thwart young adult political information efficacy. More research spanning citizen-citizen, candidate-citizen, media-citizen, and party-citizen online messages and their effects is warranted.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. C. Tedesco";"Political information efficacy and internet effects in the 2008 U.S. presidential election";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1122;"In this brief historical overview of the study of the political socialization process and the acquisition of political knowledge, the authors maintain that the study of youth, political literacy, and civic activism is both a complex undertaking and normatively loaded. The research demands not only rigor in design but the exploration of new venues for a better understanding of those agents, activities, and interactions that shape young people's visions of the political world and their choice to participate or not participate in it. There is a need for a clearer understanding of what we know about politics and how we can link that knowledge to civic engagement. An important key to this understanding is greater awareness of and attention paid by political scientists to developmental psychology and theories of the learning processes. Only then can we make informed decisions about appropriate standards of civic education and civic engagement for our youth and throughout the life cycle.";"Journal Article";2002;"R. L. Dudley and A. R. Gitelson";"Political literacy, civic education, and civic engagement: A return to political socialization?";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1123;"Political violence poses a considerable threat to the health of individuals. Protective factors, however, may help people to build resilience in the face of political violence. This study examined the influence of lifetime and past 30‐day experiences of political violence on the mental and physical health of adult Palestinian women from the West Bank (N = 122). Two hypotheses were examined: (a) Reports of political violence exposure would be related to reports of poorer physical and mental health and (b) several coping variables (proactive coping; self‐reliance; reliance on political, family, and religious support; and political or civic engagement) would function as moderators of the effects of political violence, buffering or weakening its effects on physical and mental health outcomes. Both lifetime and past 30‐day measures of political violence were positively correlated with posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms. Proactive coping, reliance on self, and political or civic engagement significantly interacted with political violence to affect health in a counterintuitive direction; those with higher scores on these more internalized and individualistic coping strategies demonstrated worse health as political violence increased. Reliance on religious support, and, in particular, support from and participation in activities of religious institutions, emerged as a significant protective factor. Results underscore the importance of looking not only at whether political violence affects health, but also at how the relationships between political violence and health might occur, including the potential protective influence of resources within people's social environments.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. A. Sousa";"Political violence, health, and coping among Palestinian women in the West Bank";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1124;"The origins of this article are threefold. They lie in arguments about young people as either politically apathetic or as heralds of new forms of technologically enabled politics; in political arguments about the rise of the right in the UK, especially in places with a visible minority population; and in the debates about unruly urban youth in public spaces, especially their involvement in urban unrest in English cities in August 2011. These three sets of arguments are explored through a study of political and civic engagement by young men on the margins of the labour market. The focus on men is deliberate. Young men, as the key actors in most forms of public unrest and 90% of those arrested after the urban ‘riots’ in English cities in August 2011, are more likely to engage in various forms of visible protest than other groups in society, including young women. It is also evident that young men on the margins of the labour market or without waged work are likely to be those with most time and perhaps the strongest inclination to become involved in various forms of political action, as they seldom involve themselves in different forms of domestic labour, whether in their parental or own households. Our aim is to critically assess these arguments in an ‘ordinary’ English town, recognising that quiescence and apathy are harder (and less interesting) to observe than protest.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. McDowell, E. Rootham and A. Hardgrove";"Politics, anti-politics, quiescence and radical unpolitics: Young men's political participation in an ‘ordinary’ English town";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1125;"This report details the steps involved in setting up a polling club as part of related classes in political communication, public policy, and civic engagement among college students. It also examines an extracurricular activity that provides students with the opportunity to assess public opinion on policy matters at the local, state, and national levels. Insights as well as challenges from professors and students involved in such pertinent themes as web analytics, aggregate polling, and the internal and external constraints and biases inherent in such a project will be explored, as well as the need to focus on an integrated strategic communication perspective that bridges the frequent silos of marketing, advertising, public relations, journalism, and political communication.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Kimball and J. G. Payne";"Polling on public policy: A case study in engaging youth voters in the public opinion process for effective civic discourse";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1126;"Using data from the 2004 wave of the Afrobarometer survey, this study examines correlates of household hardship in three countries of sub-Saharan Africa: Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Findings provide partial support for the hypothesized relationship. Specifically, poverty reduction initiatives and informal assistance are associated with reduced hardship while civic engagement is related to an increase in household hardship. We also note that certain demographic characteristics are linked to hardship. Policy and practice implications are suggested.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. Lombe, A. Ochumbo, C. Stokes and C. Hamilton";"Predictors of household hardship in a resource constrained environment: The case of Sub-Saharan Africa";"International Social Work";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1127;"Distrust in the American government is a persistent problem for democracy, and civic education is thought to be the best hope for its mitigation. Scholars have found that new forms of playful, digital civic education can encourage youth civic engagement, and video game theory suggests that the properties of games make them well suited to the problem at hand. This study experimentally tests whether a custom-designed video game simulating the budgetary process can have an effect on political trust, particularly stealth democracy attitudes. Youth who played the game showed a lower level of stealth democracy attitudes than those who did not, but there was no difference in more general trust beliefs. This suggests that games could play a part in youth engagement efforts, but that such efforts are most effective when they are narrowly targeted.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. L. Barthel";"President for a day: Video games as youth civic education";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1128;"In two studies, we examined the relationship between resistance to heteronormativity and political engagement among heterosexuals. In the first, we examined the relationship between awareness of heterosexual privilege, resistance to heteronormativity, and engagement in lesbian and gay rights activism among contemporary heterosexual college students. As expected, women scored higher than men on both heterosexual privilege awareness and resistance to heteronormativity. For women, both heterosexual privilege awareness and resistance to heteronormativity were related to engagement in lesbian and gay rights activism. In the second study, we examined heteronormative attitudes in three cohorts of women spanning 40 years (college graduates in 1951/2, 1972, and 1992), looking at both generational differences in endorsement of heteronormative attitudes and the relationship of these attitudes to engagement in lesbian and gay rights activism. As expected, the two younger cohorts of women were significantly less heteronormative than the oldest cohort. Implications of these results are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. A. Montgomery and A. J. Stewart";"Privileged allies in lesbian and gay rights activism: Gender, generation, and resistance to heteronormativity";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1129;"Volunteering among university students is an important expression of civic engagement, but the impact of this experience on the development of emerging adults requires further contextualization. Adopting interpretative phenomenological analysis as a qualitative research approach, we carried out semistructured interviews with 10 students of one Irish university who were highly engaged in volunteering. Their experience of volunteering unfolded through relatively open-ended leadership positions in university student-led societies, comparatively structured community roles, or a combination of both. The findings describe a process initiated by the decision to volunteer, a discrete task based on motives, previous history, and exposure to opportunities. The positive impact of volunteering was described through the outcomes of commitment, competence, and connection. While concerned with the values of civic engagement, the perceived self-coherence and purposefulness attributed to volunteering also referenced personal development motives. The findings are interpreted in light of the volunteer process model, positive youth development, and civic engagement. These perspectives are relevant in considering college student volunteering as an experience that can promote successful developmental transition by having a positive impact on personal identity.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. MacNeela and N. Gannon";"Process and positive development: An interpretative phenomenological analysis of university student volunteering";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"Ireland";"CPE";"Youth"
1130;"Young people’s civic engagement over the transition to adulthood is often sporadic, interspersed with life transitions, and patterned differently across people. Understanding covariates of patterns of civic engagement, and changes in these patterns, could enhance efforts to promote young adults’ civic engagement. Using two time points of data from the Young Entrepreneurs Study (N = 2,364; 61.9% female; 60.9% European American), we identified four profiles of civic engagement: Low Initiative, Moderately Involved, Highly Involved, and Organizers. Profile membership was moderately stable, and stability rates were similar regardless of changes in participants’ education status. Participants’ initial levels of contribution ideology were related to stability in profile membership; participants with higher initial levels of contribution ideology were more likely to be classified in the Highly Involved profile at both waves. Implications for future research and applications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. K. Johnson, J. P. Agans, M. B. Weiner and R. M. Lerner";"Profiles of civic engagement across educational transitions: Stability and change";"International Journal of Developmental Science";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1131;"Studies that provide insight into citizen participation in public services delivery protests in Africa are very few. The paper discusses Citizens participation in public service delivery protests in the Sedibeng district municipality of South Africa. The municipality consists of three local municipalities namely Lesedi, Emfuleni and Midvaal. The sampling procedure was carefully designed, taking into account the spatial distribution of the population in the Sedibeng District Municipality and the three local municipalities. A structured sample of 1,000 respondents was used for the study. Descriptive and inferential statistics approaches were used in the analysis. Overall, the average level of satisfaction with public service delivery is quite low. There are highly significant differences in the mean ranking of satisfaction with public service delivery by age of protesters in respect of water supply, electricity provision and solid waste removal. Also, there are highly significant differences in the mean ranking of satisfaction with public service delivery by district for all service categories. There is a clear link between perception of municipal governance and participation in street protests. It is important for public service delivery in Sedibeng Municipality to improve so that citizens public confidence could rise. Municipal authorities need to explore more avenues for public consultation especially given the cultural impediment that citizens have regarding challenging leaders in public. Prompt action needs to be taken to address development challenges identified by residents as envisioned in the objectives of civic engagement in municipal planning. It is important to improve municipal governance which the protesters are particularly concerned about. Service delivery suggestions made at ward meetings should be provided by the municipality. These include those of improved roads, crime fighting and job creation are also essential to any effort to improve service delivery in Sedibeng municipality. It is also important for politicians to refrain from making empty promises or creating unrealistic expectations. Public services are a key determinant of quality of life that is not measured in per capita income. They are also an important element of any poverty reduction strategy. Improving public service delivery is one of the biggest challenges confronting local administration in Africa. Studies that provide link citizens satisfaction with public services delivery with participation in street protests in Africa are very few. This study hence makes an important contribution to our understanding of this important field.";"Journal Article";2014;"O. A. Akinboade, M. P. Mokwena and E. C. Kinfack";"Protesting for improved public service delivery in South Africa’s Sedibeng district";"Social Indicators Research";"South Africa";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1132;"Explaining youths' political (dis)engagement is currently a key research endeavor for different disciplines, including political science, sociology, and social and developmental psychology. In this chapter, we will present data from the Italian sample of the PIDOP project, focusing on the explanatorv' role of organizational membership, and on how the qualitv' of participation in such organizations aft'ects youth civic and political participation. More importantly, we will test two possible mediating factors of the association between organizational membership and civic and political participation, drawn from theoretical perspectives in community psychology (see Chapter 9 by Cicognani and Zani in the present volume): sense of community and social well-being. We will include data on both native and migrant adolescents and young adults: the latter are an understudied population in Italy still experiencing forms of institutional discrimination as far as citizenship rights are concerned. This will provide an important test for the role of (legal and perceived) institutional and community inclusion in promoting civic and political engagement.";"Book Section";2015;"C. Albanesi, D. Mazzoni and B. Zani";"Predictors of civic and political participation among native and migrant youth in Italy: The role of organizational membership, sense of community, and perceived social well-being";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
1133;"Research suggests that participation in co-curricular and extracurricular activities improves students’ academic outcomes, but less is known about the mechanisms by which these programs impact students’ educational trajectories. This study examines psychosocial factors linking participation in an urban debate league (UDL) and academic performance in a large prospective study of students in the Chicago Public Schools (N = 12,197) over a nine-year period. School, social, and civic engagement were higher among debaters than non-debaters, but mediation analysis indicated these indicators of engagement only partially explained the academic effects of UDL participation. This article discusses study implications for co-curricular programming, in particular as they relate to efforts to close racial/ethnic and socioeconomic disparities in educational attainment.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Anderson and B. Mezuk";"Positive youth development and participation in an urban debate league: Results from Chicago public schools, 1997-2007";"Journal of Negro Education";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1134;"Emerging countries have witnessed an incredible change in their societal structure in the last few years. In Brazil, the economical rise of the middle class brought more that 100 million people to the marketplace. This stimulus to consumerism (i.e. the social and economic order that encourages the purchase of goods and services in ever-greater amounts) is accompanied by a notable growth in social movements and mobilization of citizen-consumers, which indicates changes in the values of individuals and concerns with the direction the society is taking. Conscious and political consumption consequently arises as an alternative way. Especially among young consumers such issues are interesting to address from a theoretical and social point of view, as this new generation will shape the future of the nation. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to analyse socially conscious and political consumption in terms of consumers’ civic engagement as political citizens. We argue that the young political consumer is value-oriented. The study relied on quantitative research, conducted through an internet-based survey where 458 valid questionnaires were obtained. Schwartz’s Portrait Values Questionnaire was used to measure personal values of the interviewees. Conscious and political consumption were measured through eight questions addressing alter- and anti-consumption actions. The results indicated significant differences among the personal values of the university students that were classified as political consumers. Universalism and benevolence stood out among the core values of this group, with prominence of self-transcendence, appreciation for equality and concerns for the well-being of others. However, a gap was observed between the discourse and action of interviewees, once only one-third of the sample undertook some form of political consumption. The conclusion was that most of the university students interviewed show the will to change society with individual actions, but demonstrate very little political commitment, and currently do not act politically in their purchases.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. D. de Barcellos, C. M. Teixeira and J. C. Venturini";"Personal values associated with political consumption: An exploratory study with university students in Brazil";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"Brazil";"CPE";"YT"
1135;"Research on the lack of civic and political engagement on the part of today's youth has relied on traditional, often quantitative, measures of political knowledge that may miss important elements of the process. Using an ethnographic approach with a group of inner-city high school students, our study reveals a richer construction of students' awareness of political issues, or political socialization than previously documented by conventional survey measures. Notably present is a sophisticated awareness of and identification with non-news television formats which suggests that sources such as TV talk and reality shows may be important sources of political discourse and even civic engagement. Our study also supports the value of hands-on media production projects for understanding youth political knowledge and awareness, suggesting an additional tool for political communication and civic engagement research.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Dunsmore and T. G. Lagos";"Politics, media and youth: Understanding political socialization via video production in secondary schools";"Learning, Media and Technology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1136;"Schools can be sites where students and teachers enact civic engagement projects, taking action on relevant and pressing issues facing their community. This chapter illustrates how informational texts on the Internet played these roles in one civic engagement project in an urban seventh grade classroom in the Fields School, a combined elementary and middle school in a low socioeconomic neighborhood servicing primarily students of color. To put this story in a larger context, I open the chapter with a brief review of literature on the relationship between internet use, civic engagement, and social studies. This literature suggests that while there is some scholarship that examines internet use in social studies overall, cases such as this one are needed so to contribute to an all-too-small conversation about internet use in civic education—one piece of the social studies content-area. Then, I turn to a discussion of the seventh grade teachers and students in the Fields School and how they used informational texts on the Internet to develop their civic engagement project. Throughout this discussion and at the conclusion of the paper, I offer recommendations for social studies teachers, pointing to ways educators can draw from and extend the pedagogical examples embedded in the Fields School case to imagine the role of the Internet during civic engagement projects.";"Book Section";2014;"S. E. Epstein";"'Now we can get this off the ground and rolling!': Using the Internet in a youth civic engagement project";"Digital social studies.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1137;"In this special section contributing authors explore the unique developmental affordances of the civic/political domain for adolescents and also tie engagement in this domain to other developmental tasks of and changes during this period. Not only do authors explore different developmental themes, they also use a range of methods and sample from different countries and sub-groups within those countries. Identity has long been considered a central developmental task of adolescence. The theme of social responsibility also is taken up in papers concerned with other aspects of adolescents’ civic development. Taken together, the set of studies suggests that, to understand how political values and identities take shape, we should not wait till the age of majority when youth are age eligible to vote. In fact, the adolescent years are a period when views about the kind of society individuals want to live in are intimately tied to the kinds of persons they are becoming.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Flanagan, W. Beyers and R. Žukauskienė";"Political and civic engagement development in adolescence";"Journal of Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1138;"A major conclusion from our quantitative data is that the way youths conceive and apply political and civic engagement is not independent of the economic, social, and historical opportunities and strategies of the different groups to which they belong. But if gendered socialization continues to influence the distribution of roles and motivations (defense of prosocial or pro-traditional values for girls), young women are also determined to distance themselves with regard to gender-stereotyped choices.";"Book Section";2015;"C. Gavray, M. Born and B. Fournier";"Participation among youth, women, and migrants: Findings from the Wallonia-Brussels Federation of Belgium";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Belgium";"CPECPP";"YT"
1139;"The purpose of this chapter is to provide information, research-based recommendations, and practical resources for youth development practitioners, educators, and policymakers who want to better understand and enhance contribution among diverse groups of youth across the United States. Although all forms of contribution ultimately benefit adolescents' personal development and promote their well-being, in this chapter, we focus on young people's contributions to others and to their community because these forms have received the most attention in the research. We specifically focus on implications from positive youth development (PYD) research regarding young people's engagement with and contributions to their communities and society. That is, we focus on what has been learned from PYD research about young people's contributions primarily in the form of civic engagement, and we discuss how such engagement can be promoted by invested adults within the context of youth development programs.";"Book Section";2015;"R. M. Hershberg, S. K. Johnson, L. M. DeSouza, C. J. Hunter and J. Zaff";"Promoting contribution among youth: Implications from positive youth development research for youth development programs";"Promoting positive youth development: Lessons from the 4-H study.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1140;"Levels of civic engagement are assumed to vary according to numerous social and psychological characteristics, but not much is known about online civic engagement. This study aimed to investigate differences and similarities in young people’s offline and online civic engagement and to clarify, based on Ajzen’s theory of planned behavior (TPB), associations between motivation for civic engagement, peer and parental norms, collective efficacy, and civic engagement. The sample consisted of 755 youth (native German, ethnic German Diaspora, and Turkish migrants) from two age groups (16–18 and 19–26; mean age 20.5 years; 52 % female). Results showed that ethnic group membership and age moderated the frequency of engagement behavior, with Turkish migrants taking part more than native Germans, who were followed by ethnic German Diaspora migrants. Analyses based on TPB showed good fit for a model relating intention for offline and online civic engagement to motivation for civic engagement, peer and parental norms, and collective efficacy. Ethnic group moderated the findings for offline civic engagement and questioned the universality of some model parameters (e.g., peer and parental norms). This study showed the utility of the TPB framework for studying civic engagement but also reveals that the predictive utility of peer and parental norms seems to vary depending on the group and the behavior under study. This study highlights the importance of including minority samples in the study of civic engagement in order to identify between-group similarities and differences.";"Journal Article";2013;"P. Jugert, K. Eckstein, P. Noack, A. Kuhn and A. Benbow";"Offline and online civic engagement among adolescents and young adults from three ethnic groups";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"Germany";"CPE";"YT"
1141;"The family system, or the caregiving environment, facilitates the socialization of youth into society. This article explores the influence of parents' civic behavior within the caregiving environment on the prosocial civic behaviors of their late adolescent and young adult children. Using secondary data from the Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement National Youth Survey, this exploratory study examines behaviors among 1,000 youths ages 15 to 25 years. Parents' voting behaviors and parent-child political communication were significant measures related to youths' value of voting and performance of service (volunteering). The findings suggest that an altruism-rich, caregiving environment is a significant familial context to promote and sustain civic engagement among youths.";"Journal Article";2006;"D. C. Kelly";"Parents' influence on youths' civic behaviors: The civic context of the caregiving environment";"Families in Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1142;"Psychological functions of religion in youth are discussed from a motivational and anthropological approach including a historical and cultural perspective. The role of religious beliefs in ancient, medieval, and traditional societies are described, referring to some possible origins in the evolution of such beliefs. These origins are seen in the belief in an invisible 'other' (or spiritual) world, motivated to make sense of otherwise incomprehensible events. This is assumed to have strong psychological effects on the formation of religion in mankind, on the development of religious practices, and the role and importance of shamans and priests. The psychological functions of religion in adolescents' development by initiation rites, and in modern societies with focus on natural sciences and a secularization of the worldview are discussed. There are a great variety of beliefs and strong differences in the importance of religion in different cultures. The importance and power of religion differ, ranging from fundamentalism to secularization. The importance of these differences for emergent adults are considered. Religiosity may foster identity development, civic engagement, prosocial activities, and life satisfaction. However, it can also promote other less desirable behaviors in youth like intolerance and aggressiveness against unbelievers. Both the cultural context and individual motivations are shown to affect religious development and personality development in adolescence in various ways.";"Book Section";2012;"H.-J. Kornadt";"Psychological functions of religion in youth—A historical and cultural perspective";"Values, religion, and culture in adolescent development.";"Germany";"CPE";"YT"
1143;"By analyzing data from a national panel survey of adolescents (ages 12-17) and their parents conducted around the 2008 general election, this study explores the varied roles communication plays in socializing youth into democratic citizenship. In particular, we propose and test a communication mediation model of youth socialization, in which interdependent communication processes located in the family, schools, media, and peer networks combine to cultivate communication competence, a set of basic communication skills and motives needed for active and informed participation in public life. Analysis of our panel data indicates that participation in deliberative classroom activities and democratic peer norms contribute to civic activism among youth. These peer and school influences, however, are found to be largely indirect, working through informational use of conventional and online news media, and expression and discussion of political ideas outside of classroom and family boundaries. In particular, our findings highlight strong online pathways to participation, centering on news consumption and political expression via digital media technologies, suggesting the key role of the Internet in this dynamic.";"Journal Article";2013;"N.-J. Lee, D. V. Shah and J. M. McLeod";"Processes of political socialization: A communication mediation approach to youth civic engagement";"Communication Research";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1144;"The pathways through which the neighborhood can influence civic development in adolescence are not fully understood. The present study aims to develop an integrative model linking neighborhood social connectedness (neighborhood intergenerational closure, neighborhood trust and reciprocity, social relationships with neighbors and neighborhood friends) and different components of youth civic engagement (local and global civic responsibility, civic competencies, civic behaviors), taking into account the mediating effects of attachment to the neighborhood and non-parental adults’ network. Participants were 403 early- and middle-adolescents (47.9% males), randomly selected, coming from a mid-sized Italian city. The theoretical model proposed in the current study was partially validated. Neighborhood social connectedness is associated with higher levels of civic engagement in adolescence, and adolescents’ network of adults and their levels of attachment to the neighborhood mediate this association. The results offer important implications for future research and prevention programs that aim to impact social systems to nurture adolescents’ civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Lenzi, A. Vieno, M. Pastore and M. Santinello";"Neighborhood social connectedness and adolescent civic engagement: An integrative model";"Journal of Environmental Psychology";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1145;"Protesting represented the culmination of political frustration with policy and representation. Still, it would be a mistake to suggest the protests functioned exclusively as a means of expression. Both occupiers and protesters insisted on messages of political pressure towards accountability as motivating factors for engagement in public dissonance. Among other factors the persistence of allegiance to traditional politics—suggesting the development of strategic mobilization to punish Libend-Democrats—speaks to the enduring though tenuous relationship between youth and democratic institutions. In an increasingly watchful public, the digital age youth—focused on issues relevant to their cause—will want to see action as well as promises. More than before, accountability is possible through more consumable media and through shared, social media channels to keep young stakeholders engaged in the political process.";"Book Section";2015;"A. L. Linton, II";"Politically engaged and alienated youth: Reevaluating 2010 UK student protests";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";;"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1147;"The landmark Civic Mission of Schools report of 2003 laid out an argument for the role of schools in promoting youth civic engagement and presented a range of promising ideas and practices to accomplish that. In this study we describe the civic engagement outcomes that a large, diverse urban school district has chosen to promote m its students. The outcomes constitute a vision of civic engagement that sees youth as well-rounded citizens capable of engaging in civil, political, and problem-solving activities, both individually and socially. In 2007, the district revised its annual survey of high school students to include the above-mentioned civic outcomes and other new measures as part of a whole-child approach to monitoring educational development Data collected by this survey in 2008 and 2009 were used to identify and characterize a number of factors which, research suggests, may be important predictors of youth civic engagement. The results show that many factors in our models of civic engagement were positively related to youth civic engagement. Using these findings and theoretical considerations, we sorted factors into 3 levels of importance. Overall, the most important predictors of youth civic engagement were community service, political discussion, and environmental conservation. At an intermediate level of importance were nonsport extracurricular activities, conflict resolution skill, and positive character, as well as personal efficacy, willingness to contact public officials about issues of concern, and intention to vote. Seven other factors were also found to have positive, but somewhat weaker or less-widespread associations with youth civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2009;"H. McIntosh and M. A. Muñoz";"Predicting civic engagement in urban high school students";"Journal of Research in Character Education";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1148;"Anyone who has lived in, driven through or walked by a 'bad' neighborhood has a sense of the attributes that render such places unique: graffiti, litter, public intoxication and much more. According to the well-known theory of ‘‘broken windows,’’ these readily observable corporeal characteristics signal neighborhood disorder and lead to increased criminal behavior. This article investigates the implications of disorder for political behavior, taking particular care to distinguish between the objective tangible conditions of disorder and residents’ subjective interpretations of those conditions. Utilizing exceptionally rich data, this analysis reveals that while certain aspects of objective 'reality' are consequential, perceptions of such reality are a more powerful mechanism through which neighborhood disorder impacts local political engagement. For some political outcomes, a heightened sense of the problems associated with disorder is linearly associated with an increase in participation. For others, the pattern is parabolic: those who perceive so little disorder that they remain content or so much disorder that they become disaffected are substantially less likely to take action to make their communities better. Ultimately, holding objective contextual features constant, the lenses through which residents interpret things like 'broken windows' are critical determinants of grassroots politics. This information, combined with broader understandings of what shapes perceptions of disorder, lays the foundation for structuring policy in ways that facilitate grassroots activism—a vital component of the American democratic process.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Michener";"Neighborhood disorder and local participation: Examining the political relevance of 'broken windows'";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1149;"Many of today’s youth feel disconnected from their local communities. At the same time, most of them are regularly connected to the Internet and other digital media to gather information and communicate with their peers. This study conducts a qualitative textual analysis of 14 scholastic and nonscholastic youth media websites to derive five emergent themes related to connecting youth and local communities. While some content examined addressed specific community concerns, the strongest current value of these websites is that they serve as a source of diverse peer support and self-expression for local teens as they collectively experience the joys and struggles of adolescence. These sites also promote attachment to local schools, an important community node and social ecology for teens.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. C. Neely";"Plugging in: Possibilities for connecting teens and communities through scholastic and nonscholastic youth media websites";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1150;"Prosocial orientation and commitment to community service are central aspects of young people's connection to the wider community. These and related constructs such as civic engagement and participation in organized youth activities have been of interest for decades. The results of the analyses in this chapter suggest that the seven-item prosocial orientation variable, comprising both prosocial attitudes and behavioral intentions, is a good measure with acceptable reliability that demonstrates consistent concurrent validity for both male and female adolescents. It may therefore warrant additional examination as a potential measure for inclusion in a system of positive youth development indicators.";"Book Section";2005;"P. C. Scales and P. L. Benson";"Prosocial Orientation and Community Service";"What do children need to flourish: Conceptualizing and measuring indicators of positive development.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1151;"The goal of the study is to offer an insight into the problems of research in political beliefs in late adolescents and to lay the ground for the construction of a method for its assessment. The authors ask a question what beliefs concerning the meaningfulness of political engagement the young people form. On the basis of depth interviews (N = 9) they assess the enumeration of possible beliefs and then by the means of questionnaire survey (N = 358) and statistical elaboration discover their importance and structure. The results suggest the importance of beliefs concerning the negative consequences of the operation in politics, the possible personal profits, the own competence, the influence of politics on the society, the citizens' duty to become engaged, eventually the importance of refusing to be the object of decisions of others. In the conclusion, the authors discuss the issue how to construct the inventory making possible to measure the mentioned beliefs in the future,";"Journal Article";2010;"J. Šerek and P. Macek";"Proč se politicky (ne) angažovat: Obsah a struktura přesvědčení u adolescentů. = Why (not) to become politically engaged: Content and structure of beliefs in adolescents";"Československá Psychologie: Časopis Pro Psychologickou Teorii a Praxi";"Czech Republic";"CPE";"YT"
1152;"In this paper, we examine the potential relationships between spirituality/religiosity, civic engagement, and positive youth development. Since all three concepts can have multiple meanings, research must begin by clarifying the definitions of each construct that underlie the questions being addressed. As experimental scientists we are trained to conceptualize independent variables that are influences on development and dependent variables that are outcomes of development. Each of these constructs--positive development, civic engagement, and spirituality/religiosity--can be either an independent or a dependent variable. One goal of the present paper is to address the possible relationships between these constructs, and, to do that, one must begin by addressing some definitional issues. To some extent, each area relates to values, identity, and their relationship to behavior.";"Book Section";2008;"L. R. Sherrod and G. S. Spiewak";"Possible interrelationships between civic engagement, positive youth development, and spirituality/religiosity";"Positive youth development and spirituality: From theory to research.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1153;"The National Assessment of Education Progress (NAEP) shows a civic knowledge gap similar to the achievement gap, showing urban youth struggling in particular. However, research has shown that urban youth can be civically engaged when they are involved in projects or organizing intended to improve community conditions, not simply absorbing civic knowledge. This article shares findings from case studies of two Bronx-based community organizations that have successful models of civic engagement with urban youth. The findings reveal the practices that the adults use in the organizations to get urban youth civically engaged and to develop a 'civic identity.'";"Journal Article";2013;"J. T. Shiller";"Preparing for democracy: How community-based organizations build civic engagement among urban youth";"Urban Education";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1154;"This longitudinal study investigated social capital as a way through which youths’ organized activities promote their future adjustment. Specifically, we examined social mediators of the associations between intensity, duration, and breadth of participation from age 14 to 17 and adjustment at age 18. Two social mediators were tested: support from the activity leader and social integration into the activity peer group. In addition, we examined how these mediation effects vary across gender. The sample consisted of 228 French Canadian adolescents (65 % girls). Youths were surveyed yearly from age 12 to 18. Controlling for prior adjustment at age 12, greater duration of participation from age 14 to 17 was associated with lower problematic alcohol use and higher civic engagement at age 18 through support from the activity leader. In addition, for boys only, greater duration of participation was associated with fewer subsequent depressive symptoms through social integration into the activity peer group. Overall, our results suggest that sustained participation allows youths to develop positive social experiences within organized activities, which, in turn, promote their future adjustment. Moreover, boys might benefit more from social experiences in organized activities than girls, at least with respect to depressive symptoms.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Viau, A.-S. Denault and F. Poulin";"Organized activities during high school and adjustment one year post high school: Identifying social mediators";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"Canada";"CPE";"YT"
1155;"Researchers have theorized that programs to promote positive citizenship should begin with an opportunity for adolescents to participate in civic activities, such as community service or political volunteering. In this article we extend the theory by arguing that amore systemic approach is needed, in which a civic context is developed to promote citizenship. We hypothesize that living within a consistent civic context leads to civic engagement in late adolescence and into young adulthood. We use a diverse, longitudinal dataset to test this hypothesis. We find that social interactions with peers, parent modeling of civic behaviors, and cultural factors, such as ethnicity-specific practices, cumulatively result in a higher level of civic activities among youth and that a continued context that includes these factors results in a higher level of civic activities into adulthood. The implications of our findings are discussed with regard to program and policy development.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. F. Zaff, O. Malanchuk and J. S. Eccles";"Predicting positive citizenship from adolescence to young adulthood: The effects of a civic context";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1156;"This research focuses on correlates involving civic engagement, public deliberation, and National Issues Forums. Activities involving public deliberation and a 'Train the Trainer' process through National Issues Forums are explored with students at a college in the southeastern region of the United States. Results indicate that students benefit from the 'Train the Trainer' process as the experience prepared them to take leadership roles as moderators/facilitators of National Issues Forums. Results also indicate that students welcome an opportunity for civic engagement through public deliberation. The contribution and long-term aims of this research provide an avenue for public deliberation through National Issues Forums in the reinforcement of the concepts of civic engagement, leadership, democratic process/practice and collective action.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. S. Peterson";"Public deliberation and practical application of civic engagement through a 'Train the Trainer' process at a historically Black college";"Journal of Negro Education";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1157;"This study links uses and gratifications theory to a theory that addresses civic engagement and then applies it to create an electronic public sphere designed to encourage citizens to participate in civic life. An experimental website on the topic of the state budget was created and tested to assure maximum usability by citizens. It found that the site designed to conform to users' wants and needs in content, navigation and appearance did indeed foster positive attitudes toward civic engagement. Participants who saw the usable site were significantly more likely to have positive attitudes toward civic engagement than those who saw a site not designed for usability. The site features under the control of website creators, such as story content and site appearance, showed strong correlations with civic engagement attitudes.";"Journal Article";2008;"R. L. Coleman, P. Lieber, A. L. Mendelson and D. D. Kurpius";"Public life and the internet: If you build a better website, will citizens become engaged?";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1158;"In this article, we take a critical look at the growing interest in U.S. political participation as it exists in the youth civic engagement literature. Our critique draws from principles of liberation and developmental psychology, and from the incisive writings of experts in youth organizing. Youth Organizing evolved from the Positive Youth Development (PYD) and Community Youth Development (CYD) perspectives but its addition of social justice activism is consistent with liberation psychology. The essence of our critique is this: Although there is certainly value in the current civic engagement literature, much of it focuses on the maintenance, of social and political institutions rather than on action for social justice. To promote a better balance, and one more relevant to the lives of youth of color and other marginalized young people, we offer a framework for empirical research on youth sociopolitical development. The focus is on the relationship between social analysis (including critical consciousness) and societal involvement that includes the full range of service and political work. Because youth is the focus, we also include a brief discussion of a distinctive challenge that adults face in doing just work with young people--namely, adultism.";"Journal Article";2007;"R. J. Watts and C. Flanagan";"Pushing the envelope on youth civic engagement: A developmental and liberation psychology perspective";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1159;"This chapter is about the convergence of love and justice, and examines how young leaders of color are expanding conventional modes of civic engagement in order to assert human dignity collectively. This chapter illustrates how present conditions in Black communities have fostered new modes of leadership that focus on hope, love, and joy and are ultimately restorative and redemptive. With the use of the radical healing framework, this chapter explores how the campaign #Blacklivesmatter represents a growing movement for healing justice in Black life.";"Book Section";2015;"S. A. Ginwright";"Radically healing Black lives: A love note to justice";"Engaging youth in leadership for social and political change.";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1160;"Citizenship is a critically important area of adult functioning so that its development should be of much greater significance in developmental science. Furthermore, it provides a means of exploring a number of key issues in developmental science. It is a prime example of social cognition, and lends itself to examination of interesting issues about development itself and developmental processes. Because it results from lifelong socialization and is influenced by most childhood socialization factors such as families and schools, it offers a useful means of studying socialization. It varies across most indicators of youth diversity so can be a safe way of indexing the increasing heterogeneity of our youth. And it is both a contributor to and an expression of positive youth development, a powerful new approach to research and policy. In this regard, it provides a useful tool for investigating the development of human capital. It should be one of the most important topics in developmental science, not a side issue that only a few people study, that is not covered in child development texts, as is now the case. But attention is needed to the development of theory and measurement.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. R. Sherrod";"Recognizing civic engagement as a critical domain of human development";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1161;"Immigrants to the United States face rejection from other Americans on the basis of their ethnic group membership. Among members of ethnic minority groups who were born in the United States, rejection is tied to higher ethnic identification and less positive attitudes toward the national majority. Relatively little research has examined this relationship among first-generation immigrants (i.e., people who were born in another country but who migrated to the United States) or has considered political engagement on behalf of one’s ethnic group as an outcome. In this study we examined the relationship among ethnic-based rejection, ethnic and national identification, and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants in the northeastern United States. We found that first-generation Latino immigrants who perceived ethnic-based rejection were less likely to identify with Americans and less likely to report willingness to engage politically on behalf of their ethnic group in the United States. Perceived rejection was not significantly associated with ethnic identification, which was not related to ethnic political engagement. The study demonstrates that ethnic-based rejection has unique implications for identification and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Wiley, D. Lawrence, J. Figueroa and R. Percontino";"Rejection-(dis)identification and ethnic political engagement among first-generation Latino immigrants to the United States";"Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1162;"Refugee studies have examined both resilience and adverse outcomes, but no research has examined how different outcomes co-occur or are distinct, and the social-contextual factors that give rise to these diverse outcomes. The current study begins to address this gap by using latent profile analysis to examine the ways in which delinquency, gang involvement, civic engagement, political engagement, and openness to violent extremism cluster among Somali refugees. We then use multivariable regression analyses to examine how adversity (e.g., discrimination, trauma, and marginalization) is associated with the identified latent classes. Data were collected from 374 Somali refugee young adults (Mage = 21.30 years, SD = 2.90, range 18–30, 38% female) from 4 different North American communities. Participants completed a structured survey assessing their experiences of adversity, delinquent and/or violent attitudes and behaviors (e.g., attitudes toward violent extremism, participation in delinquent behaviors, involvement in gangs), and positive outcomes (e.g., civic and political engagement). Our findings indicate that participants fall into 5 distinct groups, and that social-contextual and individual factors are uniquely related to those groups. Specifically, strong social bonds seem to be associated with positive outcomes. These findings point to the need to further examine both positive and negative outcomes, paying special attention to social–contextual factors.";"Journal Article";2016;"B. H. Ellis, S. M. Abdi, V. Lazarevic, M. T. White, A. K. Lincoln, J. E. Stern and J. G. Horgan";"Relation of psychosocial factors to diverse behaviors and attitudes among Somali refugees";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1163;"This article complements emerging research on immigrant civic participation by examining how Catholic churches facilitate volunteer and political participation among first-generation Mexican immigrants. Drawing on interviews and ethnographic data, it identifies two reinforcing mechanisms that churches foster: small groups and organizational links. Specifically, small groups, like prayer groups, provide immigrants with intimate contexts for building networks, learning skills and sharing resources. On the other hand, churches cultivate links to secular organizations that sensitize immigrants to public debates and provide opportunities for civic participation. Put simply, church-going immigrants take advantage of broader civic opportunities because they gain resources and skills within small groups. Implications for understanding immigrant religion and civic participation more broadly are discussed.";"Journal Article";2013;"G. C. Mora";"Religion and the organizational context of immigrant civic engagement: Mexican Catholicism in the USA";"Ethnic and Racial Studies";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1164;"Using longitudinal data taken from the National Survey of Families and Households, the author examined the influence of religious affiliation and attendance on the involvement of 1,019 residential fathers in one-on-one activities, dinner with their families, and youth activities and found religious effects for each of these 3 measures. Virtually no evidence was found for a competing hypothesis that these effects are artifacts of a conventional habitus such that the type of men who are more conventional in their patterns of civic engagement are both more religious and more involved with their children. However, civic engagement is positively related to paternal involvement.";"Journal Article";2002;"W. B. Wilcox";"Religion, convention, and paternal involvement";"Journal of Marriage and Family";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1165;"All workers are, or should feel, responsible; but leaders have a special burden. They have a larger set of responsibilities at work (employees, boards of trustees, voters, mission statements) and often-because of scheduling demands, for example-more complex situations at home as well. How do leaders, particularly those with an ethical conscience, parse out their responsibilities? Thanks to the range of leaders interviewed in the GoodWork Project, I had the opportunity to examine this question with respect to two contrasting populations: established leaders, defined as exemplary workers who have found themselves in or beyond the peak of their professional life and changed their domain significantly; and leaders-in- formation. In the latter case, I studied two groups of individuals under the age of forty: social entrepreneurs, who are tackling societal problems with business strategies; and young political activists, who have shown strong political engagement at an early age.";"Book Section";2007;"A. Schröer";"Responsibility and leadership";"Responsibility at work: How leading professionals act (or don't act) responsibly.";"Germany";"CPE";"Youth"
1169;"This paper explores the social change and political engagement witnessed in several former socialist countries, devoting special attention to youth (or student) movements in Georgia and Ukraine. In particular, it explores the relationship between those youth movements and the so-called colour revolutions, suggesting that these revolutions boosted political opportunities for youth movements. By seizing those political opportunities, informally organised groups have been able to become formalised and more active in their respective societies. This explains why such youth movements have sometimes been perceived as being created overnight while, this article argues, they were only hidden and ready to emerge when opportunities emerged.";"Journal Article";2010;"D. Ó Beacháin and A. Polese";"'Rocking the vote': New forms of youth organisations in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Ireland";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1170;"This article reports on the early lessons from a multiphase, multimethod study of youth civic engagement. We use insights from expert discussions along with a series of focus groups to explore how young adults approach politics, volunteerism, community, civic duty, and generational identity. We find many of the distinguishing characteristics of today's youth to be subtle and nuanced, which poses unique challenges for quantitative research of the generation. The important implications of language are discussed in detail.";"Journal Article";2002;"M. W. Andolina, K. Jenkins, S. Keeter and C. Zukin";"Searching for the meaning of youth civic engagement: Notes from the field";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1171;"The proliferation of networked forms of communication has captured the attention of media and scholars alike. We have never had quite as many resources for communication as we have today, and such communicative potential has implications for social change. In this article we consider public spheres that emerge through communication in the digital realm, paying attention to how networked publics operate within such spheres. We present results from a study of a popular local online discussion forum in Kazakhstan. Steeped in Habermas's idea of the public sphere, this study focuses on cultural public spheres defined through engagement and participation of diverse publics. We consider a range of publics that might emerge, such as mundane-publics, issue-publics, and counter-publics and how these differ in their content and purpose. While the majority of work on networked publics has been situated in states with democratic forms of governance, we consider whether similar constructions are possible in an authoritarian state. We find that networked publics are not only present in an environment rife with online blocking and censorship, but take on a range of forms, generating participation that can at times result in substantial social change, despite the inability to hold open political discussions online.";"Journal Article";2012;"I. Shklovski and B. Valtysson";"Secretly political: Civic engagement in online publics in Kazakhstan";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"Denmark";"CPE";"Youth"
1172;"Historically, there has been a rich American tradition connecting service to political engagement. To test whether this pathway remains significant, research on the political outcomes of young people's service participation is reviewed. The author argues that most research operationalizes citizenship as a helping behavior, contributing to a perspective that service is an alternative to politics. The article concludes with a set of recommendations for reinvigorating service to support more robust political participation.";"Journal Article";2002;"T. Walker";"Service as a pathway to political participation: What research tells us";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1173;"This paper examines pre-service teacher outcomes associated with service learning in domestic and international settings. One group of upper-division undergraduate level pre-service teachers participated in supervised experiences in domestic settings. A second group of upper-division undergraduate level pre-service teachers participated in supervised experiences in Shanghai, China. Program evaluation and participant outcomes are reported here. Participant outcomes examined include civic engagement, career goal clarification, and cultural competencies.";"Journal Article";2009;"K. K. Miller and A. M. Gonzalez";"Service learning in domestic and international settings";"College Student Journal";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1174;"In this chapter, we demonstrate the efficacy of collegiate service learning in the development of intentional and sustained awareness of social justice. The literature review establishes that there is an abundant resource of college student volunteers; the second section of the literature review utilizes studies about time to support a theoretical perspective that underscores the value of the college tutor's work; and the third section of the literature review focuses on the long-term value of civic engagement for the college student. The chapter describes two replicable projects: one in an elementary school and another in a secondary school. The chapter concludes with suggestions and resources that have been used and developed.";"Book Section";2012;"D. Schiller and M. Charles";"Service learning provides university students with a vehicle to address: Inequities in urban education";"Educational leaders encouraging the intellectual and professional capacity of others: A social justice agenda.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1175;"The increasing presence of 'nontraditional' students in higher education can complicate efforts to use service-learning methodologies. Service-learning administrators administered surveys to 919 undergraduate students at 3 universities. Results suggest that students with nontraditional characteristics have different perceptions of the value of service-learning for different intended outcomes. In examining student views of whether the service-learning experiences helped them (a) understand what they learned in class, (b) develop personal skills, (c) develop career plans, and (d) enhance their level of civic engagement, results showed that older students felt that service-learning enhanced the content of their courses but significantly less so than younger students, especially first generation students. Working students were less enthusiastic about the value of service-learning for the development of their personal skills than others. The implications of these findings for the support of nontraditional students as well as the opportunities suggested for further involvement of first generation and activist students are discussed.";"Book Section";2012;"H. Rosenberg, S. Reed, A. Statham and H. Rosing";"Service-learning and the nontraditional student: What's age got to do with it?";"Understanding service-learning and community engagement: Crossing boundaries through research.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1176;"Though the research in this field is scarce, the practice of service-learning is promising, primarily because it is based on so many of the factors shown in the research to be associated with academic and civic engagement and performance. The hands-on nature of the approach and the strong emphasis on transfer of knowledge are both factors associated with increased achievement. The focus on collaboration, goal attainment, constructive feedback, and autonomy, which are features of service-learning, are similarly correlated with positive youth development outcomes.";"Book Section";2013;"S. H. Billig";"Service-learning";"International guide to student achievement.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1177;"Although late-life potentials are increasingly recognized as a valuable resource for shaping social change, contributions of the very old to civil society are still regularly overlooked. The authors outline a comprehensive perspective on very old age (or the fourth age), which integrates vulnerability and developmental potential, and report findings from the Generali study of the very old in Germany. This mixed-methods study included 400 qualitative biographical interviews with people aged 85 + and a standardized survey of 800 employees of municipalities and voluntary organizations. The authors found that feelings of shared responsibility and motives for engagement in family and community, especially for younger generations, were highly prevalent among the very old participants. Approximately one half of them reported being civically engaged, mostly in informal settings, and many had been engaged before. The very old participants emphasized the importance of positive intergenerational relationships, physical health, positive perceptions of aging, and supportive environments as major factors that might promote their civic engagement. However, perspectives of institutional staff were different. Institutional staff rated the very old more negatively as compared with the young-old and saw the barriers to civic engagement primarily within the individuals (e.g., in their old age and poor health). The authors’ findings indicate that lacking institutional opportunity structures may contribute to the exclusion of some very old people from civic life.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Kruse and E. Schmitt";"Shared responsibility and civic engagement in very old age";"Research in Human Development";"Germany";"CPE";"Youth"
1178;"Prior research suggests that church-goers are more civically engaged than their non-church-going counterparts. Little is known, however, about how the popular phenomenon of small groups factors into this equation. In the present study, we examine relationships between small group participation at individual and congregation levels and civic engagement. Using multilevel modeling and national data on congregations and individuals from the U.S. Congregational Life Study (n = 82,044), we find that: (1) individual-level small group involvement is associated with four measures of civic engagement; (2) congregation-level small group participation is associated with both lower and higher civic engagement in the case of two outcomes; and (3) in the case of three civic outcomes, congregation-level small group participation moderates individual-level small group involvement such that small group members’ civic activity more closely resembles the lower civic engagement of small group nonparticipants. In the case of one civic outcome, at high levels of overall small group participation, small group members’ civic engagement drops below that of small group nonparticipants. Explanations for these findings, including a 'crowding out' effect, are examined including their complex implications for debates regarding small groups, religious involvement, and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. L. Whitehead and S. Stroope";"Small groups, contexts, and civic engagement: A multilevel analysis of United States Congregational Life Survey data";"Social Science Research";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1179;"Retirement is an event that often brings about great changes in a person's personal and social life. For many people, work is not only a way to fill time and earn money, but also important for their identity and meaning in life. After retirement, these benefits of work are lost, and it is expected that people will seek substitutes for this loss. This paper focuses on the effects of retirement on informal civic activities such as the support given to family and friends as well as more formal types such as volunteering and organisational involvement. Using two waves from the Netherlands Kinship Panel Study, a conditional change model is employed. Two groups are compared: men and women who kept working, and men and women who retired. Results show that following retirement, people appear to change the nature of some relationships by providing more instrumental support. Furthermore, retirees seem to start spending more time volunteering after retirement, and they increase their organisational memberships. Implications, strengths and limitations of the study are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. van den Bogaard, K. Henkens and M. Kalmijn";"So now what? Effects of retirement on civic engagement";"Ageing & Society";"Netherlands";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1180;"The present study examines the antecedents of social action (Snyder & Omoto, 2007), understood as voluntary action and political action, by operationalizing Penner’s constructs (2004). We affirm the essential homogeneity between these two forms of social action and their antecedents. The study has a twofold aim: 1) testing the identified antecedents on the volunteer participants by means of discriminant analysis, and 2) testing the same variables on youth engaged in politics. Participants were 706 young people—engaged and not engaged—distributed throughout Italy—aged 19-29 (M = 22.36, SD = 1.10). The instrument used was a self-report questionnaire. The findings reveal that several variables discriminate between engaged and not engaged youth. They also show the presence of several areas of overlap between variables considered in the engaged groups (political and voluntary action).";"Journal Article";2012;"D. Marzana, E. Marta and M. Pozzi";"Social action in young adults: Voluntary and political engagement";"Journal of Adolescence";"Italy";"CPE";"Youth"
1181;"Objectives: We explored the effects of community integration and pluralism on recall of cardiovascular disease health information messages. Methods: With 1980-1983 data from the Minnesota Heart Health Program, we examined whether ties to community groups were associated with recall of health messages, and whether this relation was modified by size and degree of differentiation of the community. Results: A higher level of civic engagement through ties to community groups was associated with better recall of health messages. Ties to community groups independently contributed to better message recall even after control for gender, education, and other variables. The moderating role of community size was non-significant but intriguing. Conclusions: Community group membership could increase exposure to health messages, providing a critical pathway for social capital to influence health promotion and, thus, public health outcomes.";"Journal Article";2006;"K. Viswanath, W. R. Steele and J. R. Finnegan, Jr.";"Social Capital and Health: Civic Engagement, Community Size, and Recall of Health Messages";"American Journal of Public Health";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1182;"Over the course of the last decade, policy makers in Britain have become increasingly concerned about the apparent and persisting withdrawal by young people from the formal political process. In this article, the authors consider the results from a representative online national survey of 1025 British 18-year-olds conducted in 2011, including both those who voted at the 2010 General Election and those who did not. The findings reveal that young people do profess a commitment to the political process, although they consider that there are relatively few opportunities available for them to intervene effectively in formal political life. Our study also indicates that there is no uniform youth orientation to politics, and the data reveal that this generation's engagement with formal politics is complex and nuanced. Social class and educational history both appear to have a crucial bearing on political engagement, while views also differ according to ethnicity and—to a lesser extent—gender. The authors also consider the findings from 14 online focus groups with 86 young people who opted not to vote at the 2010 General Election. These findings enable us to consider what influenced these young people's patterns of (dis)engagement with politics.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Henn and N. Foard";"Social differentiation in young people's political participation: The impact of social and educational factors on youth political engagement in Britain";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1183;"This study investigates the relationship between sense of community, civic engagement and social well-being in a sample of Italian adolescents. Participants were 14-19 year-old high school students (N = 566) from two demographically distinct cities. Participants completed a questionnaire assessing sense of community, social well-being (Keyes, 1998), involvement in structured group activities (group membership) and civic engagement. Results showed that involvement in formal groups is associated with increased civic involvement and increased sense of community. Sense of community predicts social well-being and explains some of the association between civic engagement and social well-being. Findings suggest that, to increase social well-being, it is important to provide adolescents with more opportunities to experience a sense of belonging to the peers' group and promote prosocial behaviours in the community context.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. Albanesi, E. Cicognani and B. Zani";"Sense of community, civic engagement and social well-being in Italian adolescents";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1184;"Although sexuality saturates adolescent life, schools do little to address teen sexuality. As educators feel increasingly burdened by competing societal demands, caring for youth sexual health becomes a secondary goal at best. This article argues that the public health costs are only one reason for addressing sexuality in schools and suggests that academic and democratic reasons for addressing sexuality also exist. It illustrates how sexuality can be a potentially powerful resource for increasing the academic achievement and civic engagement of a diverse range of youth. As such, addressing sexuality serves not only public health goals but also academic and democratic goals--goals that have long been central for schools. To make this argument, the author draws from her ethnography of ESPERANZA, a community-based sex education program, illustrating how ESPERANZA used teen interest in sexuality to help youth become leaders, increase academic skills, expand career aspirations, and engage in democratic civic action.";"Journal Article";2008;"C. Ashcraft";"So much more than 'sex ed': Teen sexuality as vehicle for improving academic success and democratic education for diverse youth";"American Educational Research Journal";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1185;"[Correction Notice: An erratum for this article was reported in Vol 34(1) of American Journal of Preventive Medicine (see record [rid]2007-19458-007[/rid]). Due to translational errors in production, the formulae on pages S190 and S191 were printed incorrectly. The corrected text and formulae are given in the erratum.] Background: Although religiosity has often been shown to have a deterrent effect on teen drug use, noteworthy theoretic gaps and contradictory findings have left important questions unanswered. Methods: Conceptualizing religion as a measure of social capital and using cross-sectional data from Monitoring the Future (1996), a nationally representative sample of American high school seniors collected annually, this study is designed to shed new light on the relationship between religiosity and drug use among American youth. Levels of teen drug use for three different components of faith-based social capital--exposure to and internalization of religious norms, integration within religious networks, and trust in religious phenomena--are explored with respect to high school seniors' use of alcohol, marijuana, and other illicit drugs during the year prior to the survey. In addition, drug use associated with faith-based and secular forms of civic engagement among teens (e.g., participation in religious youth groups vs secular organizations such as sports and school clubs, theistic trust vs secular trust) are compared. Results: Among religiosity variables, integration within congregational networks (i.e., worship service attendance) exhibits the most consistent negative association with youth drug use. Theistic trust is not associated with teen drug use, but secular trust and civic participation in secular organizations are associated with less drug use. Conclusions: Elements of both religious and secular social capital are associated with lower reported drug use, thereby suggesting that multiple avenues for the prevention of teen drug use might be pursued. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. P. Bartkowski and X. Xu";"Religiosity and teen drug use reconsidered: A social capital perspective";"American Journal of Preventive Medicine";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1187;"Margaret Brabant contends that service-learning is an educational approach that is historically and culturally bound and is, therefore, limited in its universality. In 'Service-learning: An exportable pedagogy?,' she argues that incorporating service-learning components into study abroad curricula must be carefully planned and implemented if all parties involved are to benefit from the learning and service exchange. She also considers how U.S.-based service-learning has become entangled with another educational reform movement called 'civic engagement'—a movement particularly imbued with western concepts of citizenship and democracy. She examines aspects of the Turkish educational system and its concomitant messages concerning civic behavior in order to consider how such messages may confound easy implementation of the service-learning pedagogy in Turkey. She concludes with a call for service-learning practitioners to conduct more rigorous research to determine where and how the pedagogy can flourish beyond the U.S. and why it may not root successfully in all countries.";"Book Section";2011;"M. Brabant";"Service-learning: An exportable pedagogy?";"Problematizing service-learning: Critical reflections for development and action.";;"CPE";"YT"
1188;"The aim of this study is to explore values, sense of coherence (SOC) as well as civic engagement, civic efficacy and hope among adolescents against the background of a social protest. We examined if a set of values and SOC explain civic engagement and civic efficacy. Furthermore, all of these variables were examined as explanatory factors of positive development examined by hope. Data were gathered among 400 adolescents aged 16–18 during a social protest. Adolescents filled out self-reported questionnaires which included socio-demographics characteristics; values, SOC, the youth social responsibility scale, civic efficacy and hope. Results show that all values and SOC explained civic engagement, while only universal and collective in-group values as well as civic engagement directly explained citizens’ efficacy. The model explained hope with 43 % of the variance. I discuss the direct and indirect relationship among the different variables and explain them in accord with positive development among youth.";"Journal Article";2015;"O. Braun-Lewensohn";"Sense of coherence, values, youth involvement, civic efficacy and hope: Adolescents during social protest";"Social Indicators Research";"Israel";"CPE";"YT"
1189;"Many young people do community service of one sort or another, volunteering their time and effort for many worthwhile causes; in many cases, this community service has become a formal part of students' learning. Service-learning (SL), the integration of community service with an academic curriculum, is the focus of this chapter. The next sections define SL in more detail, indicate its potential benefits, and then offer recommendations on how to plan and conduct such programs effectively. SL is more than just volunteering. It is intended to promote student learning by integrating community service with an educational curriculum that includes guided reflection. In addition to academic benefits, SL can foster personal and social growth in its participants that can include heightened self-esteem, civic engagement, and prosocial values. In addition, it can have positive effects on schools and the community. Ideally, as a result of effective SL project, students become more actively engaged in their education and learn not only how to be continual contributors to their communities, but also how to become responsible, mindful individuals who are able to apply skills learned in the classroom to the real world. Building a well-designed program is a challenge but well worth the effort.";"Book Section";2009;"C. I. Celio and J. A. Durlak";"Service-learning: Learning by doing for others";"A blueprint for promoting academic and social competence in after-school programs.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1190;"Based on data from a 1999 and a 2008 European Values Survey, the main objective of this study is to explore the relationship between a variety of social capital indicators, satisfaction with government and democracy, and subjective well-being. Happiness and life satisfaction were used as outcome measures of subjective well-being. The indicators of social capital used in this study are general trust, trust in institutions, political engagement, concern for others, societal norms, and membership in volunteer organizations. The analyses reveal a significant increase in happiness, life satisfaction, and many social capital variables between 1999 and 2008. Generalized trust, trust in institutions, government satisfaction, and democracy satisfaction are positive correlates of well-being, although some relationships are significant only in 2008. Several demographic variables are also linked with subjective well-being such as income, employment status, age, gender, and education. We discuss the findings in relation to the significant societal, economic, and political changes experienced in Turkey between 1999 and 2008. Policy implications are also emphasized such as improved trust among individuals, trustworthiness of government institutions, and functioning of democracy.";"Journal Article";2014;"T. Ekici and S. Koydemir";"Social capital, government and democracy satisfaction, and happiness in Turkey: A comparison of surveys in 1999 and 2008";"Social Indicators Research";"Turkey";"CPE";"YT"
1191;"This article presents the challenges facing 41 youths living in a distressed urban area, and their adaptations to those challenges. Scholarship in the areas of community building, youth civic engagement, and employment helped to develop the theoretical outline for this project. Through the use of focus groups, adolescents of color, ages 14-18, were asked a series of open-ended questions about what youths need in order to be economically and socially involved in their neighborhood. Responses indicate a need for practitioners to incorporate protective factors in the community environment, and nonkin adults in intervention plans and programs. In addition, the evolving innovative partnership between a newly formed community development corporation and the neighborhood youths that emerged from this process is discussed.";"Journal Article";2004;"S. J. Fogel";"Risks and Opportunities for Success: Perceptions of Urban Youths in a Distressed Community and Lessons for Adults";"Families in Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1192;"Scholars of civic engagement are noticing the consequences of religiosity. Scholars have seen the influence of religiosity on political and charitable behavior among adults. But does this pattern hold for adolescents? In this study, I use a new survey of American teenagers, the National Study of Youth and Religion, to assess the impact of intense religiosity on adolescent volunteerism and political activities. Evidence from multivariate logistic regression analyses indicate that intense religiosity, measured in terms of behavior (frequent church attendance) and beliefs (theological conservatism) significantly increase the likelihood that teens will volunteer. However, adolescent political involvement is not related to religiosity.";"Journal Article";2008;"T. Gibson";"Religion and civic engagement among America's youth";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1193;"This article draws from the experiences and narratives of teenage activists throughout the Americas in order to add a needed dimension, that of peer political socialization, to the larger political and civic socialization literature. The authors argue that although the existing literature emphasizes the roles and responsibilities of adults in shaping young people’s civic capacities, the roles that young people play in socializing each other for political engagement is underexplored. Based on two qualitative studies of teenage activists throughout North and Latin America, the authors argue that teenage activists, who are largely left out of this literature, represent a different process by which youth engage in politics. We use teenagers’ narratives about their own youth-led political socialization to extend the existing theorizing on youth civic engagement, rethink some of its core tenets, and elucidate the roles that young people themselves play in the processes of political socialization.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. R. Gordon and J. K. Taft";"Rethinking youth political socialization: Teenage activists talk back";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1194;"Research on civic engagement shows that volunteering rates decline as young people move from adolescence into emerging adulthood. Using panel data spanning this period of the life course, we examine the impact of secondary schooling type—public, Catholic, Protestant, private nonreligious, and homeschool—on sustaining volunteering into emerging adulthood. We apply a framework that posits pathways between secondary schooling and sets of opportunities to volunteer embedded in institutions and social networks. We also posit a link between schooling type and durable motivational dispositions to volunteer. Results indicate substantial differences by schooling type, although our measures of opportunity structure and motivation do not adequately account for these differences. Those educated in Protestant secondary schools are considerably more likely than other young people to continue to volunteer, even accounting for potential spurious influences. Those schooled at home or in private nonreligious settings are significantly less likely to continue volunteering. We conclude by discussing two alternative accounts that should be addressed in further research: one focused on the role of habituated social practices and the other focused on differences in organizational efforts to link adolescent volunteering to emerging adult volunteering.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. P. Hill and K. R. den Dulk";"Religion, volunteering, and educational setting: The effect of youth schooling type on civic engagement";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1195;"Often girls are the objects of the camera’s lens and subjects of the researcher’s gaze. This article describes a qualitative study using a collaborative, creative and critical methodology to explore girls’ perspectives on gender, citizenship and schooling. The seven adolescent girl participants used Photovoice to engage with their roles as girl-citizens. Despite Canada’s international reputation as a leader in gender equality, evidence reveals that challenges still prevent their full participation, particularly in formal politics. This research raises questions about what life is like for girls and women in Canada beyond the rhetoric and global rankings, and adds to the often disconnected bodies of literature on girlhood, citizenship and education.";"Journal Article";2014;"L.-A. Ingram";"Re-imagining roles: Using collaborative and creative research methodologies to explore girls’ perspectives on gender, citizenship and schooling";"Educational Action Research";"Canada";"CPE";"YT"
1196;"Given the emerging area of interest in the study of adolescence, we pursue four aims in this chapter. First, as a way of demonstrating the importance of the growing scholarly attention to religiosity and spirituality, we provide a demographic portrait of the role of religion and spirituality in the lives of adults and adolescents in the United States in particular. We present facts that show religion/spirituality to be an important part of the everyday lives of tens of millions of Americans young and old. To ignore this domain of study in human development as has been the case historically (Donelson, 1999) is thus to ignore something rather central to adolescent development (e.g., Lemer et al., 2008; Roehlkepartain et al., 2006), to the life of our nation (e.g., Pew Fomm on Religion and Public Life, 2008d) to the global challenges of our times (e.g., Harris, 2004). After presenting a case for the importance of religion and spirituality in adolescent development, we review theoretical perspectives on religious and spiritual development during adolescence with a particular emphasis on a developmental system, social ecological perspective. This perspective provides a framework for organizing our review of extant evidence regarding how different social contexts influence religious and spiritual development during adolescence, as well as the role of religion and spirituality in broader aspects of adolescent development such as health, subjective well-being, education, risk behavior, and civic engagement. Finally, we examine the problematic and sometimes pathological role of religion/spirituality in adolescent development. We conclude with suggestions for future research.";"Book Section";2009;"P. E. King and R. W. Roeser";"Religion and spirituality in adolescent development";"Handbook of adolescent psychology: Individual bases of adolescent development, Vol. 1, 3rd ed.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1197;"Objectives: This narrative systematic review explored (1) how neighbourhood interventions promote positive youth development (PYD) and (2) the role of context for these interventions. We asked: How do neighbourhood interventions become effective in promoting PYD for adolescents aged 12–18 years? Methods: Articles (n = 19) were analyzed using a framework integrating standards of health promotion evaluation and elements of the ecological systems perspective. Results: First, results highlight the key characteristics of interventions that promote PYD. An intervention’s atmosphere encouraging supportive relationships and an intervention’s activities aiming to build skills and that are real and challenging promoted PYD elements including cognitive competences, confidence, connection, leadership, civic engagement, and feelings of empowerment. Secondly, this review identified facilitators (e.g. partnerships and understanding of the community) and constraints (e.g. funding and conflicts) to an intervention’s integration within its context. Conclusions: Results regarding interventions’ characteristics promoting PYD confirm findings from past reviews. Our findings indicate that context is an important element of effective interventions. This review encourages future evaluations to analyze the role of context to build a better understanding of its role.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Lapalme, S. Bisset and L. Potvin";"Role of context in evaluating neighbourhood interventions promoting positive youth development: A narrative systematic review";"International Journal of Public Health";"Canada";"CPE";"YT"
1200;"Sibling relationships are a powerful influence on child development, one that takes on particular significance in contexts of familial disruption or adversity. This study examined the effect of sibling co-placements during foster care on subsequent educational competence, occupational competence, housing quality, relational adjustment, and civic engagement in a sample of 170 recently emancipated foster youth (66.5% female; Mage = 19.63). Analyses evaluated direct relations between the proportion of time spent with a sibling in foster placement and young adult adjustment outcomes, as well as indirect effects from sibling co-placement to later competence through youth's coherence displayed in a narrative of experiences in foster care. The coherence of life narratives develops in the context of primary relationships, including those with siblings, through co-constructed meaning making and emotional discourse, particularly regarding difficult life events. Emancipated foster youth's verbal narratives about their experiences in foster care were evaluated for narrative coherence based on the organization, complexity, and balance of youth's narratives. Analyses documented significant indirect effects of sibling co-placement on young adult competence through narrative coherence. Moreover, moderation analyses indicated that these effects were particularly robust among males. Findings are discussed with respect to relational mechanisms underlying resilience, and the potential for sibling co-placement to provide a relational context for risk and resilience among emancipated foster youth.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. M. Richardson and T. M. Yates";"Siblings in foster care: A relational path to resilience for emancipated foster youth";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1201;"Objective: To investigate how low-income rural residents living in food deserts access the normal food system and food safety net services within their communities, and explore how social, personal, and environment drives food access and food choice. Design: Seven focus groups (90 minutes each) were conducted with 2 moderators present and were audio-taped. Setting: Food deserts in rural Minnesota and Iowa. Participants: Fifty-seven residents (Minnesota: 13 females and 8 males; Iowa: 24 females and 12 males). Most participants were white and had not completed high school or higher education. Phenomenon of Interest: Food choice and food access among rural residents. Analysis: Transcripts were evaluated for consistency and coded for themes and subthemes. Results: Three dominant themes influence food access and choice and were identified as: (a) personal and household determinants of food; (b) social and cultural environment; and (c) structure of place or the external environment. Conclusions and Implications: Personal, environmental, and dietary behavioral factors are all interconnected; each plays a major role in influencing dietary behavior and the resulting health outcomes in rural Minnesotans and Iowans living in food deserts. However, although personal factors impact eating behavior for rural people, it is the physical and social environments that place constraints on food access, even in civically engaged communities. Food access may be improved in communities where civic engagement is strong, and where local organizations join in providing solutions to decrease barriers of food access by increasing access to the normal and food safety net systems and by creating informal alternatives, such as community gardens and informal transportation networks, or enhancing federal programs through greater volunteer involvement.";"Journal Article";2009;"C. Smith and L. W. Morton";"Rural food deserts: Low-income perspectives on food access in Minnesota and Iowa";"Journal of Nutrition Education and Behavior";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1202;"This chapter discusses civic engagement among youth in Japan. First, the authors present a historical review of civic activities and movements in Japan, including civic and political movements, feminist movements, community service, and environmental protection. In the next section, the authors present findings from 2 studies on youth's folk knowledge of economics. Specifically, they looked at conceptions of a bank, humanistic bias about the banking business, and induced changes due to the presentation of critical pieces of information regarding the banking business. In the first study, 3 groups with a total of 80 Ss were included: 20 8–10-yr-olds, 36 11–16-yr-olds, and 24 college students. The second study included 35 female college students. Throughout the section, the authors emphasize that Japanese adolescents are rather ignorant of the societal economic structure, and this lack of knowledge may make their civic activities less effective.";"Book Section";1999;"K. Takahashi and G. Hatano";"Recent trends in civic engagement among Japanese youth";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth.";"Japan";"CPE";"YT"
1203;"In this paper we propose citizen-driven, public data visualization as a tool to support social and civic purposes in public spaces. We argue for the potential of this approach, motivating it with recent trends and developments in the areas of information visualization, urban computing, and urban screens, and we layout a transdisciplinary research approach and methodology. Through three studies approaching our research goal from design, empirical, and reflective perspectives, we show how visualization interfaces, situated in public spaces can improve perception, and lead to sustained behavior change; can increase social awareness and discourse; and can influence meaningful participation and a range of social interactions related to locally relevant topics. We conclude by discussing implications for the design, use and evaluation of citizen-driven public visualization as a tool increase public awareness, participation and discourse.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. Valkanova, S. Jorda and A. Vande Moere";"Public visualization displays of citizen data: Design, impact and implications";"International Journal of Human-Computer Studies";"Spain";"CPE";"YT"
1204;"Bound to the notion of teenage apathy is the concern that young people are increasingly disengaged from political and community issues and lacking in social capital. Voting is often regarded as the ultimate form of civic engagement, which implicitly excludes young teenagers from consideration through their status as non-voters. Teenagers' alternative forms of participation are rarely valued as legitimate acts of civic engagement. As a result, many of the dominant writers on social capital neglect teenagers' abilities to generate and utilize social capital. Drawing on a three-year research project undertaken with over 600 teenagers aged 13-16, this paper uses three illustrative examples to highlight the ways in which teenagers deploy their social capital in order to transform people and places in two key ways. Firstly, teenagers' alternative forms of civic engagement are highlighted, demonstrating the ways in which many (re)shape their environments by, for example, campaigning for skate park facilities. Secondly, teenagers' alternative understandings of community, many of which are associated with lifestyle choices, are explored. In doing so, the paper brings to the fore the significance of teenagers' social capital.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. Weller";"Skateboarding Alone? Making Social Capital Discourse Relevant to Teenagers' Lives";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1205;"Objective: Balancing environmental quality with economic growth in less developed settings is clearly a challenge. Still, surprisingly little empirical evidence has been brought to bear on the relative priority given environmental and socioeconomic issues among the residents themselves of such settings. This research explores such perceptions. Methods: We undertake survey research with 2,500 residents of coastal Ghana on policy issues, focusing on environmental topics. Results: Our analyses reveal a significant amount of environmental awareness, with education and political engagement consistently predicting higher levels of concern. In addition, environmental issues are deemed important even when considered relative to other socioeconomic issues. Conclusion: In the end, we argue that our work sheds light on global environmentalism and the ways local populations in less developed settings prioritize social and environmental concerns. This work also has important policy implications since insight on local perceptions may help buttress policy responses designed to cope with global change.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. J. White and L. M. Hunter";"Public perception of environmental issues in a developing setting: Environmental concern in Coastal Ghana";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1206;"Recently, scholars tested how digital media use for informational purposes similarly contributes to foster democratic processes and the creation of social capital. Nevertheless, in the context of today's socially‐networked‐society and the rise of social media applications (i.e., Facebook) new perspectives need to be considered. Based on U.S. national data, results show that after controlling for demographic variables, traditional media use offline and online, political constructs (knowledge and efficacy), and frequency and size of political discussion networks, seeking information via social network sites is a positive and significant predictor of people's social capital and civic and political participatory behaviors, online and offline.";"Journal Article";2012;"H. G. de Zúñiga";"Social media use for news and individuals' social capital, civic engagement and political participation";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";;"CPECPP";"Youth"
1207;"Past studies have shown positive relationships between use of social network sites (SNSs) and political engagement, but an understanding of the mechanisms underlying the relationship is limited because the studies often did not take into account the diverse affordances of SNSs that can influence participation in different ways. Adopting the O-S-R-O-R (Orientation–Stimulus–Reasoning–Orientation–Response) model of political communication effects, this study examined the roles of Facebook network size, connections with public political actors, use for news, and political expression on political attitudes, protest, and participation. Structural equation analyses were conducted based on data from a national sample in Hong Kong, a city-state with one of the world’s highest Facebook penetration rates. Results showed that Facebook network size and connections with public political actors exhibit both direct and indirect effects on participation through Facebook news, expression, and efficacy. Facebook news exhibited indirect effects primarily though political expression. A discriminant function analysis also showed that age, education, and online news exposure were the most influential variables for distinguishing Facebook users and nonusers. Implications of the findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. Chan";"Social network sites and political engagement: Exploring the impact of Facebook connections and uses on political protest and participation";"Mass Communication & Society";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1208;"This study examines the 'Twitter election of 2012,' and specifically young citizens' 'social watching' behaviors while live-tweeting a 2012 nationally televised Republican primary debate. We find several important relationships between key demographic, social, and political engagement variables and participants' social watching activity (frequency of tweeting while watching the debate). We also find important links between tweet content (frequency of candidate mentions in tweets) and debate viewers’ candidate evaluations.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. S. McKinney, J. B. Houston and J. Hawthorne";"Social watching a 2012 republican presidential primary debate";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1209;"Political engagement via social media has evolved, and web sites including Facebook continue to be a place for individuals, especially young ones, to engage politically. Because politics on social media is diverse, it makes sense that the reasons for participating in it vary. In addition, because current events information and political news is accessible via social media, the role of attention to traditional news sources in this type of political engagement is debatable. The study takes up the opportunity to address these questions by examining young people’s attention to television, print, and online news, their engagement with four Facebook political activities, and their psychological motivations for using the website politically just prior to the 2012 U.S. Presidential election. The results suggest that the primary motivations for using Facebook politically are not universal, and indeed vary by activity. They revolve around connecting with others socially, sharing information with others, and presenting oneself to others. In addition, attention to offline and online news largely do not matter. The study moves research forward by describing the variety of psychological predispositions some Facebook users bring to their political engagement with the web site, and how these predispositions vary across different Facebook political behavior.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. Macafee";"Some of these things are not like the others: Examining motivations and political predispositions among political Facebook activity";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1210;"Although most immigrants are adults, their foreign and U.S.-born children are the fastest-growing component of the U.S. population. How these children integrate into U.S. society and the ways that they civically engage will greatly determine the nature of civil society in the United States over the next few decades. Using qualitative and quantitative data, this study compares the patterns of civic engagement of immigrant and nonimmigrant youth in Miami, Florida, a region of the United States with the highest proportion of immigrants. By almost all measures, immigrant civic engagement is statistically similar to that of nonimmigrants. Because immigrants engage more in civic actions that benefit their ethnic group, they are often missed by traditional civic engagement measures. Those of immigrant extraction, for example, devote considerable activity to using their bilingual skills and helping other immigrants. Like native minorities, immigrants also become heavily engaged in politically related activities in response to discrimination.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. Stepick, C. D. Stepick and Y. Labissiere";"South Florida's immigrant youth and civic engagement: Major engagement: Minor differences";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1211;"This chapter therefore looks at meetings and projects initiated and facilitated by local civil society groups with the purpose of generating exchange between young people from Serbia proper and from Kosovo. The here refer to such meetings as to structured encounters and focus my analysis on meetings taking place between Kosovar Albanians and Serbs from Serbia proper in the form of the Visiting Program, a project initiated and facilitated by the Youth Initiative for Human Rights (YIHR), a Belgrade and Prishlina-based NGO. The authors aim here is not to offer a description of the project, but rather to offer a glimpse into what it generates: exchange of perceptions and firsthand experiences between young people from Kosovo and Serbia in relation to the recent war in Kosovo, the past relations and the present state of affairs. The chapter analyzes the possible contribution of such a program as the Visiting Program, to the transformation of relations between Serbs and Albanian, in the context of transitional justice processes enhancing civic engagement and civic identities of young people in Kosovo and Serbia. It acknowledges and highlights the shift in power relations that has occurred between Serbia and Kosovo as consequence of the 1999 international intervention.";"Book Section";2013;"O. Fridman";"Structured encounters in post-conflict/post-Yugoslav days: Visiting Belgrade and Prishtina";"Transitional justice and civil society in the Balkans.";"Serbia";"CPE";"Youth"
1212;"This article comprehensively examines the level and patterns of political participation of University of Ottawa (U-Ottawa) undergraduate students. Based on a self-administered survey of 570 undergraduate students of all disciplines, I find that U-Ottawa students show high degrees of political interest and involvement (e.g. the average U-Ottawa student regularly informs him- or herself about politics and one out of two students habitually engages in political actions). Pertaining to the factors that drive political interest and involvement, I discover complex engagement patterns. I find that the student’s program of study, year of study, academic performance, and payment of his or her own tuition—as well as the political participation of the parents impact an individual’s political interest, which then increases his or her likelihood to become politically involved.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. Stockemer";"Students' political engagement: A comprehensive study of University of Ottawa undergraduate students";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Canada";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1213;"Contemporary concerns that the Internet might lead to political apathy are based on suggestions that people would use the Internet for entertainment purposes rather than news consumption. However, what if someone stumbles upon news when surfing the Internet? Would this incidental news exposure online be helpful in promoting citizens’ political engagement? This study tests whether and how incidental news exposure (INE) and relative entertainment use (REU) on the Internet are associated with political participation. Drawing from US national data, results revealed a significant and positive relationship between INE and offline and online political participation while REU was negatively associated with offline and online political participation. More importantly, the role of INE in facilitating citizens’ online political participation was stronger for those who consume less entertainment online, indicating that incidental news exposure may increase existing gaps in political participation between people who prefer news and people who prefer entertainment online.";"Journal Article";2013;"Y. Kim, H.-T. Chen and H. G. de Zúñiga";"Stumbling upon news on the internet: Effects of incidental news exposure and relative entertainment use on political engagement";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1214;"Comments on several articles found in this special issue of Journal of Community Psychology focusing on youth and democracy. When I. Prilleltensky and D. R. Fox (see record [rid]2007-11512-008[/rid]) say, 'Context is paramount,' they simply stated what I feel to be the most critical component of engaging young people in community action. It is in communities, like the one that has preyed upon the youth as previously mentioned, that community change is most strongly paired with personal change, that power and influence in the community represent power and influence on the individual level. N. Harré (see record [rid]2007-11512-003[/rid]) discusses 'the dialectic between the self and the world, that we both shape the world by projecting ourselves into it and by doing so shape ourselves.' For the at-risk youth working in the at-risk community, that projection is incredibly direct. S. Evans (see record [rid]2007-11512-002[/rid]) discusses through his research the frustrations that young people feel when they want to do something but have no idea how or what to do. This is an ideal point for adults to move into a role of facilitating that desire to do something into actually doing something. S. M. Pancer et al (see record [rid]2007-11512-005[/rid]) discuss that 'The research literature indicates that parents are one of the most important influences on pro-social and justice oriented values in children, and the translation of these values into community helping and activism.' In our community, few parents are advocating for their children at school; few parents are talking to their children about college; few parents are offering a vision and helping young people set goals. For this reason, the peer-to-peer relationship becomes ever more critical as a factor to influence whether or not a young person gets involved. R. J. Watts and C. Flanagan (see record [rid]2007-11512-007[/rid]) emphasize the role of opportunity structures saying, 'a young person's potential for societal involvement is strongly influenced by the availability of meaningful and desirable opportunities for action in their community.' I believe that 'meaningful' implies a sense of influence. For our young people, the empowerment of truly meaningful involvement becomes the new standard for desirability.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. Williams";"Support, expectations, awareness and influence: Reflections on youth and democracy articles";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1215;"We investigated how general social support from family, friends and acquaintances, and community predicted intentions for civic (e.g. volunteering) and political (e.g. petitioning) participation via the constructs specified in the theory of planned behaviour. Participants were young adults living in the former East Germany, a post‐communist region, who were surveyed by telephone in 2010 (Ncivic = 695, Npolitical = 694). Civic participation was perceived more favourably than political participation. Supportive family predicted intentions for civic participation; supportive community services predicted both types of intentions; and supportive friends and acquaintances had no significant effects. The mediating variables were subjective norms and perceived behavioural control, but not attitudes. All effects were controlled for sociodemographic variables, richness of the social network, and past experience of civic and political participation. Findings underscore the role of supportive community in fostering both civic and political participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. K. Pavlova and R. K. Silbereisen";"Supportive social contexts and intentions for civic and political participation: An application of the theory of planned behaviour";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Germany";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1216;"The character of youth civic engagement on the internet has emerged as a productive topic of study in communication research. Concurrently, a number of recent studies of online forums have found that technological design features can powerfully influence both the form and content of civic discussion. The present study integrates these previously unacquainted literatures, contributing to each by comparing the user content of two online youth engagement forums: one of which tightly manages communication between participants and the other of which grants them far more expressive latitude. The results indicate that technical design matters: significantly more topics of a traditionally civic character were raised in the former than in the latter. Further, the expressive forum elicited twice the number of total posts than its counterpart, although the highly regulated forum attracted significantly more unique users. Notably, the populations posting in the two spaces were almost completely mutually exclusive, with the vast majority of users posting exclusively in one or the other. The implications of these findings are discussed in the context of youth civic forums and youth civic engagement more generally.";"Journal Article";2011;"D. G. Freelon";"Talking among themselves: Online youth civic communication in managed and autonomous environments";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1217;"Real change in education requires learning from the past, leveraging strengths and working for a common purpose with the active intent to contribute to something greater than oneself (Kellogg Foundation, 2012). The idea of incorporating civic engagement into curricula is not a new phenomenon nor does it warrant scrupulous analysis or justification, as a number of scholars have addressed its importance (Bringle & Hatcher, 1996, 2005; Dewey, 1967; Eyler & Giles, 1999). Yet, successfully incorporating civic engagement programs into a college course does entail a unique level of conceptualization and structural course design. This paper surveys the literature in the area of civic engagement (service learning) and its place in learning at the higher education level. To supplement the literature reviewed, the author reports the results of a study initiated to provide insights into the processes required to incorporate this type of learning into a college-level course at a predominately commuter institution.";"Book Section";2013;"A. D. Way";"Teaching the way we learn: Civic engagement and innovative learning in the millennial classroom";"Selected papers from the 24th International Conference on College Teaching and Learning.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1218;"The papers in this volume are a welcome addition to an area of immigration research that is relatively understudied-the civic and political incorporation of immigrants and their children. Sociological studies of immigrant incorporation have, with only a few exceptions, tended to ignore politics in favor of a focus on social and economic incorporation. The psychological and developmental issues surrounding civic engagement have also not been addressed in studies of immigrant and second-generation children, even though, as many authors here point out, they are a large and growing proportion of our nation's young people. This collection of studies therefore serves a great need for careful attention to unfolding patterns of political activities among these young people. The essays also are very good at pointing out the role of context in studying political engagement. The papers in this volume explore the extent to which first- and second-generation young people engage with politics and the civic sphere. The papers in this volume are part of a wider conversation in immigrant studies about how to conceptualize and measure assimilation and incorporation. This conversation has for too long neglected politics, civic engagement, and psychological development even while it has focused on young people and on issues that are fundamentally political in nature.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. C. Waters";"The challenges of studying political and civic incorporation";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1219;"This special issue is devoted to the civic engagement of young immigrants in the United States. Civic engagement is a contested term whose definition varies depending on our conception of the good society and our beliefs about how individuals should behave. Reasonable people debate whether starting a business, raising one's younger siblings, confronting a neighbor who uses prejudiced language, enlisting in the military, resisting authority by working inefficiently, or planning an insurrection should count as civic engagement. The authors of this volume have investigated many unpaid, legal, and nonviolent ways of addressing social problems and issues. They give particular attention to voting, volunteering, joining associations, and holding leadership positions. These forms of civic engagement are important because institutions and communities perform better when many people voluntarily contribute their talents, energies, and ideas. Voluntary groups and networks also check the power of the state and reduce the likelihood of corruption and oppression. Meanwhile, engaging in politics and civic affairs influences the distribution of goods, rights, and services. Those who participate more tend to get more from the system. Civic engagement can be intrinsically satisfying, dignified, and worthwhile-an opportunity, not a cost.";"Journal Article";2008;"P. Levine";"The civic engagement of young immigrants: Why does it matter?";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1221;"The emergence of social media tools and technologies to facilitate daily information and communication needs has called into question the relationship between these new spaces and traditional formulations of engagement in daily life. Recent scholarship has exposed both the newfound connectivity that social networks provide, and at the same time questioned the value of these spaces for meaningful participation in social and civic life. This study attempts to provide an insight into the perceptions of young adults toward their social media habits and dispositions. In the 2010/2011 academic year, a survey was administered to over 800 university students, asking about their social media habits across six categories: news, politics, privacy, leisure, education, and relationships. Additionally, focus groups conducted with 71 study participants explored how students saw the role of social media in their personal and civic lives. The results show a population that increasingly uses social media spaces and for all information and communication needs, but that conceptualizes these platforms as primarily social outlets. The emerging disconnects located in the survey and focus group exploration recommends further inquiry into how social media can be positioned as an inclusive tool for engagement in daily life.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. Mihailidis";"The civic-social media disconnect: Exploring perceptions of social media for engagement in the daily life of college students";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1222;"This cross-sectional, repeated measures, quasi-experimental study evaluates changes in college students’ commitment toward, and confidence in, political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism. Our sample (n = 653) consisted of college students in a Midwestern university who participated in one of three social justice education course types (service learning, intergroup dialogue, or lecture-based diversity classes) or in an 'introduction to psychology' course (the non-intervention group). After completion of a social justice education course, students reported an increase in political participation and multicultural activism, whereas students enrolled in the non-intervention group reported no changes in these measures. Service learning course participants started and ended their course with the highest reported levels of political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism but did not demonstrate an increase in any of the three outcomes. Intergroup dialogue participants demonstrated increases in all three outcomes, while participants of lecture-based classes focusing on social justice issues demonstrated increases in political participation and multicultural activism, but not civic engagement. Our findings suggest that participation in social justice education courses is associated with increases in political participation and multicultural activism.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Krings, E. A. Austic, L. M. Gutiérrez and K. E. Dirksen";"The comparative impacts of social justice educational methods on political participation, civic engagement, and multicultural activism";"Equity & Excellence in Education";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1223;"In recent years, candidates and other political actors have dramatically increased their presence and activities online. Although the notion of these activities reaching beyond a limited set of early-adopters is relatively new, younger citizens have long been at the forefront of new developments on the web and continue to make up a substantial proportion of those seeking political information online. Given longstanding concern over levels of civic and political engagement among young people, questions concerning what young people seeking information and opportunities for political involvement online might find there are particularly relevant. In particular, we explore political websites that are directly targeted at younger voters (e.g. Rock the Vote and similar sites), websites produced by candidates and political parties, and possible linkages between these two web spheres. Based on content and hyperlink analyses spanning the 2002 and 2004 US election cycles, we find a complex evolution of the online political information environment offered to youth. Although the youth engagement web sphere experienced dramatic growth during this time period, our data also identify a reluctance of many mainstream political actors to speak directly to young people through the web, and a surprising underdevelopment of linkages between youth politics websites and the wider web of political information online. We conclude by considering the implications of these patterns for future research on the role of new media in processes of political communication and engagement.";"Journal Article";2007;"M. Xenos and W. L. Bennett";"The disconnection in online politics: The youth political web sphere and US election sites, 2002-2004";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1224;"Whereas an extensive literature exists on the effect of parental separation on young adults’ health, well-being and educational attainment, relatively little is known about its effect on young adults’ political and civic engagement. The current paper aims to remedy this deficiency and explore to what extent parental separation affects young adults’ likelihood to vote and volunteer. Taking insights from the social learning and parental status theories, we argue that because of separated parents’ overall lower levels of political and civic engagement as well as socioeconomic status compared with parents who are living together, young adults with separated parents will be less likely to engage in political and civic life compared with those whose parents are living together. Using data from the Swiss Household Panel Survey (1999–2009), our analyses reveal in line with our expectations that parental separation has a negative effect on young adults’ voting and volunteering patterns. Supporting the social learning theory, this negative effect of parental divorce or separation can be partly explained by the lower levels of political and civic engagement among separated parents compared with parents who are living together.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Voorpostel and H. Coffé";"The effect of parental separation on young adults’ political and civic participation";"Social Indicators Research";"Switzerland";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1225;"This study examines the impact of collective MMORPG play on gamers’ social capital in both the virtual world and the real world. Collective MMORPG play is conceptualized as the frequency of joint gaming actions and gamers’ assessment of the experience in MMORPG guilds and groups. Social capital at the individual level refers to the resources and support provided by bonding and bridging social networks; collective-level social capital refers to people’s civic engagement. A two-wave online survey was conducted to collect data from 232 Chinese MMORPG players.";"Journal Article";2011;"Z.-J. Zhong";"The effects of collective MMORPG (Massively Multiplayer Online Role-Playing Games) play on gamers’ online and offline social capital";"Computers in Human Behavior";"China";"CPE";"Youth"
1226;"Scholars and popular commentators have often stereotyped emotion as a tool that citizens use to reason about politics in place of hard fact and critical thought. Indeed, critics have often seen emotion as a potentially dangerous force that can sway the unsophisticated masses to undesirable ends. This article challenges the view that emotion is an outgrowth of low sophistication, arguing that high sophisticates are more likely to experience emotion in reaction to politics and that emotions are more influential on the political behavior of high sophisticates. Drawing upon appraisal theory, this article develops a theory of how political engagement elicits emotionality about politics, and how emotion interacts with understanding and motivation to produce its greatest impact on the behavior of those citizens who are the most politically sophisticated. Behavioral effects are examined in the contexts of presidential voting behavior and Iraq War policy attitudes. Hypotheses are tested on pooled American National Election Studies (ANES) data and an original web‐based survey of undergraduates.";"Journal Article";2011;"P. R. Miller";"The emotional citizen: Emotion as a function of political sophistication";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1227;"Recent developments suggest a strong relationship between social media use and political engagement and raise questions about the potential for social media to help stem or even reverse patterns of political inequality that have troubled scholars for years. In this paper, we articulate a model of social media and political engagement among young people, and test it using data from representative samples of young people in Australia, the USA, and the UK. Our results suggest a strong, positive relationship between social media use and political engagement among young people across all three countries, and provide additional insights regarding the role played by social media use in the processes by which young people become politically engaged. Notably, our results also provide reasons to be optimistic concerning the overall influence of this popular new form of digital media on longstanding patterns of political inequality.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Xenos, A. Vromen and B. D. Loader";"The great equalizer? Patterns of social media use and youth political engagement in three advanced democracies";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1228;"U.S. immigrants have faced a changing landscape with regard to immigration enforcement over the last two decades. Following the passage of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, and the creation of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency after the attacks of September 11, 2001, detention and deportation activity increased substantially. As a result, immigrants today are experiencing heightened fear of profiling and deportation. Little research exists on how these activities affect the health and well-being of U.S. immigrant communities. This study sought to address this gap by using community-based participatory research to investigate the impact of enhanced immigration enforcement on immigrant health in Everett, Massachusetts, USA, a city with a large and diverse immigrant population. Community partners and researchers conducted 6 focus groups with 52 immigrant participants (documented and undocumented) in five languages in May 2009. The major themes across the groups included: 1) Fear of deportation, 2) Fear of collaboration between local law enforcement and ICE and perception of arbitrariness on the part of the former and 3) Concerns about not being able to furnish documentation required to apply for insurance and for health care. Documented and undocumented immigrants reported high levels of stress due to deportation fear, which affected their emotional well-being and their access to health services. Recommendations from the focus groups included improving relationships between immigrants and local police, educating immigrants on their rights and responsibilities as residents, and holding sessions to improve civic engagement. Immigration enforcement activities and the resulting deportation fear are contextual factors that undermine trust in community institutions and social capital, with implications for health and effective integration processes. These factors should be considered by any community seeking to improve the integration process.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. Hacker, J. Chu, C. Leung, R. Marra, A. Pirie, M. Brahimi, M. English, J. Beckmann, D. Acevedo-Garcia and R. P. Marlin";"The impact of immigration and customs enforcement on immigrant health: Perceptions of immigrants in Everett, Massachusetts, USA";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1229;"Background: People with mental health problems are known to be socially excluded but the contribution of pre-morbid characteristics, symptoms and needs, and the impact on quality of life is unknown. Aims: To investigate change in social inclusion after the development of a psychotic Illness and factors associated with this. Methods: A cross-sectional community survey of people with psychosis was carried out in three areas of London. Five domains of social inclusion (social integration, consumption, access to services, productivity, political engagement) were assessed prior to the onset of illness and currently using the Social Inclusion Questionnaire User Experience. Quality of life, symptoms and needs were also assessed using standardized measures. Factors associated with change in social inclusion were investigated using multiple regression. Results: Productivity and social integration among the 67 participants reduced after the onset of psychosis. Older age at onset and longer duration of illness were associated with greater reduction in productivity. Less reduction in social integration was associated with greater quality of life. Participants reported barriers to social inclusion that were directly related to symptoms of their illness, low confidence and poor self-esteem. Conclusions: A greater focus on interventions that can facilitate the occupation and the social networks of people with psychosis is required. Interventions that tackle ‘self-stigma’ may also prove useful in mitigating the social exclusion experienced by people with psychosis.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. Killaspy, S. White, N. Lalvani, R. Berg, A. Thachil, S. Kallumpuram, O. Nasiruddin, C. Wright and G. Mezey";"The impact of psychosis on social inclusion and associated factors";"International Journal of Social Psychiatry";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1230;"This article is based on newly completed research looking at the role of the internet as a means of promoting civic engagement and participation among young people aged 15–25. It focuses on one specific aspect of this phenomenon, namely the use of websites to promote ‘ethical consumption’ among young people. This paper begins by briefly examining several intersecting works discussing not-for-profit marketing, commercial marketing, youth cultures and subcultures, politics, and ethical consumerism. It then moves on to examine the rhetorical constructions of youth identity and ethical consumerism on a range of civic websites, exploring the identifications and disavowals implicit in the language, layout, and imagery, and the conceptualizations civic-orientated Web producers have of their audiences and of consumption per se. This is achieved by taking a case-study approach involving a qualitative textual analysis of web-pages taken from UK and US-based sites such as Adbusters, Oxfam’s Generation Why, Ethics Girls, Adili and Amnesty International, which advertise or promote the buying of ethical goods by young people. It also involves an analysis of the aims of the site producers, as exemplified on the sites’ mission statements and in in-depth interviews. By means of this analysis, the article seeks to identify and assess the actually or potentially ‘civic’ aspects of these sites and to question the notion of ethical consumption in particular.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. Banaji and D. Buckingham";"The civic sell: Young people, the internet, and ethical consumption";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1231;"Religious short-term mission trips are an increasingly popular form of American religious practice, especially among young people. Both organizers and participants often emphasize their transformative nature. However, scholarly efforts to evaluate systematically the social consequences of religious short-term mission trips are lacking. To address this neglect, our article investigates whether going on a religious short-term mission trip significantly differentiates youth who engage in civic actions from those who do not. Based on quantitative analysis of Wave I of the National Survey of Youth Religion (NSYR), we find that, controlling for other important factors, taking a mission trip significantly increases the likelihood of adolescents participating in various forms of civic activity, particularly religious-based volunteer work. Drawing on prior scholarship on religious short-term mission and similarly focused trips and in-depth interview data from trip participants, we outline several theoretical mechanisms that likely explain the link between taking a mission trip and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. Beyerlein, J. Trinitapoli and G. Adler";"The effect of religious short‐term mission trips on youth civic engagement";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1232;"The riots witnessed in cities in England attracted the attention of the media, politicians, and educators worldwide. Despite criticism of the misbehaviours of some English adolescents, the phenomenon has provided an excellent context in which to study the protest activities of adolescents. The International Civic and Citizenship Study (ICCS) reflects on three questions: 1) In general, how do young adolescents in England view protest? 2) How do they differentiate between legal and illegal protest? and 3) What are the characteristics of young adolescents who open up their options to include illegal protest activities? Through a secondary analysis of the ICCS data, this study offers a way to better understand the political participation of English adolescents as a form of active civic engagement. Finally, I also comment on the link between this study and the 2011 England riots and discuss future research on Hong Kong adolescents.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. K. F. Chow";"The attitudes of English adolescents to protest activities: Reflections from the International Civic and Citizenship Study on 2011 English riots";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"YT"
1233;"Youth organizing combines elements of community organizing, with its emphasis on ordinary people working collectively to advance shared interests, and positive youth development, with its emphasis on asset-based approaches to working with young people. It is expanding from an innovative, but marginal approach to youth and community development into a more widely recognized model for practice among nonprofit organizations and foundations. Along the way, it has garnered attention from researchers interested in civic engagement, social movements, and resiliency. A growing body of published work evidences the increasing interest of researchers, who have applied an assortment of theoretical perspectives to their observations of youth organizing processes. Through an appraisal of the current state of this still-emerging area of practice and research, including case examples, the authors identify common elements of the practice of youth organizing—relationship development, popular education, social action, and participatory research and evaluation—and conclude with a discussion of promising future directions for research and practice.";"Book Section";2011;"B. D. Christens and B. Kirshner";"Taking stock of youth organizing: An interdisciplinary perspective";"Youth civic development: Work at the cutting edge.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1234;"The Adolescents, Life Context, & School project was developed in a suburban, residential area of Padova, Italy, and involved three classes of 12-year-old children. Across three months, children observed, documented, and talked about their own life contexts in order to voice problems to decision makers. Both teachers and council members played key roles in supporting the project and the children’s work. Limited quantitative results showed an increase in reported neighborhood civic responsibility compared to a control group of students. Qualitative evaluation results demonstrated strong interest. The involvement by teachers, local government, and students in the project led to real actions and improvements in the neighborhood and school and to the creation of an official youth affairs council. The program provides a model for service-learning and organized student civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2010;"L. Dallago, F. Cristini, D. D. Perkins, M. Nation and M. Santinello";"The Adolescents, Life Context, and School Project: Youth voice and civic participation";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
1235;"A powerful rhetoric regarding the importance of adolescents’ civic engagement and political participation is common in contemporary societies, whilst citizens, both adolescent and adults, seem to express a growing scepticism and alienation regarding politics. Even if this disengagement is debatable, as there are simultaneous signs of an increasing involvement in a variety of emerging and broadly-defined civic and political activities, we argue that the benefits of these experiences should be scrutinized using psychological evidence-based criteria. We rest on classical contributions from developmental psychology, educational theory and political science to define criteria that could inform the quality of participation experiences, and then present two studies that explore its adequacy. Study 1 is a cross-sectional study that observes that higher quality civic and political experiences are connected with more complex modes of thinking about politics. In Study 2, a two-wave longitudinal design, the quality of participation experiences is a significant predictor of change patterns of political attitudes; moreover, results support the argument that participation is not good in itself and that some experiences, with lesser developmental quality, might have a detrimental effect on adolescents’ political development.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. D. Ferreira, C. N. Azevedo and I. Menezes";"The developmental quality of participation experiences: Beyond the rhetoric that 'participation is always good!'";"Journal of Adolescence";"Portugal";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1236;"Most teenagers are too young to vote and are off the radar of political scientists. Teenage Citizens looks beyond the electoral game to consider the question of how this overlooked segment of our citizenry understands political topics. Bridging psychology and political science, Constance Flanagan argues that civic identities form during adolescence and are rooted in teens' everyday lives—in their experiences as members of schools and community-based organizations and in their exercise of voice, collective action, and responsibility in those settings. This is the phase of life when political ideas are born. Through voices from a wide range of social classes and ethnic backgrounds in the United States and five other countries, we learn how teenagers form ideas about democracy, inequality laws, ethnic identity, the social contract, and the ties that bind members of a polity together, Flanagan's twenty-five years of research show how teens' personal and family values accord with their political views. When their families emphasize social responsibility—for people in need and for the common good—and perform service to the community, teens' ideas about democracy and the social contract highlight principles of tolerance, social inclusion, and equality. When families discount social responsibility relative to other values, teens' ideas about democracy focus on their rights as individuals. At a time when opportunities for youth are shrinking, Constance Flanagan helps us understand how young people come to envisage the world of politics and civic engagement, and how their own political identities take form.";"Book";2013;"C. A. Flanagan";"Teenage citizens: The political theories of the young";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
1237;"This study uses national survey data from 1231 parent-children dyads to examine the socialization of political participation among adolescents (ages 12–17). In particular, we expand on existing models of political socialization to account for the incorporation of lifestyle practices into the political repertoires of today’s youth. We found in comparison to future voting intention, which is rooted largely in background characteristics and the direct influence of socialization agents, political consumerism is fostered more indirectly through communication practices. Moreover, we found some meaningful age differences in the associations among key variables in the model. In particular, we observed a shift from a greater emphasis of socialization agents among younger adolescents to a greater emphasis of communication practices, particularly online communication, among older adolescents. We argue, for older adolescents especially, the controllability afforded by interactive digital media plays a critical role in the cultivation of political behaviors that address individual lifestyle concerns.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. R. Gotlieb, K. Kyoung, I. Gabay, K. Riddle and D. V. Shah";"Socialization of lifestyle and conventional politics among early and late adolescents";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1238;"Human beings make sense of their present and give meaning to the past in the way that they story the future. This poses two interesting questions for both social science and education. First, how does storying the future reflect the construction of social and political meaning of the present? Second, how do young people's stories of the future relate to their motivation for civic engagement and their identity as effective civic actors? If we understand these we can consider how to use future stories effectively in civic education. Accounts of historical events are constructed to validate contemporary explanations and identities. There is extensive literature on how history is constructed to explain and legitimate the present, whether this is a world-view, a socio-political system or the parameters of between-group relationships (Carretero, 2011). Other chapters in this volume address how history is utilized and the implications of this for education. In this chapter, the authors argue that the storied future serves similar discursive purposes; scenarios are best understood as stories of the present. Occasionally future projections are a banal glorification of the present—the Nazi dream of a 'thousand year Reich,' for example. However, in the main, scenario-building is either about providing remedies for the ills of today, or it is about anticipating desirable developments that might be encouraged or undesirable ones that should be avoided if possible (Turney, 2010). In the hands of experts, or social engineers, these agendas are analyses designed for action. For the lay person, future scenarios are linked to optimism or pessimism about the present, one's own position within that future and its personal implications, and the extent to which one can feel that one has any agency about one's fate. In this chapter, the authors present data from a large-scale study of young people in Great Britain who were asked to describe their vision of the future. The results of this study illustrate how history education contributes to the construction of identity in a world where an individual's competence will be increasingly global.";"Book Section";2012;"H. Haste and A. Hogan";"The future shapes the present: Scenarios, metaphors and civic action";"History education and the construction of national identities.";;"CPE";"YT"
1239;"This conference report is an overview of the emerging themes from the 2014 Youth Civic Engagement Preconference from the Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence. The theme of the conference is sociopolitical development and positive youth development.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. L. Karakos and L. Wray-Lake";"Sociopolitical development and positive youth development: Emerging themes from the 2014 Youth Civic Engagement Preconference from the Biennial Meeting of the Society for Research on Adolescence";"International Journal of Developmental Science";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1240;"This volume is evidence of the growing interest in adolescent spirituality within the positive youth development (PYD) movement. In particular, the current emphasis within PYD on the role of civic engagement as an indicator or outcome associated with positive development or thriving has led scholars and practitioners to look at spirituality and religion as potential resources for promoting such social contribution (Benson, Scales, Sesma, and Roehlkepartain 2005; Damon 2004; King et al. 2005; Lerner, Dowling, and Anderson 2003; Lerner et al. 2005). Although there is burgeoning interest and a mounting number of relevant publications, many theoretical and methodological issues remain to be addressed in order to elucidate more fully the relationship between positive youth development and spirituality. Based on two foundational theoretical underpinnings of PYD, plasticity and context, this chapter aims to provide a framework for understanding how spirituality may be a unique and robust catalyst for positive development in young people. Specifically, this chapter will explore how the ideological, social, and transcendent dimensions within spirituality provide fertile ground for promoting positive youth development. In addition, the chapter will discuss methodological issues pertinent to building the study of spirituality and positive youth development.";"Book Section";2008;"P. E. King";"Spirituality as fertile ground for positive youth development";"Positive youth development and spirituality: From theory to research.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1241;"The need for quality service-learning programs has increased according to greater interest in service-learning and civic engagement for academically gifted students. The Civic Leadership Institute (CLI), a 3-week residential program for gifted adolescents, is a service-learning program created help academically talented students explore complex social issues that are faced by communities and society today. Class activities are comprised of rigorous academic coursework, community volunteer service, meetings with top community leaders, seminars on specific topics of interest, and rich residential and recreational experiences. This study examined how students perceive and evaluate their service-learning experiences with the CLI program using surveys from program evaluations and narrative comments from 230 gifted high school students who participated in CLI at two different sites in its first 2 years. Overall, the students indicated positive perceptions of the CLI program and were satisfied with its components, particularly the service projects and various field experiences. Overwhelmingly, they perceived that the coursework combined with hands-on experiences enhanced their awareness of civic issues, increased their motivation to engage in social issues in their communities, and allowed them to gain a new understanding and respect for diversity. Suggestions from students included more frequent field experiences, service projects tightly linked with academic content, and meetings with local community leaders. Because this study is the first evaluation of the CLI program, a longer term follow-up study with students who have participated in CLI and comparisons between students who have participated and students who have not participated in the program are needed to corroborate the positive perceptions found among this first cohort of student participants.";"Journal Article";2008;"S.-Y. Lee, P. Olszewski-Kubilius, R. Donahue and K. Weimholt";"The civic leadership institute: A service-learning program for academically gifted youth";"Journal of Advanced Academics";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1243;"Many scholars have written about the Internet’s potential for engaging youth in public issues, but there has been little empirical research on the political engagement outcomes from students’ classroom-based use of web 2.0 tools, such as blogs, or the pedagogies involved in designing such experiences. This paper begins to address this gap by analyzing the development of political engagement among several dozen high school students who were required to complete political blogs for their required U.S. government course and by exploring their teacher’s pedagogical strategies and challenges. We analyzed data from 22 classroom observations, 15 student interviews, three teacher interviews, and surveys from over 300 students (including a large comparison group) given at the beginning and end of the fall 2012−13 semester. Quantitative and qualitative analyses indicate that students in the blog-focused classes developed greater political interest, internal political efficacy, and self-efficacy for political writing than other students. We also found that the teacher did not actively encourage interactive posting in order to avoid heated exchanges—but that many students expressed an interest in seeing more responses to their online writing. We discuss implications for practice and research.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. L. Levy, W. Journell, Y. He and B. Towns";"Students blogging about politics: A study of students' political engagement and a teacher's pedagogy during a semester-long political blog assignment";"Computers & Education";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1244;"We present new evidence on the civic engagement of immigrants and the children of immigrant parents (ages 15 to 25). Utilizing the 2006 Civic and Political Health of the Nation Survey conducted by CIRCLE, we find that young immigrants report lower levels of civic engagement on most measures compared to natives. However, once observable demographic factors are controlled, many of these differences are eliminated. In contrast, the children of immigrant parents report levels of civic engagement that match or exceed those of natives.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. H. Lopez and K. B. Marcelo";"The civic engagement of immigrant youth: New evidence from the 2006 Civic and Political Health of the Nation Survey";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1245;"Across the world, youth are embracing the concepts of freedom of speech, right to opinion, and modern information technology in all its aspects and are trying to find use for it. The Arab Spring revolutions that began in 2011 and which are still ablaze reflect this fact. Lebanon is the most democratic country in the Middle East and North Africa region. The youth of Lebanon are adept users of web-based communication tools but are they eager to use this technology to connect with their political leaders? The results of this study show significant interest of youth in electronic-based communication with politicians. However, this interest may not be translated into material voting at the polls.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. E. Maamari and H. E. Zein";"The impact of social media on the political interests of the youth in Lebanon at the wake of the Arab Spring";"Social Science Computer Review";"Lebanon";"CPECPP";"YT"
1246;"Declining political involvement of adolescents in western society has caused widespread concerns about the health of democracy in the future. This study investigates the role of the media in the formation of political attitudes and political mobilization of adolescents. Based on a secondary data analysis of the European Social Survey (N = 5657), the influence of exposure to news and entertainment content on political trust, signing petitions and consumer politics is assessed in a multi-level regression analysis. Additionally, the impact of the political and educational system on political attitude formation and civic engagement of adolescents is investigated. The results show a higher level of engagement in countries with a well-functioning democracy. At the individual level, news media exposure is positively related to engagement in consumer politics, whereas exposure to entertainment is negatively related to mobilization.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Moeller and C. de Vreese";"The differential role of the media as an agent of political socialization in Europe";"European Journal of Communication";"Netherlands";"CPECPP";"YT"
1247;"The development of political engagement in early life is significant given its impact on political knowledge and participation. Analyses reveal a large influence of parents on their offspring’s curiosity about politics during their teenage years. Increasingly, civic education is also considered an important influence on political interest and orientations of young people as schools are assigned a crucial role in creating and maintaining civic equality. We study the effects of civic education on political engagement, focusing especially on whether and how civic education can compensate for missing parental political socialization. We use data from the Belgian Political Panel Study (2006–2011) and the U.S. Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study (1965–1997), which both contain information on political attitudes and behaviors of adolescents and young adults, those of their parents, and on the educational curriculum of the young respondents. Our findings suggest that civics training in schools indeed compensates for inequalities in family socialization with respect to political engagement. This conclusion holds for two very different countries (the U.S. and Belgium), at very different points in time (the 1960s and the 2000s), and for a varying length of observation (youth to old age and impressionable years only).";"Journal Article";2016;"A. Neundorf, R. G. Niemi and K. Smets";"The compensation effect of civic education on political engagement: How civics classes make up for missing parental socialization";"Political Behavior";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1248;"The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) provides a framework for strengthening youth participation in civic engagement, especially within the field of social work. Through a review of peer-reviewed social work literature over the last decade, this paper explores the central question: How does the CRC shape social work scholarship about youth participation in civic engagement? We find that the CRC is reflected in scholarship' outside of the U.S., while U.S. social work scholarship rarely draws on the CRC and concepts related to child rights. This results in qualitative differences between youth civic engagement scholarship in countries where the CRC has been ratified and scholarship in the U.S., with divergent research and practice models for working with youth. Non-U.S. social work literature offers framing, perspectives, and practice examples that can be of value for positioning youth civic engagement within U.S. social work practice. We discuss the implications of the CRC for youth participation in civic engagement in the U.S. and explore potential future directions for research and practice.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Richards-Schuster and S. Pritzker";"Strengthening youth participation in civic engagement: Applying the convention on the rights of the child to social work practice";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1249;"Perceived injustice can trigger strong emotional reactions and motivate political protest. Although there is vast empirical evidence for this chain of reactions, we know little about individual differences in how perceived injustice can motivate people to engage in political actions. In a survey study with 1,005 German participants, we investigated how justice sensitivity as a personality disposition accounts for individual differences in political engagement. Regression analyses revealed that justice sensitivity from an observer perspective promotes political engagement, whereas justice sensitivity from a victim perspective is not related to political engagement. In the concrete case of a political decision regarding the public transport project 'Stuttgart 21' in Germany, our data indicated that perceived procedural injustice of the decision process and moral outrage mediated the relation of justice sensitivity from an observer perspective and political protest. The present findings are in line with research on the behavioral outcomes of justice sensitivity and contribute to the understanding of individual differences in political engagement and its underlying motivational processes.";"Journal Article";2014;"T. Rothmund, A. Baumert and A. Zinkernagel";"The German'Wutbürger': How justice sensitivity accounts for individual differences in political engagement";"Social Justice Research";"Germany";"CPECPP";"YT"
1250;"Comments on an article by J. N. T. Sattoe et al. (see record [rid]2013-41895-001[/rid]). It is noted that Sattoe et al. provided a challenge to health services to go beyond promoting health outcomes by better addressing young people’s social and emotional well-being. For adolescents and young adults, the notion of well-being is embodied in successful negotiation of the developmental transitions around family, peers, sexuality and intimate relationships, education and training, employment, and civic engagement. Sattoe et al. set out to identify patterns of autonomy and social participation in young adults and to explore how these patterns compare with self-management skills and health related quality of life (HRQoL). They identified distinctive patterns of social participation, which they then compared with HRQoL and self efficacy. The reviewers argue that even very good multidisciplinary services may be poorly equipped to support young people’s developmental needs. In this context, given the burden of both social engagement and social isolation that Sattoe et al. describe, it is important to consider a wider repertoire of responses that could be made available within both pediatric and adult services and the community.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. M. Sawyer and A.-E. Ambresin";"Successful transitions: Beyond disease control to better life chances";"Journal of Adolescent Health";"Australia";"CPE";"YT"
1251;"This chapter examines Latina/o immigrant youth's civic engagement and activism. When socioeconomic variables are controlled for, immigrant youth exhibit rates of civic engagement that are comparable to non-immigrants. The schools that serve working class immigrant youth must be improved so the civic training reaches the standards of more affluent educational institutions. Undocumented youth face the contradiction of being included in public schools and excluded from the nation-state. This chapter makes a strong plea both for continuing research and for needed policy attention.";"Book Section";2010;"H. Seif";"The civic life of Latina/o immigrant youth: Challenging boundaries and creating safe spaces";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1252;"Civic engagement is a critically important topic in that a democracy requires engaged citizens in order to survive. Unfortunately, this topic has not, however, generated the amount of research seen for other areas of child and youth development. Furthermore, it has not enjoyed extensive policy or program attention. Civics education has, for example, probably been deemphasized as a result of the No Child Left Behind legislation. In this chapter, we make the case for increased research and policy attention to the development of citizenship. We begin by addressing the importance of civic engagement and exploring its possible definitions. We review research on the development of civic engagement and examine the socialization factors that have been shown to contribute to its development. We then address the importance of investigating this topic across today's diverse youth. We conclude by providing a model that attempts to integrate the different definitional issues and developmental factors.";"Book Section";2009;"L. R. Sherrod and J. Lauckhardt";"The development of citizenship";"Handbook of adolescent psychology: Contextual influences on adolescent development, Vol. 2, 3rd ed.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1253;"Over the past decade, Internet and politics scholarship has been concerned with the effects of the Internet on forms of civic and political participation. Recent research has moved on to examine the effects of social networking sites like Facebook. Although past studies have generally found positive – albeit weak or moderate – relationships between social networking sites use and civic and political participation, reliance on cross-sectional surveys has not produced conclusive evidence of the direction of causality. We use a two-wave panel survey of 15- and 16-year-olds to examine how Facebook use affects various forms of political and non-political entertainment-oriented participation (both online and offline). We find that Facebook use is positively related to civic and entertainment-oriented, but not to online or offline political, participation. Further analysis using structural equation modelling shows that prior levels of civic participation have a stronger effect on Facebook use than Facebook use has on civic participation. Facebook use only leads clearly to entertainment-oriented participation. The implications of these findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"Y. Theocharis and E. Quintelier";"Stimulating citizenship or expanding entertainment? The effect of Facebook on adolescent participation";"New Media & Society";"Germany";"CPECPP";"YT"
1254;"This case study used a student voice program in an urban middle school in the southeastern United States to examine the validity of three theoretically derived pathways through which student voice may affect positive school climate. First, using a youth participatory action research process to identify barriers to learning, analyse their root causes, and advocate for solutions to school administration allowed students to influence minor school policies and implement anti‐bullying, classroom‐behaviour‐monitoring, and experiential‐learning initiatives. However, there were challenges to making these policy and practice changes systemic. Second, relationships were formed and strengthened as a byproduct of student participant and staff collaboration in program activities. However, the program may have contributed to an ingroup–outgroup dynamic between participants and other peers. Third, students who participated in the program developed citizenship competencies, and their development may have promoted broader prosocial norms among the student body, though evidence was inconsistent. Study findings suggest that future research examine how variations in the implementation of student voice initiatives can maximize the contribution to a positive school climate in urban schools. Findings also suggest that practitioners should ensure that student teams be representative of a multitude of student identities.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Voight";"Student voice for school‐climate improvement: A case study of an urban middle school";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1255;"Adolescent empowerment has been used to develop programs addressing a variety of issues that put young people at risk. Empowerment has been associated with positive outcomes in youth, including increases in resilience, self-efficacy, self-esteem, and civic engagement. This article reviews a selection of applications of empowerment with adolescents to identify how the concept is defined, applied, and measured.Key challenges to implementing adolescent empowerment programs are identified. Based on the review, social empathy is proposed as a framework for adolescent empowerment program developers. Using social empathy as a framework allows for consistency in definition and flexibility in application to apply to diverse groups of youth in various settings. A social empathy framework also establishes key outcomes that can be measured to ensure program effectiveness. By employing social empathy as a framework, service providers can draw on the value that empowerment, both as a process and an outcome, brings to their work with adolescents.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. A. Wagaman";"Social empathy as a framework for adolescent empowerment";"Journal of Social Service Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1256;"Political participation refers to all forms of involvement in which citizens express their political opinion and/or convey that opinion to political decision-makers. Some of the most innovative forms of political participation developed during the past decade are based on the use of online communication tools. There is still no consensus in the scientific literature, however, about the impact of online communication on citizens’ civic and political engagement. The main goal of this article is therefore to understand whether specific online and/or offline political participation patterns exist especially among young people who are known to be the most fervent Internet users. The analysis utilizes survey data on various forms of offline and online political engagement among undergraduate students from 2011.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Vissers and D. Stolle";"The internet and new modes of political participation: Online versus offline participation";"Information, Communication & Society";"Canada";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1257;"This paper examines the effects of economic structural change on community social capital. The content of 156 interviews in Southern communities entrenched in the offshore oil economy, were used to investigate the consequences of industrial and civic restructuring on the social structure and social ties among local residents. The central finding is that population turnover and in-migration of workers demanded by a rapidly expanding economy enhances the density of weak tie networks within the community. However, the activation of these weak ties is highly dependent upon perceptions of future reciprocity from newcomers to the community by the entrenched members. Weak ties are important because they serve as a foundation for community members engaging in collective problem solving. Civic and social institutions can mediate the negative effects of rapid community growth shown. When newcomers are not integrated into the community, it may lead to exploitation and exclusion due to stigmatic labels.";"Journal Article";2014;"T. C. Brown, C. J. Forsyth and E. R. Berthelot";"The mediating effect of civic community on social growth: The importance of reciprocity";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1258;"In recent decades, given new forms of political participation, the involvement of young people in the civic domain begins to be a focus of many studies. The present study examined the role of personality traits and personal values in the prediction of civic engagement (CE) in Italian youth ranging in age from 19 to 29 years old involved in an ongoing longitudinal study. The multidimensionality of a scale tapping CE has been demonstrated with the examination of confirmatory factor analysis. Structural equation modeling corroborated a mediational model in which benevolence fully mediated the relationship of the traits of agreeableness and openness with civic associationism, whereas power fully mediated the relationship of the traits of agreeableness and openness with political associationism. In this mediational model men reported higher levels of power than women, whereas women reported higher levels of agreeableness and openness traits. Since basic personal traits have been identified as the root of any behavioral tendency and values have been recognized as the more flexible and changeable variables, future interventions aimed to foster CE in youth could be designed considering the strength relationship between the examined dimensions in the present study.";"Journal Article";2012;"B. P. Luengo Kanacri, V. Rosa and L. Di Giunta";"The mediational role of values in linking personality traits to civic engagement in Italian youth";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"Italy";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1259;"The essays selected here examine a wide terrain of culture, politics, and social criticism, and nearly all of Dyson's work is policy-oriented, immediate, and politically engaged. His essays should be read as efforts to understand the plight of aggrieved populations--notably black working people, youth, and women--and how their lives and cultures speak to the conditions they face. On the other hand, he insists that people take responsibility for their behavior and criticizes black institutions for failing black communities. His essays on the Black Church, for example, are bold challenges to the failure of black clerical leadership and die apparent moral hypocrisy running through contemporary institutionalized religion. He had nothing to gain by writing these pieces, and they are well-documented and well-argued, and have played a crucial role in placing behind-the-scenes debates into a wider realm. The same goes for his scintillating work on black public intellectuals. He takes no prisoners, on the one hand, and yet offers smart, concise commentary on the debate over black intellectuals that takes a long, historical view of the work they have done over the past century. The 'Coda,' in particular, is not a self-congratulatory essay but a call to arms, one that demands political engagement as a component of our intellectual work. Finally, for all the efforts to place music and other cultural forms within particular antiracist, class-conscious contexts, to see contemporary black culture as subaltern social struggles generated by racist backlash, poverty, and Reaganomics, Dyson refuses to over-interpret or romanticize. Nor does he accept the dualism of 'nihilism' vs. 'black radicalism' that has frozen too many writers.";"Book";2004;"M. E. Dyson";"The Michael Eric Dyson reader";;"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1260;"The engagement of each new generation of young people with the practices and institutions of democratic governance in a society is an essential means by which such a political system retains its legitimacy. Without their consent and commitment, the authority of politicians and policy-makers to represent the values and interests of future citizens is called into question. The attitudes and political values of young people are therefore often seen as foretelling the future and are regarded as important agents of social and political change. Increasingly shaped by wider forces of globalization, the digital revolution and reflexive individualism, the concept of the networked young citizen may become a compelling one that is gaining currency through empirical investigation. It suggests an emerging generational cohort that is more skeptical of politicians and mainstream conventional political institutions. But it also raises the possibility of the networking young citizen playing a more significant role in reconfiguring our democratic practices. Opponents of such an approach will no doubt both reject the notion of emerging political norms associated with the networked young citizen and contend that any move away from the dutiful or active citizen model will undermine liberal representative democracy. Fearful of the ‘personalization’ of politics as a means to undermine serious rational deliberation and even encourage populist rhetoric of the sort expressed by Russell Brand, such critics can only see these developments as evidence for the trivialization of democracy. Yet in the face of growing evidence to the contrary these commentators seem bereft of ideas to address the growing estrangement between young citizens and mainstream political parties, politicians and electoral engagement. The skepticism expressed by young people towards those who represent them rather than being taken as a measure of apathy could instead be seen as a perfectly legitimate democratic attitude of reflexively engaged citizens conscious of their personal circumstances.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. D. Loader, A. Vromen and M. A. Xenos";"The networked young citizen: Social media, political participation and civic engagement";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1261;"Personality traits are considered efficient predictors of off-line political participation. However, the effects of personality traits on online political engagement have been largely understudied. The main goal of this cross-sectional research (N = 1,134, sample of young adults) was to investigate the relationships between personality traits, as measured by the Big Five Inventory, and online political engagement. As dependent variables, we took three dimensions of online political engagement: e-targeted, e-expressive, and e-news. A latent variables structural equation model showed that personality traits directly and indirectly predict modes of online political engagement via the mediation of political attitudes and the proneness to use Internet. On the whole, we found that people open to experience and extraverts take part in online political actions, whereas agreeable and conscientious people tend to avoid them. The findings provide insights on the differences between traditional form (i.e., off-line) and the new online modes of political engagement by showing that, to some extent, the latter appeal to different personality profiles. In sum, online engagement seems to be marked by a personality divide.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. Russo and E. Amnå";"The personality divide: Do personality traits differentially predict online political engagement?";"Social Science Computer Review";"Sweden";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1262;"There is growing interest across a range of disciplines in the relationship between pets and health, with a range of therapeutic, physiological, psychological and psychosocial benefits now documented. While much of the literature has focused on the individual benefits of pet ownership, this study considered the potential health benefits that might accrue to the broader community, as encapsulated in the construct of social capital. A random survey of 339 adult residents from Perth, Western Australia were selected from three suburbs and interviewed by telephone. Pet ownership was found to be positively associated with some forms of social contact and interaction, and with perceptions of neighbourhood friendliness. After adjustment for demographic variables, pet owners scored higher on social capital and civic engagement scales. The results suggest that pet ownership provides potential opportunities for interactions between neighbours and that further research in this area is warranted. Social capital is another potential mechanism by which pets exert an influence on human health.";"Journal Article";2005;"L. Wood, B. Giles-Corti and M. Bulsara";"The pet connection: Pets as a conduit for social capital?";"Social Science & Medicine";"Australia";"CPE";"Youth"
1263;"Recent research indicates that citizens of many nations have become increasingly disconnected from their fellow community members. When this connection is lost, individuals begin to suffer. They experience poorer health, achieve lower academic and employment success, and are at risk for the development of a host of social problems. On a broader level, states and countries whose citizens feel detached from their communities show higher levels of crime, a greater incidence of disease, and even higher mortality rates. In The Psychology of Citizenship and Civic Engagement, S. Mark Pancer describes the impact that civic involvement has on young people, adults, and the communities in which they live. He examines the ways in which peers, families, schools, neighborhoods, workplaces, and religious organizations shape civic involvement across the lifespan. Pancer addresses civic engagement from a systemic as well as individual perspective, discussing the role that factors such as government policy, culture, and socioeconomic status play in fostering (or inhibiting) a person's civic connections. He identifies gaps in research and theory, and outlines ways in which scholarly work on civic engagement can inform policy and practice, with the aim to foster individuals' sense of social responsibility and community connection. By bringing together a large body of research from psychology, political science, sociology, education, and public health, Pancer provides readers with a comprehensive account of what science tells us about civic engagement.";"Book";2015;"S. M. Pancer";"The psychology of citizenship and civic engagement";;"Canada";"CPE";"Youth"
1264;"This study qualitatively examined how participants in a long-term service-learning program described their understanding of and commitment to social justice, multicultural competence, and civic engagement. Interviews with members of a university-sponsored AmeriCorps service-learning program explored participants' perceptions of the effects of their service. Several participants in this study increased their awareness of inequality, but only some adopted a commitment to social justice. Participants also developed several multicultural skills while interacting with their clients, such as empathy, patience, attachment, reciprocity, trust, and respect. All participants expressed a commitment to continued civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. Einfeld and D. Collins";"The relationships between service-learning, social justice, multicultural competence, and civic engagement";"Journal of College Student Development";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1265;"A web-based study of 393 undergraduates at a public university in the United States was conducted to examine the relationship between moral emotions (i.e., emotions that motivate prosocial tendencies) and support for political actions to assist Iraqi citizens after the Second Gulf War (2003-2004). Previous work on emotions and prosocial tendencies has focused on empathy. In the context of post-war Iraq, we found that while empathy predicted support for a number of different political actions that have the potential to advance the welfare of the Iraqi people (humanitarian action in particular), guilt over the U.S. invasion was an important predictor of support for reparative actions (i.e., restoring damage created by the U.S. military), and moral outrage toward Saddam Hussein and his regime was the best predictor of support for political actions to prevent future harm to the Iraqi people and to punish the perpetrators. Our findings demonstrate the utility of an emotion-specific framework for understanding why and what type of political actions individuals will support. And in contrast to the traditional view that emotions are an impediment to rationality, our findings suggest that they can serve as a potentially powerful vehicle for motivating political engagement among the citizenry.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. J. Pagano and Y. J. Huo";"The Role of Moral Emotions in Predicting Support for Political Actions in Post-War Iraq";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1266;"The current studies explored the social consequences of exposure to conspiracy theories. In Study 1, participants were exposed to a range of conspiracy theories concerning government involvement in significant events such as the death of Diana, Princess of Wales. Results revealed that exposure to information supporting conspiracy theories reduced participants' intentions to engage in politics, relative to participants who were given information refuting conspiracy theories. This effect was mediated by feelings of political powerlessness. In Study 2, participants were exposed to conspiracy theories concerning the issue of climate change. Results revealed that exposure to information supporting the conspiracy theories reduced participants' intentions to reduce their carbon footprint, relative to participants who were given refuting information, or those in a control condition. This effect was mediated by powerlessness with respect to climate change, uncertainty, and disillusionment. Exposure to climate change conspiracy theories also influenced political intentions, an effect mediated by political powerlessness. The current findings suggest that conspiracy theories may have potentially significant social consequences, and highlight the need for further research on the social psychology of conspiracism.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. Jolley and K. M. Douglas";"The social consequences of conspiracism: Exposure to conspiracy theories decreases intentions to engage in politics and to reduce one's carbon footprint";"British Journal of Psychology";"UK";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1267;"Scientific and political commentators on social 'uprisings' and political engagement among second generation immigrants in Europe often refer to quantitative indicators of structural integration in national labour and school systems. Equally, if not more, important with regard to the social engagement and political mobilisation in the second generation, is the transnational transmittance of literature, music, film and critical events in which the fate of second generation immigrants is a central thematic. Such transmission, through internet portals designed for ethnic/racial/religious minority youth, through various micro-media, and through diaspora networks, energise a common social imaginary for European second generation immigrants, or first generation Europeans. This social imaginary illustrates the contested nature of the national people in Europe today, and it is recognised by its forms of representation, the modes of transmission between strangers, and by a specific secular temporal mode. I suggest a continuum model of a social imaginary, where particularistic and universalistic solidarities represent outer points, and where various social identity foci (e.g. religion, ethnicity, anti-racism) are illustrated with references to research on European second generation immigrants. The article ends with suggesting some promising developments for further inquires of this social imaginary in social movement studies.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Andersson";"The social imaginary of first generation Europeans";"Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture";"Norway";"CPE";"Youth"
1268;"This chapter introduces the idea that evaluation research can contribute to knowledge in the fields of citizenship and civic or political engagement education by becoming a transdisciplinary science. Evaluation as a transdisciplinary science means that evaluation studies not only assess current theories and knowledge in a substantive field but they also contribute new theoretical ideas and knowledge to that field. This chapter first highlights basic research findings and reviews evaluation research of citizenship education and civic or political engagement programs and then raises a range of issues and challenges inherent in evaluation and introduces ideas from the evaluation literature that can be helpful for advancing these fields. From a transdisciplinary perspective, good evaluation research not only demonstrates what works, the extent to which interventions affect outcomes, and overall program impact, but it also addresses questions about how and why programs work, thus adding new theoretical and practical knowledge. The chapter begins with a brief history of applied research in the United States and concludes with a short section about how educational settings and youth organizations can build evaluation capacity.";"Book Section";2010;"A. Higgins-D'Alessandro";"The transdisciplinary nature of citizenship and civic/political engagement evaluation";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1269;"This study looks at student Facebook groups supporting the 2008 presidential candidates, John McCain and Barack Obama, from largest land-grant universities in seven battleground states. The findings of a content analysis of wall posts show that students are using Facebook to facilitate dialog and civic political involvement. In opposition to pro-McCain groups, pro-Obama groups have wider time frame coverage and demonstrate substantively higher site activity. Political discussions related to the political civic process, policy issues, campaign information, candidate issues, and acquisition of campaign products dominate across groups and election seasons. An examination of the content of wall posts based on the four categories of the Michigan Model of voting behavior (partisanship, group affiliation, candidate image, and political/campaign issues) reveals that in the primary season, pro-Obama groups focus mostly on short-term topics (candidate image and campaign issues), whereas pro-McCain groups focus mostly on long-term topics (partisanship and group affiliation). The overall findings of this study suggest that youth online communities actively follow campaigns and post comments that foster the political dialog and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. Fernandes, M. Giurcanu, K. W. Bowers and J. C. Neely";"The writing on the wall: A content analysis of college students' Facebook groups for the 2008 presidential election";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1270;"This article explores the potential of a critical pedagogy of race in high school classrooms to foster civic engagement and academic development. We begin with an exploration of the role of white supremacy in 'race-neutral' curricula in US schools. Even as the largest 60 school districts in the nation are 80 % non-white and states such as California and New York move toward non-white pluralities in their school systems, curricula remain largely unchanged. We outline some of the larger systemic inequities that result from this often alienating and exclusive approach to teaching in city schools, and we conclude this first section by acknowledging various efforts to name and resist racially oppressive curricula and pedagogies. The second section of the article provides a brief historical context for the Ethnic Studies movement as a response to white supremacist curriculum and instruction in high school and college classrooms. We trace this movement back to its inception in the 1960s to provide a framing for our work. Our goal is to show that (1) the tradition of teaching Ethnic Studies in the high school is as old as the movement itself; (2) the teaching of Ethnic Studies has always been tied to both academic development and civic engagement; and (3) Ethnic Studies courses and content have been infused across disciplines and taught to racially heterogeneous groups since the outset of the movement. The third section of the paper will focus on three case studies of the critical pedagogy of Ethnic Studies with high school students. Two of these cases are of high school classes and the third explores a summer and after-school program where high school students engage in youth participatory action research projects around issues impacting youth of color in their neighborhoods and communities. Across each of these cases, we define our conception of a critical pedagogy of race and we explore the connections between the teaching of Ethnic Studies and the development of literacies of power, agency, social awareness, civic engagement, and academic achievement. We conclude the article with implications for pedagogy, policy, and praxis in city schools.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. V. de los Ríos, J. López and E. Morrell";"Toward a critical pedagogy of race: Ethnic Studies and literacies of power in high school classrooms";"Race and Social Problems";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1271;"Rendering visible African immigrants’ shared and differing experiences of civic learning and action, the authors present findings from in-depth semi-structured interviews with second- and 1.5-generation African immigrants in New York City. Drawing on an interdisciplinary framework of African immigrant identities constructions and civic engagement, we highlight a multilayered view of civic teaching, learning, and action within and across contexts of families, identities, and schooling in the United States, Africa, and globally. In so doing, the research affirms African immigrant youth’s racial and ethnic identities toward broadened understandings of civic engagement such as participatory communal citizenship. The findings support the need for teacher educator preparation for immigrant youth and curriculum within secondary schools in a diverse U.S. society.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. G. Knight and V. W. M. Watson";"Toward participatory communal citizenship: Rendering visible the civic teaching, learning, and actions of African immigrant youth and young adults";"American Educational Research Journal";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1272;"Implementing a civic engagement course in one of the lowest youth-engaged states was going to be a challenge. Adding a layer of technology use to such a program presented the necessary hook to get the students involved. Overall, the two civic engagement courses taught online at the University of Central Florida (UCF) in Spring and Summer 2010 were successful at introducing students to the potential for utilizing Internet based collaborative technologies for Civic Engagement. In this chapter we describe a special course offered at a 4-year college in conjunction with the Orange County Supervisor of Elections Office. With an emphasis on civic engagement through technology, each student was trained in a virtual environment to serve Orange County as poll workers for the November 2010 general election.";"Book Section";2012;"M. K. Gardner and T. A. Bryer";"Training for technological democracy: A civic engagement class example";"Engaging the avatar: New frontiers in immersive education.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1273;"What leads to the alienation and political (dis)engagement of minority groups is a critical question for political psychologists. Recently, research has focused attention on one particular minority group – Muslims in the West – and on what promotes 'anti-Western' attitudes and behavior. Typically, the research focus is on factors internal to the individuals or the minority communities concerned. However, we argue this overlooks the ways in which the perspective and practices of the majority group affect minority group members’ understandings of who they are and how they stand in relation to the majority. In this paper we examine the social-psychological processes through which authorities’ surveillance and intervention affects minority group members’ sense of themselves, their relationship to authorities and the wider community. In doing so, we discuss a number of hitherto neglected psychological processes that may contribute to alienation-namely, processes of misrecognition, disrespect, and humiliation. We draw on research conducted with British Muslims to illustrate our argument for widening our analytic focus to give a more dynamic account of alienation and (dis)engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Blackwood, N. Hopkins and S. Reicher";"Turning the analytic gaze on 'us': The role of authorities in the alienation of minorities";"European Psychologist";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1274;"We examined the multi-dimensional structure of pro-environmental behavior (PEB) in a mixed-methods study of rural residents of New York, USA. In Phase 1, we asked 41 landowners to identify a range of behaviors that might enhance local environmental quality. We then developed a 13-item PEB scale based on interview responses and literature review. In Phase 2, we incorporated this self-reported PEB scale into a survey of 1082 rural landowners and recreationists. Confirmatory factor analysis identified four key PEB domains: conservation lifestyle behaviors (e.g., household actions in the private sphere), social environmentalism (e.g., peer interactions and group membership), environmental citizenship (e.g., civic engagement in the policy arena), and land stewardship (e.g., support for wildlife and habitat conservation). Results revealed variable participation rates in each type of PEB, confirmed the need to account for land stewardship in rural settings, and highlighted challenges and opportunities for PEB assessment across various social and geographical contexts.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. R. Larson, R. C. Stedman, C. B. Cooper and D. J. Decker";"Understanding the multi-dimensional structure of pro-environmental behavior";"Journal of Environmental Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1275;"To effectively help urban pre-service teachers to provide civic education opportunities in their future classrooms, teacher educators should know how urban pre-service teachers themselves conceptualize citizenship and civic engagement. Through the research question—how do urban K-6 pre-service teachers currently enrolled in an urban education teacher certification program at a 4-year university construct key concepts and ideologies about citizenship and civic education?—we examined how 15 pre-service teachers understood these concepts. Using three conceptions of citizenship—personally responsible citizen, participatory citizen, and justice-oriented citizen (Westheimer and Kahne in Am Educ Res J 41(2):237–269, 2004)—our analysis demonstrated that urban pre-service teachers’ conceptions of their students’ lives significantly influenced their ideas about civic education in elementary schools. Although the participating pre-service teachers overwhelmingly promoted personally responsible citizenship, we found the participants to heavily weigh developmentally appropriate practice and classroom context when considering the risks and rewards of promoting justice-oriented citizenship in elementary classrooms.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. R. Marri, S. Michael-Luna, M. S. Cormier and P. Keegan";"Urban pre-service K-6 teachers' conceptions of citizenship and civic education: Weighing the risks and rewards";"The Urban Review";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1276;"In much academic and policy literature about civic engagement, regardless of their political or social circumstances, youth across the globe are enjoined to engage in all the activities thought good for them in order to qualify for the moral label 'good citizens'. Voting, watching the news, party activism, sending emails to government websites, attending meetings in the town hall, volunteering, or addressing envelopes for civic organisations are examples of the kinds of activities most often highlighted. In this discourse, distrust and dissatisfaction, however legitimate, as well as group anger, cynicism and unsanctioned protest, are seen as being in conflict with proper 'civic pathways'. The 'political' is primarily configured as pertaining to elections and government, and civic is the implicitly pro-social and conformist field within which future citizens are educated for political engagement. By the same token, when it is not straightforwardly about a 'passport' which represents a set of rights and duties, citizenship appears to become a kind of etiquette, whereby 'members' communicate with their 'elected representatives' and regardless of the outcome of their interest and action, continue to be motivated and interested in the actions of 'their' government. But how do such academic and policy conceptualisations of 'the good citizen' and 'civic action' map onto the real lives of young people? Based on a case study of responses to young people's activism following the start of the 2003 war in Iraq, as well as on the initial findings of the European project about young people, civic participation and the internet, Civicweb, running from 2006 to 2009, this paper engages speculatively with questions such as the following. What kinds of political actions are in fact being encouraged by those who complain that youth are in deficit when it comes to the political and civic realm and, in contrast, what are young people doing in this realm? Is all 'civic action' necessarily benign and desirable, or is it merely constructed in this normative manner rhetorically, in order to emphasise an ideal or pro-social version of democratic citizenship? And, more controversially, could apathy, a refusal to vote, civil disobedience, and/or mass resistance to government policies be more democratic alternatives than state-sanctioned or authoritarian 'civic' action?";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Banaji";"The trouble with civic: A snapshot of young people's civic and political engagements in twenty-first-century democracies";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1277;"Shall we have more history as an autonomous subject, or less and mixed-up with geography? Both suggestions have arisen in political agents' speeches and actions about school history. A recent law was delivered by the Ministry of Education to establish guidelines for a new format of teacher education (an educational master's degree to meet the Bologna requirements). For the first time in Portugal, a law imposes a single professional course to prepare history and geography teachers simultaneously, with particular stress on math teacher education, at the level of secondary education. Moreover, with this law, those who will teach fifth to sixth graders (10 to 11 year-olds) will move to a general teacher education model–mother language, history, geography, science, math. Nonetheless, a recent speech by the President of the Republic and subsequent debates in diverse media highlight the need to give to the young people a better history education (whatever that means), as well as to promote political engagement of the younger generations. This is a time when history educators and professional associations are committed to join the debate with sustainable arguments.";"Book Section";2010;"I. Barca";"The importance of history in the curriculum: Contradictory signs in Portuguese politics";"Contemporary public debates over history education.";"Portugal";"CPE";"YT"
1278;"Using data from the 4-H Study of Positive Youth Development, a longitudinal study involving U.S. adolescents, multi-group structural equation modeling (SEM) was used to evaluate whether news media use is predictive of a set of civic indicators (civic duty, civic efficacy, neighborhood social connection, and civic participation) for youth in Grades 8, 9, and 10, via an indirect effect of interpersonal communication about politics with parents. The proposed model had a good fit within each grade. News media use was predictive of interpersonal communication with parents and in turn, interpersonal communication was predictive of civic duty, civic efficacy, neighborhood social connection, and civic participation. The cross-group comparison of the structural model suggests that the predictive qualities of news media use and interpersonal communication are comparable across grades. The role of media use and interpersonal communication in fostering civic development and socialization as well as implications for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. J. Boyd, J. F. Zaff, E. Phelps, M. B. Weiner and R. M. Lerner";"The relationship between adolescents’ news media use and civic engagement: The indirect effect of interpersonal communication with parents";"Journal of Adolescence";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1280;"Germany's political system is, in large part, based on John Stuart Mill's (1958) idea of a representative democracy, which aims to involve people in policy‐forming processes. However, the constitution of a parliamentary democracy fosters tendencies towards a professionalization of participation, which leads to a strong cleavage between elites and other citizens. Drawing on original, quantitative and qualitative, empirical data we seek to show that this political culture fosters the existence of two parallel worlds: one is characterized by statutory regulated forms of engagement and qualified members; the other is inhabited by young people who engage rather in self‐organized projects and institutions distant from patterns of conventional political engagement. There is, moreover, relatively little mutual exchange between these two worlds, which potentially endangers the essence of democracy. In this article a typology of different forms of political engagement is developed in order to better explain such parallel worlds and their consequences.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Busse, A. Hashem‐Wangler and J. Tholen";"Two worlds of participation: Young people and politics in Germany";"The Sociological Review";"Germany";"CPECPP";"YT"
1281;"Interest in the Internet's impact on political participation has grown over the last five years. The main claim of most social scientists is to consider the Internet as a new resource for political engagement. However, this claim has not always been backed up by empirical analysis. The aim of this article is to provide empirical evidence on a subject that previous surveys on the Internet have generally ignored: the influence of individual political characteristics on Internet use. The authors compare data from two distinct surveys, carried out in two different periods but which contain some common batteries of questions referring to political participation and Internet use for political purposes. One survey was carried out in 2001 and focused on students at the University of Florence. The second was carried out in 2002 and focused on the participants in the European Social Forum in Florence. The empirical results and interpretations offered are based on a sample of 397 students, extracted from the two databases. The focus of the research is on exploring whether and how the political use of the Internet is shaped by the political characteristics of users, in this case students. The findings of the two studies suggest that, firstly, the more students are engaged in different social and political organizations, the more they use the Internet to achieve political purposes; and, secondly, that different styles of Internet use (to retrieve alternative information, to discuss and to perform political actions) are associated with the political characteristics of users. In particular, the characteristics of offline participation are reproduced online: the Internet is appropriated and shaped by political practices of users.";"Journal Article";2007;"D. Calenda and L. Mosca";"The political use of the Internet: Some insights from two surveys of Italian students";"Information, Communication & Society";"Italy";"CPECPP";"YT"
1282;"This study examines the JUNIOR SUMMIT online community, which consisted of 3,062 adolescents representing 139 countries, varying SES, and a range of experience with computers. The online forum culminated in the election of 100 delegates. By analyzing the messages posted before results of the election were announced, we explore whether language use predicts who was elected as a leader, as well as gender differences in leadership style. Results indicate that the young online leaders do not adhere to adult leadership styles of contributing many ideas, sticking to task, and using powerful language. On the contrary, while the young people elected as delegates do contribute more, their linguistic style is likely to keep the goals and needs of the group as central--by referring to the group rather than to themselves, and by synthesizing the posts of others rather than solely contributing their own ideas. Furthermore, both boy and girl leaders follow this pattern of interpersonal language use. These results reassure us that young people can be civically engaged and community minded, while indicating that these concepts themselves may change through contact with the next generation.";"Journal Article";2006;"J. Cassell, D. Huffaker, D. Tversky and K. Ferriman";"The language of online leadership: Gender and youth engagement on the Internet";"Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1283;"Background: African Americans (AA) and rural communities often suffer disproportionately from poorer health. Theory-guided research examining how individual- and community-level factors influence health behaviors and contribute to disparities is needed. Objective: To understand how a social network model that captures the interplay between individual and community factors might inform community-based interventions to reduce HIV risk in rural AA communities. Design: Qualitative study. Setting and Participants: Eleven focus groups with 38 AA 16–24 year olds, 42 adults over age 25, and 13 formerly incarcerated individuals held in community settings in two rural, predominantly AA counties in North Carolina. Thirty-seven semi-structured interviews with multiethnic key informants. Approach: Semi-structured interviews and focus groups with open-ended questions assessed a) perceptions of multi-level HIV risk determinants from a social network model (individual, interpersonal, social, economic, political and structural) identified through literature review and b) community needs and assets affecting local HIV rates. Qualitative data was analyzed using directive content analysis guided by a social network model. Results: We identified four themes regarding the interaction between individuals and their communities that mediate HIV risk: interpersonal processes, community structural environment, social disorder, and civic engagement. Communities were characterized as having a high degree of cohesiveness, tension, and HIV-related stigma. The community structural environment—characterized by neighborhood poverty, lack of skilled jobs, segregation, political disenfranchisement and institutional racism—was felt to reduce the availability and accessibility of resources to combat HIV. Adults noted an inability to combat social problems due to social disorder, which fuels HIV risk behaviors. Civic engagement as a means of identifying community concerns and developing solutions is limited by churches’ reluctance to address HIV-related issues. Conclusion: To combat HIV-related stigma, physicians should follow recommendations for universal HIV testing. Besides asking about individual health behaviors, physicians should ask about the availability of support and local community resources. Physicians might consider tailoring their treatment recommendations based on available community resources. This strategy may potentially improve patient adherence and clinical outcomes.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. W. Cené, A. Y. Akers, S. W. Lloyd, T. Albritton, W. Powell Hammond and G. Corbie-Smith";"Understanding social capital and HIV risk in rural African American communities";"Journal of General Internal Medicine";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1284;"This comparative study of young adults in an established democracy (America) and transitional democracy (Hong Kong) analyzed the impact of political efficacy on the relationship between Internet/Facebook use on political and civic participation. Regression analyses in both samples showed that Facebook use consistently predicted both types of participation. Moreover, there were significant negative interaction effects of political efficacy and Facebook use on participation, such that the relationship between Facebook use and participation was stronger for those with lower levels of political efficacy. The findings provide cross-cultural support for the argument that social media use among youth can facilitate greater political and civic engagement, particularly for those who perceive that they have limited ability to participate and understand political affairs.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Chan and J. Guo";"The role of political efficacy on the relationship between Facebook use and participatory behaviors: A comparative study of young American and Chinese adults";"Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"YT"
1285;"How do black students acquire academic literacy skills without being severed from their cultural and historical identit(ies)? In this article, the author presents instances of literacy events in an out-of-school program called Youth Voices that serves to create opportunities for development of a strong sense of historical and cultural identity. An examination of Youth Voices provides insight into African American adolescent language and literacy learning at the intersection of youth media production and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. L. Green";"'The way we hear ourselves is different from the way others hear us': Exploring the literate identities of a Black radio youth collective";"Equity & Excellence in Education";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1286;"Employing a national sample of over 600 same-gender loving (SGL) Black women, we explore the relative impact of community-level support/comfort and the importance of sexual orientation and racial identity on two dependent variables—sociopolitical involvement within lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) communities as well as sociopolitical involvement within people of color (POC) communities. Findings indicate that feelings of connectedness to the LGBT community are the most important predictor of sociopolitical involvement within both LGBT and POC communities; while, counterintuitively, being comfortable within the LGBT community had a negative impact. Further, the impact of the importance of identity was negligible.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Harris and J. Battle";"Unpacking civic engagement: The sociopolitical involvement of same-gender loving Black women";"Journal of Lesbian Studies";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1287;"Civic engagement is important for individual and community well‐being. In the current study, we use survey data from a nationally representative sample to examine how sociopolitical attitudes, such as political cynicism, perceptions of institutional discrimination, and political efficacy, along with civic education relate to civic engagement among 593 Black youth, ages 15–25. We found perceived institutional discrimination, political efficacy, and civic education were associated with civic engagement, while political cynicism was not. There is evidence to suggest civic education may strengthen the association between perceived institutional discrimination and civic engagement. The present findings contribute to our understanding of how acknowledging systemic inequity promotes civic engagement among Black youth. Findings are discussed in terms of study limitations and future research directions.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. C. Hope and R. J. Jagers";"The role of sociopolitical attitudes and civic education in the civic engagement of Black youth";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1288;"The current study explored the prediction of civic engagement by diverse trajectories of prosocial behaviors as well family dynamics (i.e., filial self-efficacy and relational parent–child support) across four times of assessment (from age 16–17 to age 22–23) during the transition to adulthood. Three different trajectories of prosocial behaviors were identified for 686 Italian youths: high-increasing (18%), medium-stable (48%), and low-stable (34%). An increasing pattern of change in prosocial behaviors was predicted by filial self-efficacy at age 16–17, which in turn mediated longitudinal relations to civic engagement and civic values at age 22–23. Results highlighted that during the transition to adulthood youths' beliefs about their ability to negotiate with their parents without losing autonomy and relatedness are relevant in promoting prosocial behaviors and civic involvement, especially in the context of Mediterranean countries.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. P. L. Kanacri, C. Pastorelli, A. Zuffianò, N. Eisenberg, R. Ceravolo and G. V. Caprara";"Trajectories of prosocial behaviors conducive to civic outcomes during the transition to adulthood: The predictive role of family dynamics";"Journal of Adolescence";"Italy";"CPE";"YT"
1289;"Studies of schooling and masculinity have provided highly productive insights into young men's identity formations, subjectivities, and social practices (Gilbert & Gilbert, 1998; Lingard & Douglas, 1999; Mills, 2001; Martino, Lingard, & Mills, 2004). Such research has identified schools as cultural arenas where masculinity has become an important concept to describe and explain issues such as underachievement, sex education, peer group cultures, language use, sexual violence, and pedagogy (Francis & Skelton, 2001; Martino & Pallotta-Chiarolli, 2003; Keddie, 2007). This work has contributed to an analytical and political engagement with the field of gender and schooling by disputing the pre-given nature of social ascriptions of biological sex (male/female) and identifying the importance of social and cultural formations. This chapter argues that although such work has been productive in exposing the gendered nature of schooling, a concept of queering can identify the theoretical and conceptual limitations embedded in educational research on masculinity. More specifically, it is argued that queering is potentially a transgressive intervention that may disturb, contest, and challenge some of the basic assumptions that underpin the concept of masculinity. This involves resisting a conventional identity politics logic that secures and approximates identities through the collection of educational experiences, processes, and practices. Rather, this chapter conceptually scrutinizes the (commonly ascribed) constituent elements of masculinity and, as Sedgwick (1991) suggests, 'twists' the concept of masculinity in order to undo it.";"Book Section";2012;"M. Mac an Ghaill and C. Haywood";"The queer in masculinity: Schooling, boys, and identity formation";"Queer masculinities: A critical reader in education.";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1290;"Concern exists that youth who spend a lot of time participating in organized out‐of‐school activities (e.g., sports) are at‐risk for poor developmental outcomes. This concern—called the over‐scheduling hypothesis—has primarily been assessed in terms of adolescent adjustment. This longitudinal study of a nationally representative sample of 1,115 youth (ages 12–18) assessed long‐term relations between intensity of participation during adolescence and adjustment at young adulthood (ages 18–24). Time diaries measured intensity as hours per week of participation. Results showed that, controlling for demographic factors and baseline adjustment, intensity was a significant predictor of positive outcomes (e.g., psychological flourishing, civic engagement, and educational attainment) and unrelated to indicators of problematic adjustment (e.g., psychological distress, substance use, and antisocial behavior) at young adulthood.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. L. Mahoney and A. E. Vest";"The over‐scheduling hypothesis revisited: Intensity of organized activity participation during adolescence and young adult outcomes";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1291;"Youth and families in the child welfare and juvenile justice systems reside in high poverty communities and often have multiple, interlocking needs that require community support long after youth age out of care or are free from mandated service requirements. Time banking is a unique transaction based system for mutual aid and assistance that fosters economic opportunities, social inclusion, community self-help and enhances civic engagement among often marginalized community members. This article reviews the literature on time banking service exchange systems and its impact on youth in transition. This research reveals the potential of youth participation in time banking service exchanges as assisting in engagement and active participation in services as well as in helping youth achieve the developmental assets they need to be successful upon discharge from formal systems. Policy and practice recommendations for incorporating time banking to help vulnerable youth are also included.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. B. Marks";"Time banking service exchange systems: A review of the research and policy and practice implications in support of youth in transition";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1292;"This chapter describes links between theology and faith development among African American adolescents who attend Black churches. As the chapter addresses those links, research is incorporated from theologians and social scientists who have conceptualized theological orientations at Black churches. This research about theological orientations is highlighted in order to unite the developmental needs of African American adolescents with the specific goals of youth ministries at Black churches. It is hoped that this examination of Biblical teaching in relation to faith development among African American adolescents will be a reference for adults at Black churches as well as other adults who work with this age group. In other words, the intent of this chapter is to provide information heuristic for creating strategies that could reverse some of the challenges experienced by some African American adolescents. The ultimate purpose of the chapter in establishing this connection entails providing a discourse about how the Biblical teachings at Black churches could aid African American adolescents who may be at risk for academic underachievement, unplanned pregnancy, juvenile incarceration, and low-wage employment or underemployment. In presenting Biblical teachings as a protective intervention for African American adolescents, the reasons why teaching adolescents to understand and appreciate their own history and culture also has been a function of Black churches are discussed. To illustrate the connection between theology, history, culture, and activism, the story about a teenager who was a Civil Rights leader is included in order to show how Biblical teachings can inform African American adolescents' civic engagement for social change on behalf of poor or oppressed communities. Furthermore, contemporary examples are provided of faith-based programs supporting adolescents and their families to promote academic achievement and decrease gang involvement, sexual activity, and substance use. The chapter will deal with all of those issues as concerns of Biblical teachings. To examine independently how those issues concerning Biblical teachings impact the religious behaviors of African American adolescents, an integrative approach is employed with regard to theology and faith development. An integrative approach considers three processes: (1) the roles of theology in faith development at Black churches; (2) the extent to which faith development represents African American adolescent experiences; and (3) the role of both theology and faith development in engaging African American adolescents to participate in individual as well as community social-outreach efforts.";"Book Section";2011;"P. P. Martin";"Theology and faith development among African American adolescents: An integrative approach";"African American children and mental health, Vols 1 and 2: Development and context, Prevention and social policy.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1293;"The aim of this chapter is to outline the rationale for and the elements of a developmental theory directed to the acquisition of civic and political capacities and identities. Such a theory needs to take account of the peculiar nature of political engagement and cannot simply rely on an extension of what we know about cognitive, social, or emotional development in other settings. Our approach starts with the elements of what it means to be political in a democracy that encourages active citizen involvement.";"Book Section";2010;"H. McIntosh and J. Youniss";"Toward a political theory of political socialization of youth";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1294;"Relatively high levels of depression are observed during the transition to adulthood. Hence, it is important to identify the factors that can reduce the incidence of depression at this time. Social capital is theorised to protect against depression by providing greater access to support and psychological resources. Social capital incorporates both interpersonal relationships and broader community-level factors. However, most research has focused on the influence of relationships with parents and peers in the development of depression in young people, with little attention given to the role of broader social capital factors relating to perceptions of and engagement with the wider community. Drawing on longitudinal data from the Australian Temperament Project (ATP), this article examines the effects of close interpersonal relationships (with parents and peers) and broader, community-level aspects of social capital (trust and civic engagement) on depression during the transition to adulthood. Using hierarchical multiple regression, alienation from peers was found to predict higher depression, whereas good communication with peers was associated with a reduction of depressive symptoms. After controlling for the effects of close interpersonal relationships, trust in authorities and organisations made a significant contribution to the prediction of lower depression. Implications for intervention are discussed.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. O'Connor, M. T. Hawkins, J. W. Toumbourou, A. Sanson, P. Letcher and C. A. Olsson";"The relationship between social capital and depression during the transition to adulthood";"Australian Journal of Psychology";"Australia";"CPE";"YT"
1295;"Over the past ten years, the political significance of the Internet has become a recurrent theme within the social science literature, with questions centering on the Internet's part in the emergence of political movements and in the reshaping of people's roles as citizens. These discussions have been predominantly theoretical and deterministic in nature, with the political significance of the Internet being viewed as a consequence of its features; for example, the Internet's network structure is addressed within this literature as a forerunner to a politics following network logic. For the most part, extant research has not told us much about the Internet's significance in individuals' everyday political engagement. This article aims to modestly compensate for this shortcoming by presenting empirical results from a study on the perception and use of the Internet among young people in four alternative political movements. Specifically, by drawing on semi structured interviews with twenty-one activists and viewing the interview data through the lens of the 'network metaphor', the article illustrates and discusses three different networking practices in which the Internet is an important resource: (1) the activists' use of the Internet to maintain their organizations' network-like character, (2) their use of the Internet for networking within their organizations, and (3) their use of the Internet for networking in between different, alternative political organizations. The article concludes by discussing the potential significance of these networking practices for politics, and presenting a comparative outlook towards a similar, previous study of young members within established political parties' youth organizations.";"Journal Article";2008;"T. Olsson";"The practises of internet networking—A resource for alternative political movements";"Information, Communication & Society";"Sweden";"CPEAct";"YT"
1296;"In this chapter, we aim to contextualize the civic youth work stories with short practice stories on youth work and on the history of two movements directed at understanding, responding to, and changing young people, primarily in the United States, since the 1980s: healthy and/or positive youth development and youth civic development. Especially important in the latter, we believe, is our deepening and enriching conceptions of youth as citizens, in both narrow (role) and broad (civic engagement) terms, and our joining these in a view of youth as living citizen(ship). We offer also a brief introduction to civic youth work practice and to logic models that explicate basic elements of civic youth work programming. Along the way, we present our take on the practice stories as six themes that we find common across all of the examples.";"Book Section";2013;"R. V. Roholt, M. Baizerman and R. W. Hildreth";"Understanding civic youth work: Touchstones for practice";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1297;"Qualitative research describing and theorizing about the emerging civic identities of diverse youth is scarce. This study provides a textured view of how civic identity is constructed and negotiated by racially and socioeconomically diverse adolescents, based on interviews and in-class discussions conducted with students in four public secondary schools. Youth living in distinct contexts come to school-based civic education with varied understandings--shaped by disparate daily experiences--of what it means to be an American citizen and a participant in the civic life of a democracy. This investigator's examination of diverse adolescents' discussions of their in-school and out-of-school civic experiences suggests a 'typology' of civic identity that runs counter to prevalent views of the civic engagement of urban, minority youth. The study illustrates sharp disparities in daily civic experiences of youth from diverse racial and socioeconomic backgrounds, and suggests that schools can either hinder or encourage development of engaged, action-oriented civic identities among students from various contexts.";"Journal Article";2007;"B. C. Rubin";"'There's Still Not Justice': Youth Civic Identity Development Amid Distinct School and Community Contexts";"Teachers College Record";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1298;"Research findings have shown that there are developmental issues and concerns regarding the development of university students in Hong Kong. First, there were behavioral and lifestyle problems of university students, including alcohol consumption, internet addiction, cyber-pornography, irregular sleep patterns, and interpersonal violence. Second, phenomena of mental health problems of university students, such as suicidal ideation, depression, and anxiety problems, were observed. Third, some university students showed problems in setting personal goals, low self-confidence, and preoccupation with materialistic values. Finally, egocentrism and lack of civic engagement was not uncommon among university students. How should we nurture university students? Against this background, a subject entitled 'Tomorrow's Leaders' was developed at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University in Hong Kong, China. The term 'tomorrow's leaders' was used because we believe that every student is (and can be) a leader, and development of positive youth attributes is an important step. In this book you will find chapters describing this pilot project to nurture positive development and leadership among Chinese university students in Hong Kong.";"Book";2015;"D. T. L. Shek, A. M. H. Siu and J. Merrick";"Tomorrow's leaders: Service leadership and holistic development in Chinese university students";"Public health: Practices, methods and policies";"Hong Kong";"CPE";"YT"
1299;"Youth civic engagement is an important means of overcoming disrespect and marginalization of young people that, when done right, can contribute to positive change for all of society. Youth service as a form of civic engagement has been promoted by private foundation and government interests; and youth civic engagement in politics, either as voters or in campaigns, is an essential way to empower our nation's young people; but youth programs can go far beyond community service without treading down partisan paths. Through involvement in (1) project creation, (2) institution governance, and (3) issue-based advocacy, the energy young people often waste in powerlessness, boredom, and drifting can be unleashed and reinvested in more constructive activities. This article offers proven strategies for generating greater youth participation in project creation, increasing the impact of youth in leadership and governance, and utilizing youth as a powerful resource for public advocacy.";"Journal Article";2002;"D. Stoneman";"The role of youth programming in the development of civic engagement";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1300;"Using annual cross-sectional data from Monitoring the Future, the present study examined trends in high school seniors’ current and anticipated civic participation and beliefs over a 30-year period. We examined overall trends and patterns based on youths’ post-high school educational plans. Findings point to declines in recent cohorts’ involvement in conventional and alternative forms of engagement but greater involvement in community service. Regardless of period, the majority of youth said they intended to vote when eligible, but few expressed trust in the government or elected officials. All civic indicators showed significant differences based on youths’ college aspirations: Youth who planned to graduate from a 4-year college were more civically inclined than their peers with 2-year or no college plans.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. K. Syvertsen, L. Wray‐Lake, C. A. Flanagan, D. W. Osgood and L. Briddell";"Thirty‐year trends in U.S. adolescents' civic engagement: A story of changing participation and educational differences";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1301;"This article examines how nonprofit activist youth groups shape the civic and political trajectories of their adolescent members. Based on analyses of survey and semi-structured interview data gathered from low-income, racially diverse, and immigrant alumni members of grassroots youth organizing groups and from a comparison sample, findings suggest that adolescent activist groups foster high levels of civic and political participation in early adulthood. Similar to other public-oriented volunteer associations—such as student government—activist groups impart civic skills and experiences that facilitate later involvement. Yet activist groups may function as particularly intensive training grounds for future participation by developing members’ political consciousness and engaging them in political processes. In spite of operating within a neoliberal context that sometimes inhibits the political activity of nonprofits, contemporary grassroots youth organizing groups, somewhat like the 1960s’ civil rights groups decades earlier, can propel some young people toward ongoing engagement with social movements.";"Journal Article";2015;"V. Terriquez";"Training young activists: Grassroots organizing and youths’ civic and political trajectories";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1302;"This paper applies the social capital theory to construct a model for investigating the factors that influence online civic engagement behaviour on Facebook. While there is promising evidence that people are making concerted efforts to adopt Facebook to address social issues, research on their civic behaviour from a social capital viewpoint in the social media context remains limited. This study introduces new insights into how Facebook is shaping the landscape of civic engagement by examining three dimensions of social capital—social interaction ties (structural), trust (relational), and shared languages and vision (cognitive). The study contends that these dimensions will influence individuals’ online civic engagement behaviour on Facebook. We also argue that social interaction ties can engender trust, and shared languages and vision among its members, and that shared languages and vision can increase trust among Facebook members. Empirical data collected from 1233 Facebook users provide support for the proposed model. The results help in identifying the motivation underlying the online civic engagement behaviour of individuals in a public virtual community. The implications for theory and practice and future research directions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. M. Warren, A. Sulaiman and N. I. Jaafar";"Understanding civic engagement behaviour on Facebook from a social capital theory perspective";"Behaviour & Information Technology";"Malaysia";"CPE";"YT"
1303;"The purpose of the chapter is to discuss the ways in which civic development is like other aspects of human development and therefore may be examined under the lens of general theories in developmental science. The aim is to provide examples of developmental theory that relate to civic development and engagement in the first section of the chapter, and then to discuss the limited amount of theory that has been generated directly related to civic development. We will address the current disconnect between theory and measurement in this field and will describe a recent attempt to use theory in the early phases of an international civic engagement project and later in that project to apply developmental concepts to youth participation.";"Book Section";2010;"B. Wilkenfeld, J. Lauckhardt and J. Torney-Purta";"The relation between developmental theory and measures of civic engagement in research on adolescents";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1304;"Youth-adult partnership (Y-AP) has become a phenomenon of interest to scholars and practitioners. Despite the potential of Y-AP to promote positive youth development, increase civic engagement, and support community change, the practice remains unfamiliar to many. Although research has increased over the past decade, the construct remains vague with an insufficient grounding in developmental theory and community practice. This article seeks to address these gaps by synthesizing data and insights from the historical foundations of Y-AP, community based research, and case study. We propose Y-AP as a unifying concept, distinct from other forms of youth-adult relationships, with four core elements: authentic decision making, natural mentors, reciprocity, and community connectedness. We conclude that Y-AP functions as an active ingredient and fundamental practice for positive youth development and civic engagement. Directions for future research are offered.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Zeldin, B. D. Christens and J. L. Powers";"The psychology and practice of youth-adult partnership: Bridging generations for youth development and community change";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1305;"This chapter outlines the ways in which photovoice methodologies use digital technologies to blend pedagogy and participatory inquiry, and empower youth to engage in transformative citizenship. After reviewing the history and research base for photovoice methodology, the author presents key photovoice projects that highlight the potential for blending local and global aspects of civic engagement. The author suggests that networks of individuals conducting photovoice projects can facilitate global learning through an awareness of diverse and global perspectives. This chapter reiterates the notion that citizenship education must help individuals see themselves as local change agents while also helping students envision themselves as global thinkers and global advocates.";"Book Section";2012;"S. Mathews";"Using photovoice to promote global advocacy: A review of projects with the potential to connect local and global civic engagement";"New directions in social education research: The influence of technology and globalization on the lives of students.";"US";"CPEAct";"Youth"
1306;"Health promotion skills are a key component of most nursing education programs. While many curricula center around a singular health promotion project contained in one course, this nursing program saw the opportunity to use service-learning as a vehicle for developing a range of both health promotion and research skills. This report details a service-learning research program involving second and third year nursing students. Students conducted a community needs assessment, and designed, implemented, and evaluated health promotion programs that were developed as a result of the community needs assessment. Students collected data on the effectiveness of their programs through pre- and post-test design. Once in their statistics and research courses, students analyzed the data and prepared the data for presentation, developing their research skills. Results from the community on pre- and post-tests indicated significant gains in knowledge regarding hypertension and diabetes risk factors, prevention strategies, and intent to change behavior. Student outcome data was also collected and showed students perceived they had increases in the following skill sets: health promotion, assessment, civic engagement, and research.";"Journal Article";2008;"D. L. Reising, R. A. Shea, P. N. Allen, M. M. Laux, D. Hensel and P. A. Watts";"Using service-learning to develop health promotion and research skills in nursing students";"International Journal of Nursing Education Scholarship (IJNES)";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1307;"Recent scholarship and public discourse highlight an apparent waning of civic engagement in the United States. Although the welfare state is generally thought to support democracy by reducing economic inequality, it may paradoxically contribute to political disempowerment of some groups. We examine the effects of state interventions on civic participation among young adults, hypothesizing that involvement with stigmatizing social programs, such as welfare, reduces political engagement, while receipt of nonstigmatizing government assistance does not dampen civic involvement. Using official voting records and survey data from the Youth Development Study (YDS), a longitudinal community sample of young adults, a series of regression models suggests that welfare recipients are less likely to vote than nonrecipients, whereas recipients of non-means-tested government assistance participate similarly to young adults who do not receive government help. These effects hold even when background factors, self-efficacy, and prior voting behavior are controlled. Welfare receipt is not associated, however, with suppressed participation in nonstate arenas such as volunteer work. Intensive interviews with YDS welfare recipients are used to illustrate and develop the analysis.";"Journal Article";2009;"T. T. Swartz, A. Blackstone, C. Uggen and H. McLaughlin";"Welfare and citizenship: The effects of government assistance on young adults' civic participation";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1308;"In this research, I analyze the roles of teachers and youth workers from a community-based organization in the context of two high school social action projects. Both the teachers and the youth workers assumed distinct roles while working together during the civic project enactments. The teachers were largely positioned as responsible for structure and accountability, as they prioritized monitoring student behavior toward clear expectations. The youth workers assumed a different responsibility of promoting student voice by encouraging students to be social and pursue questions that were important to them. I identified these roles, explored at the heart of this article, through a study of teachers and youth workers’ interview transcripts, observations of their practice, and document analysis. The qualitative data contained numerous examples of their defined roles that enforced narrow scripts for themselves and each other. The teachers and youth workers’ role distinctions illustrate a type of roadblock that can hinder them from assuming multifaceted and flexible teaching roles. I draw attention to the division to raise questions of how teachers and youth workers’ roles can be expanded and how educators might take up varying responsibilities so to promote youth civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. E. Epstein";"What is my role? Establishing teacher and youth worker responsibilities in social action projects";"Teachers and Teaching: Theory and Practice";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1309;"This paper advances the thesis that there is an important role for political engagement in the development of moral identity. When young people take their moral interests into the realm of political action, moral identity is annealed and a lasting new level of maturity is reached. Political participation is not the only path to a mature identity, but it is effective and supported by empirical findings and theory. This thesis contrasts with positions that follow from more familiar theories of moral development which emphasize reasoning over identity, pit the individual against institutional moral traditions and view moral identity as a private possession rather than a shared and public relationship. Attentiveness to political engagement puts focus on developmental processes of dealing with competing interests and on institutions that serve as repositories of moral traditions, thus linking youth to moral communities. As a result, individuals are able to form identities in relationship to established traditions within a context of democratic practices that allow individuals and institutions to function intelligently and freely in a pluralistic society.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. Youniss";"When morality meets politics in development";"Journal of Moral Education";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1311;"Examines the problem of street children in Brazil and describes a range of pedagogical practices by those working with youth on the streets of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Factors seen as responsible for the phenomenon and its visibility are: (1) development of a street subculture, (2) demographic changes such as inversion of the rural/urban population ratio, (3) economic changes and generational conflicts, (4) growing acceptance of children leaving their families, and (5) media promoted awareness. The author addresses several aspects of this issue, including: (1) the need for intervention, (2) the emergence of street social education as a community response, (3) the everyday life of street educators, and (4) the process, practice and future of street education. Other factors discussed include the role of government youth policies in Brazil, the child welfare system, and the response of the Brazilian Church and Liberation theology. The author contends that the current reconceptualization of street social education, aligned with other professional movements of social change is a revitalization of political engagement among professionals in education and other social sciences.";"Journal Article";2000;"W. de Oliveira";"Working with children on the streets of Brazil: Politics and practice";"Child & Youth Services";"Brazil";"CPE";"Youth"
1312;"This mixed-method analysis presents a model of college students’ civic commitments and capacities for community action. Quantitative findings indicate that after controlling for background characteristics, campus contexts, and college experiences, students’ acquisitions of commitments to and skills for contributing to the larger community are largely influenced by the extent to which students perceive their campus as one that advocates for its students to be active and involved citizens. Qualitative findings convey the behaviors and types of speech that students view as legitimate public advocacy by peers, faculty, and administrators. Qualitative insights also reveal the ways in which students’ exposure to campus-based public advocacy influences their civic skills, and their understandings of social responsibility.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. L. Barnhardt, J. E. Sheets and K. Pasquesi";"You expect what? Students’ perceptions as resources in acquiring commitments and capacities for civic engagement";"Research in Higher Education";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1313;"This is the second in a series of issues of American Behavioral Scientist (ABS) devoted to reevaluating the relationship between young citizens, the media, and political participation. The previous ABS issue contained six survey research studies. This issue presents six additional studies employing other methodologies including a structural equation model focusing on youth political consumerism, four experimental studies ranging from the impact of debates to news format type and the impact of gender socialization, along with a case study suggesting how colleges and universities may encourage youth political and civic engagement. These two issues are intended to respond to advances in research presented in an issue devoted to the topic of youth political participation published in ABS in May of 2007.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. H. Wicks";"Young citizens, media, and political participation revisited, part 2";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1314;"Social media is pervasive in the lives of young people, and this paper critically analyses how politically engaged young people integrate social media use into their existing organisations and political communications. This qualitative research project studied how young people from a broad range of existing political and civic groups use social media for sharing information, mobilisation and, increasingly, as a means to redefine political action and political spaces. Twelve in-person focus groups were conducted in Australia, the USA and the UK with matched affinity groups based on university campuses. The groups were of four types: party political group, issue-based group, identity-based group and social group. Our focus group findings suggest that this in-depth approach to understanding young people's political engagement reveals important group-based differences emerging in young people's citizenship norms: between the dutiful allegiance to formal politics and a more personalised, self-actualising preference for online, discursive forms of political engagement and organising. The ways in which political information is broadcast, shared and talked about on social media by engaged young people demonstrate the importance of communicative forms of action for the future of political engagement and connective action.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Vromen, M. A. Xenos and B. Loader";"Young people, social media and connective action: From organisational maintenance to everyday political talk";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPE";"Youth"
1315;"Sexually transmitted infections (STIs) pose a significant threat to the health and well-being of populations worldwide, and to young people in particular. Despite empirical evidence that comprehensive sex education is an important tool for prevention, the legitimacy and content of sex education in schools continue to be challenged by conservative narratives within society. This paper argues that sex education should be re-imagined as a form of civic training for children and recognised as an important corollary to public health efforts aimed at reducing the rate of STIs. The author's claim builds on notions of sexual citizenship, which consider sexuality to be an essential aspect of citizenship and a form of civic engagement. Sexual citizenship can make three important contributions to the advancement of sex education. First, the model can lead to greater acceptance of the idea of sex education by challenging conservative notions about children and sexuality, which are at the root of the classic objections to sex education. Second, it can help shape the content of sex education by eliciting parallels between civic participation and sex education. Finally, by emphasising how sex education can address some of the social phenomena underlying the spread of STIs, the model can be used to facilitate the incorporation of sex education into public health agendas. Although the author uses sex education in Canada as the principal case study, the paradigm may be equally helpful in other countries.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Illes";"Young sexual citizens: Reimagining sex education as an essential form of civic engagement";"Sex Education";"Canada";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1316;"Since the advent of the World Wide Web in the early nineties, the so-called Digital Generation has been at the epicenter of major tectonic shifts that are transforming the media landscape. The more than 70 million individuals born in the United States during the last two decades of the twentieth century represent the largest cohort of young people in the nation's history, and the first to grow up in a world saturated with networks of information, digital devices, and the promise of perpetual connectivity. Youth are in many ways the defining users of the new media. As active creators of a new digital culture, they are developing their own Web sites, diaries, and blogs; launching their own online enterprises; and forging a new set of cultural practices. As legal scholar Yochai Benkler argues in The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, these innovations have enhanced the participatory capabilities of digital media, building on the core features of the Internet to create a new media environment that, by its very nature, is a democratizing force. These new technological developments will have far-reaching impacts on the nature and extent of civic and political discourse in the new digital media culture, not only for youth but also for the public at large. In this chapter, the author explores the promises and perils of the new digital media as a vehicle for renewed youth engagement in public life. First, the findings of a study published in 2004 that examined the emergence of Web sites designed to foster youth civic and political engagement are reviewed. Second, the author shows how innovations in participatory technology were incorporated into the massive youth vote efforts of the 2004 election. Third, the author discusses some of those same get-out-the-vote initiatives to illustrate the ways in which commercial forces have become a pervasive presence in the new civic and political spaces for young people in the digital media. Fourth, five of the key policy issues whose outcome will significantly impact the participatory potential of the next generation of digital media are outlined. Finally, several recommendations for policy, research, and public education efforts that could help maximize the democratic capacities of the new digital media are offered.";"Book Section";2008;"K. C. Montgomery";"Youth and digital democracy: Intersections of practice, policy, and the marketplace";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1317;"Our study, 'Youth as E-Citizens: Engaging the Digital Generation,' was designed to provide a broad, descriptive map of online youth civic landscape, focusing not only on web site content, but also on the organizations and institutions creating that content (Gottlieb-Robles, Larson, & Montgomery, 2004). Our primary purpose was to document the existence of youth civic content and activity on the web, describing and categorizing what we found, to highlight and showcase aspects of the new digital media culture that have received little research or public attention. Another goal was to examine the various ways the civic sector is taking advantage of the special features of the Internet and digital communication. We were also interested in exploring whether these little-understood civic and political internet-based activities by youth could help reverse declines in civic and political engagement, a trend that has sparked alarm among experts in the United States (CIRCLE & Carnegie Corporation of New York, 2003; Delli Carpini, 2000a, 2000b; Putnam, 2000). Finally, we wanted to help reframe the public debate about media and youth. Rather than focusing on simply protecting youth from the harms of new media, we hoped to build on the view that our media system should serve young people, providing them with resources--including opportunities to participate in the production of civic content--that can help them develop into competent and responsible citizens (Buckingham, 2000). We see the present research as laying the groundwork, then, for a formulation of practice and policy in pursuit of that larger goal.";"Book Section";2006;"K. Montgomery and B. Gottlieb-Robles";"Youth as e-citizens: The internet's contribution to civic engagement";"Digital generations: Children, young people, and new media.";"US";"CPECPPAct";"Youth"
1318;"The article argues that civic engagement and volunteering experiences are potent avenues for propelling positive youth development. Against the backdrop of a ‘demographic dividend’, the article highlights the underutilised potentials of Indian youth in civic participation and volunteering activities. By analysing the experiences of Aakash, a volunteer with an animal rescue and protection organisation in Vadodara, the article focuses on enhanced competencies and shifts in self-perception, accompanied by changes in social–moral thinking that came about due to his civic engagement (animal protection and rescue) activities. The impact of volunteering on others in the immediate context and the community at large is discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Bhangaokar and D. Mehta";"Youth civic engagement in India: A case in point";"Psychology and Developing Societies";"India";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1320;"Early research suggested that migration changed gender roles by offering women new wages and exposing them to norms of gender equity. Increasingly, however, scholars have drawn attention to the role of structural factors, such as poverty and undocumented status, in mediating the relationship between migration and gender. This article takes such insights a step further by showing that migrant communities’ reactions to structural marginality—and their efforts to build alternatives in their home villages—may also draw women into new gender roles. I demonstrate this mechanism through the case of San Miguel, a Mixtec sending community in Southern Mexico where, in the context of U.S. migration, once-excluded women came to predominate in civic affairs. In response to harsh conditions in the United States, migrants from San Miguel returned to their village. To make this economically feasible, they sought state development resources. Men, who often stayed in the United States as breadwinners, relied on sympathetic women back in the sending community to advocate on their behalf. Meanwhile, women’s own rejection of migrant life gave them new interest in sustaining their village. For both, incorporating women into politics offered a strategy to secure needed resources and avoid assimilating into an undocumented underclass.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Andrews";"Women’s political engagement in a Mexican sending community: Migration as crisis and the struggle to sustain an alternative";"Gender & Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1321;"The topic of youth civic engagement is increasingly popular in social science research; however, the question of why some youth are civically involved while others are not is not well understood. This article addresses the following questions: What motivations and barriers do youth report for civic involvement? How do motivations and barriers differ across school contexts? A qualitative study using in-depth semi-structured interviews with youth (N = 22) was used to identify four categories of motivations and two categories of barriers for civic involvement. Variation emerged in the motivations and barriers for civic involvement both within and across school contexts. Understanding civic motivations in context uncovers new insights about how to structure opportunities to better facilitate youth civic involvement.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. J. Ballard";"What motivates youth civic involvement?";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1322;"The topic of civic engagement has come to the forefront of many recent discussions about the positive and healthy development of youth. Researchers and practitioners writing about youth civic engagement agree that civic engagement has short- and long-term benefits for youth and for society. These benefits have been discussed in terms of youth psychological well-being, academic achievement, and contributions to the social and political fabric of the country, including the promotion of civil society. Despite the general support across the past few decades for civic endeavors involving young people, such support has been largely absent for youth living in communities deprived of opportunities for civic experience or composed of critical masses of youth and adults willing to become civically engaged. This article discusses the benefits of youth civic engagement for youth and societies and the nature and role of contemporary social impediments to youth civic engagement in the United States.";"Journal Article";2005;"A. B. Balsano";"Youth civic engagement in the United States: Understanding and addressing the impact of social impediments on positive youth and community development";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1323;"This study frames continued long-term participation in community engagement activities as indicative of a sense of ‘purpose’ as defined by Damon, Menon, and Cotton Bronk (2003). Using data from US-based National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, we examined factors that predict whether students participating in civic engagement activities between the ages of 12 and 18 would report similar participation six years later. Multilevel logistic regression analyses revealed no demographic differences beyond age and highest level of education attained. However, continued participation was most likely among individuals who participated in a combination of voluntary and required community-based civic activities as an adolescent, and who participated in any of a number of various types of extracurricular activities. Other factors, including religiosity, sense of belonging in school, achievement, and having parents engaged in civic activities, were also positively related to continued community engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. Barber, C. T. Mueller and S. Ogata";"Volunteerism as purpose: Examining the long-term predictors of continued community engagement";"Educational Psychology";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1324;"Service-learning is an instructional approach for learning curricular objectives. In implementing service-learning, young people identify community needs, plan ways in which they can help meet those needs, implement their plans through provision of community service, and reflect on their successes and challenges. As a character education approach, service-learning emphasizes the development of social responsibility, citizenship and civic engagement, efficacy, and skills related to tackling community issues, such as research, planning, decision making, and problem solving. This article provides results and analysis from a 4-year service-learning character education grant in Philadelphia. Middle and high school students engaged in a variety of service-learning projects facilitated by community partner organizations and well-prepared teachers. Using primarily quantitative data, the study shows that service-learning can be an effective tool for reaching character education outcomes. Significant differences were found between service-learning participants and nonparticipants in multiple areas, including citizenship and civic engagement, social responsibility, and caring, as measured by surveys; suspensions and serious incidents; and academic achievement scores. Moderators of outcomes included teacher experience and quality of service-learning practice.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. H. Billig, D. Jesse and M. Grimley";"Using service-learning to promote character education in a large urban district";"Journal of Research in Character Education";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1325;"Six young deafblind adults took a 1-week course on civic engagement and advocacy, which provided the focus for a participatory action research study with a collective case study design. They selected advocacy topics, were briefed on these policy issues, and were paired with experienced mentors for meetings with legislators in Washington, DC. Eight themes were identified from constant comparative and in vivo analysis of classroom discussion notes, interviews, and journals: (a) defining advocacy and advocate, (b) rights and equality, (c) expectations, (d) role of education in change, (e) deafblind expertise, (f) characteristics of effective change agents, (g) advocacy is teamwork, (h) future advocacy. In the classroom, the participants learned about policy issues, communication considerations, and leadership, then applied this knowledge in the legislative arena. Through the advocacy process, they learned to apply their personal strengths as advocates and experienced the importance of teamwork in advocacy.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. M. Bruce and A. T. Parker";"Young deafblind adults in action: Becoming self-determined change agents through advocacy";"American Annals of the Deaf";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1326;"Does civics instruction have an impact on the political engagement of adolescents? If so, how? Analysis of data from CIVED, a major study of civic education conducted in 1999, finds that an open classroom climate has a positive impact on adolescents’ civic knowledge and appreciation of political conflict, even upon controlling for numerous individual, classroom, school, and district characteristics. Furthermore, an open classroom environment fosters young people’s intention to be an informed voter. Results further show that exposure to an open classroom climate at school can partially compensate for the disadvantages of young people with low socioeconomic status.";"Journal Article";2008;"D. E. Campbell";"Voice in the classroom: How an open classroom climate fosters political engagement among adolescents";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1327;"The concept of youth civic engagement is still a foreign concept in Korea. Under the influence of Confucianism, youth in Korea are perceived as a subordinate part of the family and of society, dependent and reliant on the older generation. These ideas were further reinforced after the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. During this period, Korea began to adopt Western, modern capitalism. Thus, education at all levels was considered crucial for national economic and social development, as well as to support improved economic status for young people. As a result, youthhood in Korea became a period during which young people were expected to study day and night to prepare for their future adulthood. Young people were expected to set aside their role as citizens until adulthood. They became citizens-to-be. Consequently, young people in Korea had, and continue to have, few opportunities to get involved in civic matters and to put forth their own opinions or participate in any decision-making process. Nevertheless, young people in Korea did not simply stop being civically engaged. Instead, there are numerous historical events that demonstrate how Korean youth have engaged in and contributed to Korean society, especially during times of social change and development. This chapter describes the challenges to youth civic engagement in Korea and examples of how young people have chosen to remain politically and civically engaged. I end by offering some practical recommendations to improve youth civic engagement in Korea.";"Book Section";2013;"Y. J. Choi";"Youth civic engagement in Korea: Past, present, and future";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"Korea";"CPE";"YT"
1328;"The association between education and political participation is one of the strongest and most reliable in American politics, but it is poorly understood. Whether human capital acquired through education affects participation remains unknown. Most studies of this question restrict measurement of human capital to years of schooling (attainment) or civics knowledge. But attainment is a weak instrument for human capital, which varies considerably within attainment levels. And skills beyond civics—particularly verbal communication skills—are politically important. With data from the National Education Longitudinal Study, I examine the relationship between verbal skills acquired in school during adolescence and participation later in life. I find a strong positive effect, showing that when young people learn to use their voices in school, they are more likely to speak up as participatory adults. The findings reveal an important mechanism by which education affects democratic life, call for a broadening of the empirical treatment of education in political science, and suggest an answer to the puzzle of participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Condon";"Voice lessons: Rethinking the relationship between education and political participation";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1329;"Across the US and around the world, students and their instructors are leaving the classroom and engaging with their communities in order to make learning come alive and to experience reallife connections between their education and everyday issues in their cities, towns, or states. If you are reading this book, you are probably one of these students. Depending on the curriculum or program, the length of your experience can vary from a couple of hours to a few weeks or months, and occasionally to an entire year. Today, many high schools require community service hours for graduation and many colleges require proof of previous civic engagement or community service as a part of the admission application. These experiences are often referred to by multiple names: service-learning, community service, or community-based learning. Throughout this text we use these terms relatively interchangeably, but we also explore some important distinctions. The activities differ from volunteering or internships because you will intentionally use your intellectual capacities and skills to address community problems. While you will have an opportunity to put your knowledge and skills into direct practice, you will also learn how to reflect on those experiences in making your community a better place in which to live and work. For example, volunteering to tutor at-risk middleschool students is certainly valuable to the community. Similarly, working as an intern writing news copy for a locally owned and operated radio station is great job experience. Service-learning, however, is different. In service-learning you will work with your classmates and instructor to use your academic discipline and course content in understanding the underlying social, political, and economic issues that contribute to community difficulties. In essence, you will learn how to become an educated community member and problem solver through serving the community and reflecting on the meaning of that service.";"Book Section";2013;"C. M. Cress";"What are service-learning and civic engagement?";"Learning through serving: A student guidebook for service-learning and civic engagement across academic disciplines and cultural communities, 2nd ed.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1330;"In this chapter, I focus on the complex nature of student voice in service-learning projects. I open with a discussion of the literature and theories on student voice in schools and service-learning projects in particular. Then, I present and analyze two cases of youth civic engagement. Scott Rosner, an eighth-grade English and Social Studies teacher in the Norman Rockwell School, initiated a social justice writing assignment in which students developed print and visual documents to raise their classmates' awareness of various social problems. Tanisha McGuire led ninth-grade students in the Leadership Academy to develop a safe sex health fair. The author observed and recorded field notes during the development of the projects and conducted audio taped interviews with the teachers, Urban Youth facilitators, various students, and school administrators. Both projects reveal the possible allowances and limitations of student voice in civic work and can provoke teachers to question their roles in promoting students as active decision-makers. I conclude with a series of recommendations for teachers.";"Book Section";2011;"S. E. Epstein";"Who's in charge?: Examining the complex nature of student voice in service-learning projects";"Problematizing service-learning: Critical reflections for development and action.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1331;"The topics that comprise this chapter fall under the umbrella of political socialization and refer to those practices whereby younger generations are incorporated as full members of the polity or public sphere of society (Flanagan & Gallay, 1995). Although individuals are guaranteed rights by virtue of their status as citizens, it is through the exercise of those rights that they assume membership and have a voice in defining the polity and through their civic engagement that citizens sustain their rights (Walzer, 1989). There has been an increasing interest of late in scholarship on young people's civic engagement, motivated in large measure out of concerns that it is on the decline. But this is not the first time that attention has been paid to the developmental roots of political theories, attitudes, and knowledge. In this chapter I first summarize three earlier approaches to this topic (political socialization, cognitive developmental, and generational theories). Following that section I synthesize the contemporary work, drawing from studies of youth participating in community-based organizations and service learning programs. In the concluding section I discuss elements of a new developmental theory.";"Book Section";2004;"C. A. Flanagan";"Volunteerism, leadership, political socialization, and civic engagement";"Handbook of adolescent psychology, 2nd ed.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1332;"Civic engagement of young people is increasingly understood as an important feature of democratic functioning in communities, organizations, and societies. It has also become clear that the civic domain is indispensable as a context for understanding human development processes. This volume brings together cutting-edge work from leading scholars in the interdisciplinary field of youth civic development. Their work makes the case for greater consideration of justice, social responsibility, critical consciousness, and collective action in our understanding of child and adolescent development. Youth civic development pushes the broader field of child and adolescent development to focus on the social issues with which younger generations are grappling and the identities they are constructing— issues that also are shaped by structural inequalities and by the collective actions of youth. The volume builds on themes of agency and assets from the field of positive youth development and points to ways that the critical analysis and engagement of young people in their society can contribute to social change.";"Book";2011;"C. A. Flanagan and B. D. Christens";"Youth civic development: Work at the cutting edge";"New directions for child and adolescent development; ISSN: 1520-3247 (Print), 1534-8687 (Electronic)";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1333;"The authors use examples of youth civic engagement from Chile, South Africa, Central/Eastern Europe, and the United States—and also emphasize diversities among youth from different subgroups within countries—to illustrate common elements of the civic domain of youth development. These include the primacy of collective activity for forming political identities and ideas and the greater heterogeneity of civic compared to other discretionary activities, the groupways or accumulated opportunities for acting due to the groups (social class, gender, ethnic, caste, etc.) to which a young person belongs, and the role of mediating institutions (schools, community-based organizations, etc.) as spaces where youths' actions contribute to political stability and change.";"Book Section";2011;"C. A. Flanagan, M. L. Martinez, P. Cumsille and T. Ngomane";"Youth civic development: Theorizing a domain with evidence from different cultural contexts";"Youth civic development: Work at the cutting edge.";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1334;"Background Research on the links between violence and social capital has produced mixed results and is mainly limited to Western countries. Aims To assess the relationship of social capital to physical fights among unmarried boys aged 13–19 years living in three disadvantaged neighbourhoods in the outskirts of Beirut, controlling for variables associated with youth violence. Lebanon has a history of civil and cross-border war, which may influence the production of violence at the individual level. Methods 674 boys were interviewed. The dependent variable was being involved in a physical fight in the last 3 months. The independent variable was social capital, classified into six categories: civic engagement and community development; locational capital; trust; reciprocity; hypothetical social support; and social network. Results One fifth (20%) had been in a fight in the last 3 months. Youth who were members of a group, who had been victimised, who could ask for help from a family member/friend/neighbour when they had a problem, and who liked living in their neighbourhood were more likely to be involved in a fight. Conclusion This research supports the literature that indicates that physical fights are positively related to both individual and social capital variables. Social capital had a detrimental effect on physical fights. This may be related to bonding in a gang-like way. While high levels of social capital are good for other health outcomes and thus should not be reduced, interventions that channel youth energy in positive ways are needed.";"Journal Article";2011;"T. E. Hajj, R. A. Afifi, M. Khawaja and T. Harpham";"Violence and social capital among young men in Beirut";"Injury Prevention";"Lebanon";"CPE";"YT"
1335;"With the growing number of immigrant youth moving into new communities and host nations across the globe (Suarez-Orozco, 2007), it is critical that we deepen our understanding of the ways in which schools enable either the civic engagement or the social marginalization of these young people. In this article Reva Jaffe-Walter presents the results of an ethnographic case study of Muslim students and their teachers in a Danish secondary school. Her findings reveal how liberal educational discourses and desires to offer Muslim immigrant students a better life can slide into processes of everyday exclusion in schools. Jaffe-Walter theorizes that immigrants in liberal democracies face technologies of concern—that is, policies and practices that champion the goals of fostering the engagement and social incorporation of immigrant students while simultaneously producing notions of these youth as Other, justifying practices of coercive assimilation (Foucault, 1977; Ong, 1996). She argues that beyond just producing negative representations, technologies of concern position youth within hierarchical schemes of racial and cultural difference that complicate their access to educational resources in schools (Abu El-Haj, 2010; Ong, 1996). This article has implications for the education and social integration of Muslim immigrants within liberal societies, as it reveals the troubling persistence of exclusion buried within practices of concern.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. Jaffe-Walter";"'Who would they talk about if we weren't here?': Muslim youth, liberal schooling, and the politics of concern";"Harvard Educational Review";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1336;"China is a key player on the global stage, and nearly 300 million Chinese youth stand to be affected by rapid social and ecological transformations. Programs that promote developmental assets in Chinese youth could increase their resilience in the face of contemporary stressors and enhance their capacity to contribute to China's development. In this paper we describe a unique, service-learning approach to youth development, the Jane Goodall Institute's Roots & Shoots program (R&S), as it is implemented in China. Through qualitative and quantitative methods we explore perceptions of program impact on the personal and social development of Chinese youth. Cultural, sociopolitical, and environmental issues related to program practices, outcomes and viability are highlighted. Results suggest that R&S mobilized Chinese youth to work for the benefit of their environment, their communities, and themselves.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. R. Johnson, J. S. Johnson-Pynn and T. M. Pynn";"Youth civic engagement in China: Results from a program promoting environmental activism";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1337;"Effective and sustainable solutions to contemporary environmental challenges, such as climate change, poverty, and intercultural conflict, will depend, in part, on the involvement and innovation of youth. To meet these challenges in an increasingly global world, youth need new connections, skills, and opportunities for civic engagement that transcend their local communities and national borders. In this article, we highlight the need for both internationalizing and greening approaches to youth development and describe results from a program that is aimed to do just that. Jane Goodall's Global Youth Summit (GYS) was designed to foster connections and to empower youth toward environmental and humanitarian activism at local and global levels. Youth and emerging adults from 28 countries participated in a week of environmental and humanitarian education, service, and action planning. Participants completing pre- and post-summit measures (N = 74) showed gains on measures of community service self-efficacy and environmental identity. Combined with other measures, some support was demonstrated for gains in diversity attitudes and feeling a part of nature, but less so for leadership. Youth ratings of GYS experiences and open-ended responses provide support for results and give voice to youth's perspectives on GYS outcomes.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. R. Johnson, J. S. Johnson-Pynn, S. S. Sweeney and C. T. Williams";"Youth civic action: Going green, going global";"Ecopsychology";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1338;"Our chapter has several goals: first, to discuss the context for and meaning of citizenship for youth in developing countries and the particular challenges for young people and for their nations within a global context. Second, to focus on youth not only as citizens in formation, but as citizens in the present—a distinction we will refer to as being versus becoming. Third, to point to the balance between core aspects of the civic domain that are universal with those shaped by local and particular social-economic, political, and cultural circumstances. The universal include the compact of rights and obligations that bind citizens and states. The role of mediating institutions (faith-based organizations, community-based micro-enterprise projects, self-help groups) is central to how these universal aspects are localized and the degree to which they are realized. They are thus key to incorporating younger generations into the polity. Finally, we point to the emphasis on gender inequalities and the second-class status of females, making the case that policies that empower women and educate girls can alleviate poverty and stabilize democratic governance.";"Book Section";2010;"R. Kassimir and C. Flanagan";"Youth civic engagement in the developing world: Challenges and opportunities";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1339;"This is what democracy looks like: Youth organizers negotiate new school discipline policies to disrupt the school-to-jail track. Latino/a and African American students march to district headquarters to protest high school closure. Young immigration rights activists persuade state legislators to pass a bill to make in-state tuition available to undocumented state residents. Students in an ESL class design and administer surveys that raise awareness about racism and xenophobia. These examples, based on ten years of research by youth development and learning sciences scholar Ben Kirshner, show young people building political power during an era of racial inequality, diminished educational opportunity, and an atrophied public square. The book's case studies analyze how young people learn to speak up and take action and what these experiences mean for their development. What is youth activism and how does it contribute to human development? What are qualities of learning ecologies that foster and sustain youth activism? The interdependent relationship between youths' political engagement, their personal development, and democratic renewal is the central focus of this book. Kirshner argues that youth and societal institutions are strengthened when young people, particularly those most disadvantaged by educational inequity, turn their critical gaze to education systems and participate in efforts to improve them.";"Book";2015;"B. Kirshner";"Youth activism in an era of education inequality";"Qualitative studies in psychology";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1340;"Little research has examined social development in the young adult years relative to childhood and adolescence. This study tested the hypothesized pathways of the social development model (SDM) in young adulthood for predicting symptoms of alcohol use disorder (AUD) and positive functioning at age 30. A longitudinal panel study originally drawn from Seattle, Washington, elementary schools was examined. The sample included 808 participants with high retention and was gender balanced and ethnically diverse. Analyses focused on ages 21, 27, and 30. SDM constructs were assessed with self-reports of past-year behavior and combined multiple life domains. AUD symptoms corresponding to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (American Psychiatric Association, 1994) criteria were assessed using the Diagnostic Interview Schedule. Positive functioning combined measures of constructive engagement in work and school, civic engagement, physical exercise, and lack of depressive symptoms. The study found that AUD symptoms were moderately stable from age 21 to 30; however, developmental pathways hypothesized by the SDM at age 27 played a significant role in partially mediating this association. Alcohol-specific factors were key mediating mechanisms, whereas prosocial factors played little role. Conversely, prosocial factors had an important role in predicting positive functioning at age 30, whereas there were no significant pathways involving alcohol-specific factors. Findings suggest that age 27 is not too late for interventions targeting adult social development to help diminish alcohol use disorder symptoms by age 30. Alcohol-specific factors such as reducing perceived opportunities or rewards for heavy alcohol use or challenging beliefs accepting of drunkenness are likely to be key ingredients of effective adult interventions.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Kosterman, K. G. Hill, J. O. Lee, M. C. Meacham, R. D. Abbott, R. F. Catalano and J. D. Hawkins";"Young adult social development as a mediator of alcohol use disorder symptoms from age 21 to 30";"Psychology of Addictive Behaviors";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1341;"As they relate to user-generated content on the internet, civic engagement and psychological empowerment have received significant interest in recent years. While past studies have examined online civic participation and political empowerment, the way in which civic engagement offline and content generation online are related to psychological empowerment has not been thoroughly explored. The purpose of this study is to address the roles that gratifications of content generation online (e.g. satisfying recognition needs, cognitive needs, social needs and entertainment needs) and civic engagement offline play in predicting levels of user-generated content on the internet; and how the gratifications of content generation online, civic engagement offline and user-generated content influence the three components of psychological empowerment (i.e. self-efficacy, perceived competence and desire for control). This study reasserts that psychological empowerment can be enhanced by one’s degree of content generation online and by both one’s attitude and behavior in civic engagement offline.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. Leung";"User-generated content on the internet: an examination of gratifications, civic engagement and psychological empowerment";"New Media & Society";"Hong Kong";"CPECPP";"YT"
1342;"This chapter consider explicitly how different fields, especially philosophy and psychology, address normative issues that serve as the basis for different approaches to civic education and engagement programs. Examples of trademarked programs that attempts to teach aspects of civic engagement to American youth are provided.";"Book Section";2010;"P. Levine and A. Higgins-D'Alessandro";"Youth civic engagement: Normative issues";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1343;"Citizenship education was introduced as a statutory subject in England in September 2002 with the aim of promoting civic and political engagement. However, whilst education is undoubtedly a powerful socialisation force, it is not the only factor that is likely to influence young people’s civic and political participation. Political science theories regarding adult participation highlight the role of variables such as socio-economic background, political efficacy, individuals’ assessments of the costs and benefits of participation and interest in politics. The questions therefore arise as to how much citizenship education can influence young people’s participation above and beyond these other factors and whether this is more likely if a school adopts a particular approach to the subject’s delivery. To answer these questions, this paper draws on data from the nine-year Citizenship Education Longitudinal Study (CELS), and more particularly from its 2004-05 survey of 13,646 English students aged 13-14. Structural equation modelling is used to examine students' intentions to participate and ascertain the relative contribution that education and other factors make to young people’s intentions to participate.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. Lopes, T. Benton and E. Cleaver";"Young people's intended civic and political participation: Does education matter?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPECPP";"YT"
1344;"Through a qualitative methodology, this study examines meanings attached to citizenship, barriers for citizenship, motivations for civic engagement, and aspirations as citizens in a sample (n = 71) of Chilean youth that grew up during the transition to democracy. The meanings youth attached to citizenship include membership, entitlement to rights and responsibilities, active participation, being informed, and voting. Participants perceived that practices of the political class, the economic system, and social disparities are barriers to exercising citizenship. They challenge the principles of a social order they consider unjust and advance proposals for social transformation that claim for social justice, reducing socio-economic disparities, discrimination, and bringing the political class closer to ordinary citizens. Findings reflect critical and cultural notions of citizenship. Contrasting their actual experiences with their aspirations for citizenship, participants feel politically inefficacious as they perceive they lack the power to influence the sociopolitical system. Implications for sociopolitical development and youth policy are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. L. Martínez, C. Silva, M. Carmona and P. Cumsille";"Young Chileans' views of citizenship: Findings from the first generation born after the reinstitution of democracy";"Applied Developmental Science";"Chile";"CPE";"YT"
1345;"This paper describes qualitative methods used in a research project for the former Health Education Authority, exploring R. Putnam's concept of 'social capital' in relation to children and young people's well-being and health. Putnam's conceptualization of social capital consists of the following features: trust, reciprocal support, civic engagement, community identity and social networks, and the premise is that levels of social capital in a community have an important effect on people's well-being. Research was carried out with 102 children (aged 12–15 yrs) in 2 relatively deprived parts of a town in southeast England. The paper describes the research setting, methods, consent process and ethical issues that arose. It explores how the methods generated different forms of interconnected data, giving rise to a number of health/well-being-related themes. The paper concludes that using a range of methods, including visual methods, has helped to explore quality of life issues for children that are usually neglected in studies of young people's health-related behaviors.";"Journal Article";2001;"V. Morrow";"Using qualitative methods to elicit young people's perspectives on their environments: Some ideas for community health initiatives";"Health Education Research";"UK";"CPE";"YT"
1346;"Youth development organizations have a common commitment to young people's physical, emotional, and educational growth and development. A youth-centered atmosphere where young people feel supported and empowered by the community distinguishes successful programs from others that approach programming without considering young people the most important stakeholders. Programs serve youth best when the environments in which they function are intentionally inclusive, multicultural, and systematically nondiscriminatory. A safe and supportive place in which to develop an identity and confront the tough issues and extraordinary pressures of growing up is at the core of youth development environments that make a real difference. Some of the best youth development programs also make the successful link between volunteerism and positive mental health and support the concept that community service is an important component of subsequent civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2004;"H. J. Nicholson, C. Collins and H. Holmer";"Youth as People: The Protective Aspects of Youth Development in After-School Settings";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1347;"The current study examined demographic and civic behavior correlates of observed messages concerning civic duty coded from dyadic, semi-structured interactions between 160 adolescents (Mage = 14.42, range = 12-18) and their parents (144 mothers, 52 fathers). Anecdotal statements are provided to illustrate the eight themes that emerged within parent-adolescent civic discussion. Three themes concerned community and political involvement—community service, voting, and other standard political involvement (e.g., keeping up with current events)—and five themes concerned informal civic duties—be productive (e.g., working and becoming educated), follow regulations, help others, respect country, and respect others. In mixed-effect logistic regression models, coding categories were differentially associated with parent and adolescent demographic characteristics and parent-reported civic behavior.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Oosterhoff, A. Metzger and E. Babskie";"What do citizens have to do? Parents' and adolescents' messages about civic duty";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1348;"It is widely believed that warm and supportive parenting fosters all kinds of prosocial behaviors in the offspring, including civic engagement. However, accumulating international evidence suggests that the effects of family support on civic engagement may sometimes be negative. To address this apparent controversy, we identified several scenarios for the negative effects of supportive parenting on youth civic engagement and tested them using four waves of data from the Finnish Educational Transitions Studies. They followed 1549 students (55 % female) from late adolescence into young adulthood, included both maternal (n = 231) and offspring reports of parental support, and assessed civic engagement in young adulthood. Control variables included socioeconomic status, other sociodemographic indicators, church belonging, personality traits, and earlier civic engagement. Higher maternal warmth and support and a stronger identification with the parental family in adolescence predicted offspring’s lower political activism up to 10 years later. Perceived parental support in young adulthood predicted lower volunteering 2 years later. There were no significant effects on general organizational involvement (e.g., in student and hobby associations). None of the a priori scenarios that we identified from the literature appeared to explain the pattern of results satisfactorily. We put forth cultural and life stage explanations of our findings.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. K. Pavlova, R. K. Silbereisen, M. Ranta and K. Salmela-Aro";"Warm and supportive parenting can discourage offspring’s civic engagement in the transition to adulthood";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"Germany";"CPEAct";"YT"
1349;"This article takes up categories from literature on political and civic engagement to help make sense of data collected from interviews with 40 American Jewish day high school students about what they think and feel about Israel. Viewed through a set of lenses that distinguish between the manifestations and motivations of political and civic engagement, the article helps clarify why young Jews, even when actively and positively engaged with Israel, are uncomfortable labeling themselves as Zionists. The analysis points to an important distinction between the concepts of Israel as 'home' and 'homeland.' The article also raises important questions about what is presumed to be an increasing distance or alienation from Israel among young American Jews.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. Pomson and D. Held";"'Why Israel?' Re-viewing Israel education through the lenses of civic and political engagement";"Journal of Jewish Education";"Israel";"CPECPP";"YT"
1350;"Most research finds that voluntary engagement leads to more political participation. However, it is not entirely clear which type of organization encourages political participation and what skills are required. There is also some discussion about whether multiple memberships promote political participation. In this article, I use the Belgian Youth Survey (n = 6,330) in investigating the effect that type of organization, the time spent in organizations, the number of memberships and skills-related activities has on political participation. My findings suggest that voluntary organizations are powerful political socialization agents leading to young people engaging in politics. Young people who are members of several organizations are more active in politics, while spending a greater amount of time in one organization does not increase level of political participation. Cultural, deliberative and help organizations are more successful than expressive, religious–ethnic and youth groups in fostering political engagement. Finally, organizations that allow young people to take up a leadership role, or to organize activities, encourage participation in political activities.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. Quintelier";"Who is politically active: The athlete, the scout member or the environmental activist? Young people, voluntary engagement and political participation";"Acta Sociologica";"Belgium";"CPECPP";"YT"
1351;"In this chapter, we examine data about civic engagement in Mexico, describing the main characteristics of civic knowledge and attitudes, as well as civic and electoral behavior of youth. We situate the analysis of Mexico in the context of civic engagement of youth in Latin America, to draw some implications for future research and policy design. The principal finding of this chapter is that changes in political institutions in the direction of making electoral politics more competitive apparently have not resulted in visible changes in how people experience democracy in their daily lives, at least in the short term. In particular, we find that political knowledge, attitudes, and engagement of youth in Mexico apparently have not changed even as electoral politics became more competitive and the role of political parties increased. The study of the civic knowledge";"Book Section";2010;"F. Reimers and S. Cardenas";"Youth civic engagement in Mexico";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1353;"Describes the results of several discussions reflecting on the issues and opportunities that bear on youth's civic engagement and development in the twenty-first century. The authors define civic competence, and argue that an expansive definition is needed to match the real-world circumstances that affect its development for youth internationally. The discussion focuses on the specific conditions, such as globalization, information-communication technology, and immigration, that are forces that affect youth and argues that these need to be taken into account by educators and policy makers. An outline is given of the responsibilities of schools, government, the commercial sector, and community organizations. Each is viewed as a potential constructive force for promoting engagement insofar as youth's strengths are recognized and focus is placed on building on youth's proven capacities. Policy recommendations are founded on the reciprocal relation that binds the youth generation with its elders in the common task of preserving, while transforming, society for the good of humanity.";"Journal Article";2002;"J. Youniss, S. Bales, V. Christmas-Best, M. Diversi, M. McLaughlin and R. Silbereisen";"Youth civic engagement in the twenty-first century";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1354;"This study reports on youth councils in 24 municipalities in one major metropolitan area. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with one key adult stakeholder in each municipality in order to understand the scope, structure, functioning, activities, and impact of youth councils. These data were supplemented with review of documents and websites that described the councils. Findings indicated that youth councils were engaged in a wide-range of activities suggesting the model is fluid to meet the needs of both the youth and the community. Specific impacts were identified by participants some of which were directly related to the delivery of activities and others which influenced policy change. Among the barriers identified was the continuing need to identify a broader range of youth to participate in these initiatives. Despite a societal need for greater youth civic engagement and the generally positive attitude toward this idea, youth councils remain limited in practice and the research base is under-developed. Our study contributes to advancing both practice and research.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. E. Collins, A. Augsberger and W. Gecker";"Youth councils in municipal government: Examination of activities, impact and barriers";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"Youth"
1355;"This research examines the implications of social media use for political engagement among young people in Singapore. The project included a qualitative analysis of a student protest, followed by a national survey of young Singaporeans. The findings suggest that social media use is positively related to traditional political participation, while also providing evidence of the continued importance of traditional media for political engagement. More specifically, we find that the attention paid to news in traditional media is a more important predictor of both traditional and online participation than the generic use of Facebook.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. M. Skoric and N. Poor";"Youth engagement in Singapore: The interplay of social and traditional media";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"Singapore";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1356;"There is a widespread belief that sport participation inevitably contributes to youth development because sport’s assumed essential goodness and purity is passed on to those who partake in it. Promoted and perpetuated by sport evangelists and kindred spirits, this belief inspires the strategy of using sports to create among young people the attributes needed to achieve personal success. This neoliberal approach to development is perpetuated by anecdotes and unsystematic observations that uncritically support the evangelistic promise that sport participation produces positive development among young people. Although a few scholars in the sociology of sport have studied sport participation and identified conditions under which particular outcomes are likely to occur, there remains a need for critical research and theory that identifies the processes through which sport participation is or is not linked with subsequent forms of civic engagement and efforts to produce progressive change transcending the lives of particular individuals. Strategies for doing this are identified.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Coakley";"Youth sports: What counts as 'positive development?'";"Journal of Sport & Social Issues";"UK";"CPE";"Youth"
1357;"The pseudo-scholarly perception suggests that young urban professionals (yuppies) display a unique combination of social-ethical liberalism and social-economic conservatism and are distinguishable by a low level of political engagement and a strong emphasis on lifestyle distinctiveness. A cross-cultural analysis of data from 7 countries in the European Values Survey of 1981 indicates that although yuppies tend to hold liberal social and ethical views, there is no evidence for their conservatism on economic matters, abstinence from political engagement, or emphasis on lifestyle distinctiveness. There was no evidence that yuppies form part of a broader category of young left-wing professionals constituting the 'new class' of the 1990s. Finally, the idea of a syndrome of distinctive yuppie values and attitudes was rejected for the 7 countries.";"Journal Article";1993;"P. Ester and H. Vinken";"Yuppies in cross-national perspective: Is there evidence for a yuppie value syndrome";"Political Psychology";"Netherlands";"CPECPP";"Youth"
1358;"Teachers are thought to play an important role in fostering youth civic engagement; however, the current literature is limited with regard to providing concrete suggestions as to what teachers can do to promote youth civic engagement and why teachers have an impact on youth. To address these limitations, we simultaneously tested three alternative explanations to identify the critical way(s) in which perceived teachers’ behaviors might contribute to youth civic engagement in school. We also investigated the underlying processes that may explain why youth’s perceptions of teachers’ behaviors matter, by focusing on the mediating roles of young people’s feelings about politics and their political efficacy beliefs. The sample included 7th (n = 876, M age = 13.42, SD = .71; 51 % girls) and 10th grade students (n = 857, M age = 16.62, SD = .71; 51 % girls) residing in Sweden. Among the different aspects of perceived teacher behaviors, only an engaged and inspiring teaching style fostered youth’s initiations of civic and political discussions in class over time among both early and late adolescents. Moreover, youth’s feelings about politics significantly mediated the effect of perceived teachers’ behaviors on youth civic engagement in class. Contrary to our expectation, youth’s political efficacy did not act as a mediator. The present study sheds light on what teachers can do to promote youth civic and political engagement in a school setting.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. Bayram Özdemir, H. Stattin and M. Özdemir";"Youth’s initiations of civic and political discussions in class: Do youth’s perceptions of teachers’ behaviors matter and why?";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"Sweden";"CPE";"YT"
1359;"Nationally, youth organizing programs are growing in popularity. Although research has found positive short-term effects associated with participation, little work has examined longer-term implications. This study explores how alumni from one organizing group describe its influence on their subsequent developmental trajectories. Their descriptions highlight perceived effects in academic, professional, relational, and sociopolitical arenas. Although most respondents remain committed to the issues they came to care about as youth organizers, they express these commitments in various ways, including through traditional and nontraditional forms of civic engagement. They also credit a diverse set of programmatic factors with having influenced them. The findings introduce the various process and outcome factors that the participants find salient, raising implications for future longitudinal or survey research.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. O. Conner";"Youth organizers as young adults: Their commitments and contributions";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1360;"Argues for a more intentional consideration of youth development theory in service-learning scholarship and practice. Their central thesis is that understanding the developmental processes related to service-learning and closely connecting service-learning programs to the youth development literature may help service-learning programs achieve desired outcomes. The authors delineate between 'traditional' and 'transformative' youth development, which emphasize either adapting to and participating within or working to change (respectively) broader social structures. They illustrate how traditional and transformational youth development would inform the design, delivery, and evaluation of service-learning programs focusing on civic engagement. By framing youth development in traditional and transformational service-learning programs, they intend to spur further growth in this scholarly field, a tighter connection between service-learning programs and extant theory, and positive development among service-learning participants.";"Book Section";2011;"M. A. Diemer, A. M. Voight and C. Mark";"Youth development in traditional and transformational service-learning programs";"Problematizing service-learning: Critical reflections for development and action.";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1361;"In his 1998 book, The Corrosion of Character, Richard Sennett observed the following: Adjustment and change is woven through human history. Natural disasters, wars, economic depressions have upset the status quo and engendered anxieties. Sennett proposed a collective solution to this state of precarity: A larger sense of community, and a fuller sense of character, is required by the increasing number of people who, in modern capitalism, are doomed to fail. This article begins with a discussion of the implications of the new economy for mental health and draws from Sennett’s first image in which individuals are on their own to manage lives made precarious by flexible capital. The remainder of the article draws examples from my program of work on adolescents’ political theories and interpretations of the social contract that binds them with fellow members of their society. The case is made that civic engagement is beneficial for young people and for democracy, and draws attention to the practices in developmental settings that enable adolescents to experience a larger sense of community. Rational choice models of human behavior reflect a rather negative view of human beings—that people are driven by self-interest and will make decisions that maximize benefits to the self at the expense of benefits to others or to the common good. Both individuals and society benefit when teenagers feel like they are connected to other people and institutions in their community.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Flanagan";"Youth finding meaning through a larger sense of community";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1362;"Drawing from a larger ethnographic study, in this research I examine how a group of newcomer Mexican immigrant high school students counteracted a hostile school climate, educational practices and adverse relationships with mainstream peers and adults. The purpose of this study is to help educators and policy makers understand how engaging in social justice movements in the educational context has helped immigrant students to counteract and reconstruct their adverse schooling experiences into positive contributions to their success. This study suggests that Mexican immigrant youth demonstrate agency through civic engagement and intra-tactical strategies that strengthen their linguistic, cultural, and learner identities. The article concludes with recommendations on how educators and policy makers can facilitate engagement in order to support and improve education for immigrant and Latina/o students.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. A. Gutiérrez";"Youth social justice engagement in the face of anti-Latina/o immigrant illegitimacy";"The Urban Review";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1363;"Some see the internet as a means of exposure to divergent perspectives, while others believe that it is likely to foster echo chambers. We agree that it is important to attend to these possibilities, but we find that this discussion is often framed inappropriately. Drawing on a unique panel survey of the online practices and civic and political engagement of youth (aged 16–21), we find that most youth do not report exposure to echo chambers or divergent perspectives. Rather, most report either being exposed to views that both align with and diverge from their own, or they report not interacting with others about their views on societal issues at all. We also find that particular forms of online participatory activity, digital media literacy activities, and political interest are related to increased reports of exposure to diverse perspectives.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Kahne, E. Middaugh, N.-J. Lee and J. T. Feezell";"Youth online activity and exposure to diverse perspectives";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPE";"YT"
1364;"This forward-thinking reference spotlights an expansive and inclusive community model for youth alcohol prevention as opposed to traditional individual and school-based group approaches. Focusing on a long-term intervention in a Southwestern border town, it documents the development of critical consciousness in an affected community, and emphasizes young people as crucial drivers of change in their environment. The book's Community Readiness Model provides vital context for successful coalition building between youth, families, and community entities (e.g., schools, civic leaders, police) in reducing alcohol risk factors and promoting healthier choices. Given the severity and prevalence of youth alcohol use, this case study offers a viable blueprint for large-scale engagement in prevention. Among the featured topics: Integrating research into prevention strategies using participatory action research; Breaking down silos between community-based organizations: coalition development; Adult perspectives on nurturing youth leadership and coalition participation; Youth perspectives on youth power as the source of community development; Coalition as conclusion: tips on creating a functioning coalition; and, Community transformational resilience for adolescent alcohol prevention. Youth-Community Partnerships for Adolescent Alcohol Prevention is both practical and inspiring reading for researchers and other mental health professionals in psychology, social work, and public health who work with adolescents, communities, and civic engagement.";"Book";2016;"A. J. Romero";"Youth-community partnerships for adolescent alcohol prevention";;"US";"CPE";"YT"
1365;"This longitudinal study examined how participation in organized activities during adolescence (ages 14–17) is associated with adjustment in emerging adulthood (age 21). It investigated the contribution of three dimensions of participation: activity portfolios (i.e., specific combinations of activity types), intensity, and duration. The sample included 287 Canadian adolescents. First, distinct activity portfolios were identified using a person‐centered approach. Second, differences between portfolios were examined with regard to salient indicators of adjustment in emerging adulthood: depressive symptoms, problematic alcohol use, educational status, and civic engagement. Third, the contributions of participation intensity and duration were examined. Results revealed that certain portfolios were related in distinct ways to specific outcomes and that these differences depended on intensity or duration of participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Viau and F. Poulin";"Youths' organized activities and adjustment in emerging adulthood: A multidimensional conception of participation";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";"Canada";"CPE";"YT"
1366;"The authors examine whether predictors of adult political consumerism (i.e., boycotting and buycotting) and factors associated with youth civic and political participation also predict youth political consumerism. Data from a national mail survey of adolescents ages 12 to 17 years and their parents (n = 876) conducted in October 2012 are used to examine predictors of youth political consumerism. Factors analyzed include youth political and civic participation, parental modeling of boycotting and buycotting, and parental encouragement of following news and politics. Other factors examined include youth civic education, extracurricular participation, and youth social or civic attitudes. In addition, the authors assess differences between youth who boycott and those who buycott. The findings show that parental modeling is the most important predictor of youth political consumerism, and young political consumers also engage in civic and political activities. Moreover, youth boycotters and buycotters appear to exhibit differences in political ideology and motivations for political consumerism.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. L. Wicks, S. A. Morimoto, A. Maxwell, S. R. Schulte and R. H. Wicks";"Youth political consumerism and the 2012 presidential election: What influences youth boycotting and buycotting?";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1367;"Research shows adolescents to be positively oriented towards democracy, but little is known about what it actually means to them and what their views are on decision-making in both everyday situations and political democracy. To gain insight into these aspects of adolescents’ democratic views, we have interviewed 40 Dutch adolescents from second grade of different types of high school. Potential conflict between various democratic principles prevalent in everyday life situations was discussed and compared to how they view decision-making in political democracy. The results of our qualitative study showed that adolescents’ views on issues concerning collective decision-making in everyday situations are quite rich and reflect different models of democracy (majoritarian, consensual, and deliberative). Moreover, how adolescents deal with tensions between democratic principles in everyday life situations varies. While some adolescents combine several principles (for instance, majority rule as a last resort after trying to find broader consensus), other adolescents tend to strictly focus on only one of these principles. Adolescents’ views on political democracy, however, are rather limited and one-dimensional. Those adolescents who seemed to have a more explicit picture of political democracy often preferred a strict focus on majority rule, neglecting minority interests.";"Journal Article";2016;"H. Nieuwelink, P. Dekker, F. Geijsel and G. ten Dam";"‘Democracy always comes first’: Adolescents’ views on decision-making in everyday life and political democracy";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Netherlands";"CPE";"Teens"
1368;"Research on political socialization and civic engagement has produced a substantial number of studies, but the body of work is fragmented. Some research is also hampered by the lack of psychometrically strong measures that are consistently employed across studies to build a body of conclusions. Other research in this area could benefit from the use of multiple methods. This chapter will introduce a conceptual framework that is comprehensive and inclusive, and will argue for studies that combine quantitative measures (such as surveys) with qualitative measures (such as focus groups or interviews). The purpose of this chapter is to provide suggestions for better ways of aligning studies and their research questions with designs and methodologies. The first and second sections of this chapter discuss survey research in this field and present a conceptual framework delineating variables that are commonly studied. We will suggest ways of expanding and refining research questions and addressing them more systematically. The third section will offer suggestions on improving research in civic engagement through the use of multiple methods, especially focus groups in addition to surveys. This section will include a brief overview of how focus group methodology has been used in research on political socialization and civic engagement. The fourth section will contrast the contributions of surveys and focus groups, and the final section of the chapter will outline policy implications of research based on this conceptual framework and using multiple methods.";"Book Section";2010;"J. Torney-Purta, J.-A. Amadeo and M. W. Andolina";"A conceptual framework and multimethod approach for research on political socialization and civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1369;"As two sides of the same coin—namely that of social capital—civic engagement and social trust have been conceived of as interrelated concepts. Existing studies examine whether civic participation is causally linked to generalized trust. However, the empirical evidence remains ambiguous: partly due to multidimensional measurement and partly in response to inadequate statistical analyses. The contribution of this paper, which uses the Swiss Household Panel data set between 2002 and 2012, is to analyze the causal relationship between participation in associations and generalized trust. Dynamic Panel Models account for the reciprocity of trust and participation with lagged dependent and lagged endogenous independent variables. The positive results support a causal effect of civic participation on generalized trust and show that joiners are trusters a priori, but also that they become trusters as they join.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Botzen";"A panel analysis of participation and generalized trust";"Zeitschrift für Soziologie";"Switzerland";"CPECPPAct";"Teens"
1370;"This study explored gender differences in moral motivations and civic engagement among adolescents to add to existing explanations for the gender gap in political engagement in the US. We examined moral motivations for civic engagement in a sample of 1578 high school seniors, using a mixed-methods analysis of survey and interview data. Multiple regression confirmed that girls were more civically involved and expressed greater future civic intention. However, analysis of motivations suggested that differences in moral motivations might impact ongoing political development, as girls were more likely to take political action out of desire to help, while boys were more often motivated to act on values. Case studies of two interviewees—one male and one female—were analyzed to examine how civic commitment emerges in the interaction of desire to help, to act on civic values and another moral motivation that emerged in the qualitative analysis—to empower others.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Malin, K. Tirri and I. Liauw";"Adolescent moral motivations for civic engagement: Clues to the political gender gap?";"Journal of Moral Education";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1371;"Drawing from research on civic engagement and environmental commitment, we make a case for the processes inherent in how adolescents' ideas about the commons (those things that bind a polity together) develop. Engagement in the public realm with a plethora of perspectives and a goal of finding common ground is fundamental. Adolescents participate in the public realm through mini-polities (e.g., schools, community organizations). Practices in those settings can reinforce or challenge dominant political narratives. Special attention is given to the natural environment as a commons that transcends generations and to the opportunities in schools and in community partnerships that enable adolescents to realize their interdependence with nature and to author decisions about the commons.";"Book Section";2014;"C. Flanagan and E. Gallay";"Adolescents' theories of the commons";"Advances in child development and behavior, Vol. 46.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1372;"The author explores communication mobility and its implications for those who live in the upper strata of the advanced industrial societies. The professionals who 'phone it in' are scrutinized from a sociological view. So too are today's teens who apparently experience Paris as an opportunity for texting rather than a romantic or political engagement. Mobile connectivity while away from home leaves little time to inquire, as perhaps both Adolph Hitler and Jacques Chirac did in their day, 'Is Paris Burning?' She also examines the digital dustbin awaiting those who are no longer wanted in the brave new technological world. In the process of her examination, she raises important questions about the use of human beings as the opportunities grow to leave emotional work to the infinite patience of robotic pets.";"Book Section";2008;"S. Turkle";"Always-on/always-on-you: The tethered self";"Handbook of mobile communication studies.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1373;"Utilizing data from the 2009 IEA International Civic and Citizenship Study Asian Regional Module, this secondary analysis explores the relationship between traditional Asian values and democratic citizenship. Findings identify two dimensions of Asian values: Asian civic values and obedience to authority. Among South Korean students, Asian civic values have a positive association with democratic citizenship, while obedience to authority displays an inverse relationship. However, attachment to obedience to authority is much weaker. The overall findings suggest the possibility of reconciliation between traditional Asian values and democratic citizenship.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. T. Knowles";"Asian values and democratic citizenship: Exploring attitudes among South Korean eighth graders using data from the ICCS Asian Regional Module";"Asia Pacific Journal of Education";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1374;"The long-standing policy of 'practical reconciliation' between Australian Indigenous and Non-Indigenous people has actively disregarded the need to redress past injustice as the basis of current intergroup inequality. While this approach has received extensive critique from reconciliation scholars, its implications for Non-Indigenous involvement in reconciliation have been neglected. When Indigenous disadvantage is divorced from its social and historical context it is also more likely to be seen as having little to do with 'us' as Non-Indigenous Australians. In contrast, when inequality is seen as stemming from the past and present reality of intergroup relations, and as such shapes the meaning of Non- Indigenous identity, it will be seen as more illegitimate, in need of change, and is more likely to motivate political engagement in the reconciliation process. The current study tests and finds support for this idea. Importantly, controlling for the contributions of perceived legitimacy of inequality and need for social change, Non-Indigenous identity meaning continued to significantly predict intentions to vote and engage in political action in support of reconciliation.";"Journal Article";2009;"E. Subašic and K. J. Reynolds";"Beyond 'practical' reconciliation: Intergroup inequality and the meaning of non-indigenous identity";"Political Psychology";"Australia";"CPE";"Teens"
1375;"Few studies provide an overview of citizenship education from the primary to secondary grade levels in American schools. Citizenship education consists of specific teaching practices designed to encourage students to become more involved in their communities. This review critically evaluates three kinds of programmes related to citizenship education: (1) character education programmes, (2) political simulations and, (3) service-learning programmes. Students in the primary grades are mainly exposed to character education programmes, which emphasise the importance of developing ethical values. Political simulations are more common in high school civic courses, where students learn the importance of community-level civic engagement (e.g. volunteering). Service-learning programmes can help students in the secondary grades develop a broader range of civic engagement outcomes that pertain to the school and community-level context. This study reaffirms the importance of increasing students’ exposure to citizenship education, while emphasising that certain instructional practices can be more effective in helping students develop civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Lin";"Citizenship education in American schools and its role in developing civic engagement: A review of the research";"Educational Review";"US";"CPEAct";"Teens"
1376;"Interest in the intrinsic value of civic engagement and community life is enjoying a renaissance in American life. At the same time, new knowledge is being generated in the science of human ecology. The confluence of these 2 events marks a favorable time to rekindle interest in studying community influences on child mental health. The work reviewed in this article provides examples of both basic research that attempts to improve understanding of how community factors operate and applied research that aims to promote healthier environments for children.";"Journal Article";2001;"F. Earls";"Community factors supporting child mental health";"Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1377;"In this chapter, we present a practical definition for culturally responsive teaching with particular emphasis on the social studies. Culturally responsive practitioners recognize and react to the changing cultural dynamics of their classroom. They conceptualize social studies teaching as more than knowledge-based objectives; developing instruction that encourages inquiry, perspective-taking, and higher-order thinking (Parker, 2010; Ukpokodu, 2006; VanSledright, 2004). We offer two specific examples of culturally responsive teaching principles in practice. First, we provide a pedagogical scaffold: Review, Reflect, and React (3Rs) as an instructional strategy for lesson planning. Grounded in relevant social studies theory and research, 3Rs offers a practical implementation of culturally responsive teaching within the current standardization milieu. We also demonstrate the power of Professional Development School (PDS) partnerships to bridge academic institutions in order to create a culturally responsive teaching climate that fosters civic engagement among students, classroom teachers, preservice teachers, and teacher educators. In exploring future directions for culturally responsive teaching, we re-examine Stephen Thornton's (2001) 'gatekeeping' heuristic towards social studies practice; acknowledging the pedagogical freedom of practitioners to enact purposeful curriculum within the realities of standardization (Crocco, 1998; Ross, 2006).";"Book Section";2011;"P. G. Fitchett and T. L. Heafner";"Culturally responsive social studies teaching: Models of theory into practice";"Contemporary social studies: An essential reader.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1378;"Debates abound about low levels of engagement in mainstream civic life on the part of young Muslims from immigrant backgrounds living in non-Muslim majority countries. This paper investigates the emergent types of civic practice enacted by first or second generation Australian youth of major Muslim migrant communities, and suggests that in order to better understand the commonly identified problem of low levels of civic participation amongst this group it is necessary to situate the debate in broader conceptual frameworks regarding the shift towards ‘do-it-yourself’ citizenship on the part of the current generation. The paper argues for a focus on practices of youth cultural production and consumption, civic networks in everyday spaces, and work on the self as new forms of civic engagement, drawing on qualitative research with 80 young Muslims, who are outside both radical and mainstream formal associational practice.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Harris and J. Roose";"DIY citizenship amongst young Muslims: Experiences of the ‘ordinary’";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPECPP";"YT"
1379;"This chapter takes up the relative contributions of mothers and fathers to the welfare of adolescents and young adults. The author analyzes data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health) to determine the ways in which fathers' contributions to their children that are additive, redundant, or unique in comparison to the contributions of mothers. He looked at a range of parental predictors—from parents' education to parent-child closeness—and their links to depression and delinquency among teenagers in the second wave of Add Health, as well as at depression, antisocial activity, and civic engagement among young adults in the third wave of Add Health. An estimated 60 potential relationships between these parental measures and these adolescent/young adult outcomes were explored. Eggebeen found that 42 percent of the relationships between parental inputs and children's outcomes were significant and additive. The author also found that 22 percent of the relationships between parental inputs and adolescents' outcomes were unique and statistically significant. This means that for slightly more than one-fifth of the outcomes, young persons benefited from the input of their father or mother, but not both. In particular, fathers appear to especially make unique contributions to the well-being of their children through their human capital while mothers make unique contributions through their availability and closeness to their children.";"Book Section";2013;"D. J. Eggebeen";"Do fathers uniquely matter for adolescent well-being?";"Gender and parenthood: Biological and social scientific perspectives.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1380;"We examine whether individual differences in needs for security and certainty predict conservative (vs. liberal) position on both cultural and economic political issues and whether these effects are conditional on nation-level characteristics and individual-level political engagement. Analyses with cross-national data from 51 nations reveal that valuing conformity, security, and tradition over self-direction and stimulation (a) predicts ideological self-placement on the political right, but only among people high in political engagement and within relatively developed nations, ideologically constrained nations, and non-Eastern European nations, (b) reliably predicts right-wing cultural attitudes and does so more strongly within developed and ideologically constrained nations, and (c) on average predicts left-wing economic attitudes but does so more weakly among people high in political engagement, within ideologically constrained nations, and within non-Eastern European nations. These findings challenge the prevailing view that needs for security and certainty organically yield a broad right-wing ideology and that exposure to political discourse better equips people to select the broad ideology that is most need satisfying. Rather, these findings suggest that needs for security and certainty generally yield culturally conservative but economically left-wing preferences and that exposure to political discourse generally weakens the latter relation. We consider implications for the interactive influence of personality characteristics and social context on political attitudes and discuss the importance of assessing multiple attitude domains, assessing political engagement, and considering national characteristics when studying the psychological origins of political attitudes.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Malka, C. J. Soto, M. Inzlicht and Y. Lelkes";"Do needs for security and certainty predict cultural and economic conservatism? A cross-national analysis";"Journal of Personality and Social Psychology";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1381;"The objective of this study was to explore the link between social capital and cheating, alcohol use, and violence using a self-reported survey involving a sample of Turkish university students. The relatively comprehensive measures of social capital included both parental social capital (membership in organizations, political engagement, book/newspaper readership, parental control over the youth's social network, and religion) and youth social capital (civic intolerance, religion, influential connection, social exchange among classmates, membership in organizations, trust, and voting). Findings tended to indicate that most social capital measures were not consistently significant and that social capital had both negative and positive aspects. Social capital deprivation, a 'new' concept, was for the first time used and tested: it had a positive impact on deviant behavior.";"Journal Article";2008;"Ö. Özbay";"Does social capital deter youth from cheating, alcohol use, and violence in Turkey?: Bringing torpil in";"Journal of Criminal Justice";"Turkey";"CPE";"Teens"
1383;"This chapter examines available evidence that suggests early childhood may be an overlooked or underexamined foundation for civic engagement, or both. We begin by providing a brief history of youth civic engagement research and note the absence of empirical work on the topic with young children. We then examine the germane work and developmental theory on early childhood competencies that may speak to later civic engagement in children and adolescents. We also consider a children's rights perspective in a brief overview of the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child as a guide for developmental scientists interested in civic engagement. Then, we consider how young children's participation or engagement in cognitively rich and language-rich socialization practices, such as play, may serve as a significant developmental context for later civic engagement. In concluding comments, we consider directions for future research, policy, and practice.";"Book Section";2010;"J. Astuto and M. D. Ruck";"Early childhood as a foundation for civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1384;"A mother volunteers weekly at her son's school. A supervisor spends personal time helping a junior colleague at work to learn new skills. A teacher stays late to coach hockey for his high school's team. A group of people demonstrate at a rally against environmental damage to a rainforest. All these activities appear to share an altruistic, prosocial quality of helping others at some cost to the self. They also seem to involve the orientation of that help toward future generations and their needs, a specific focus Erik Erikson (1950) described using the term 'generativity.' In this chapter, drawing on longitudinal research, we explore the commonalities, differences, and development of generative motives and actions in young people. We begin by introducing the idea of generativity, then review its early predictors and later correlates across four different domains of civic life in emerging adulthood, and end with a discussion of prospects for future research in this field.";"Book Section";2014;"M. W. Pratt and H. L. Lawford";"Early generativity and types of civic engagement in adolescence and emerging adulthood";"Prosocial development: A multidimensional approach.";"Canada";"CPE";"Teens"
1385;"With high rates of migration worldwide in the past decade, industrialized nations have witnessed substantial growth in the diversity of their populations and challenges to the civic and political status quo. This paper focuses on France, among the top countries sought by immigrants. Survey data were collected from 632 students from four ethnically diverse high schools in the Paris region, of whom 362 were between ages 14 and 17. We examine patterns of anticipated involvement in three indices of political and civic engagement, with the goal of identifying the characteristics that significantly contribute to explaining each. Results showed that most demographic characteristics are relatively weak in explaining the outcomes. Knowledge and attitudes developed in school, along with the effects of contact with family, peers, and more distal contexts, are important antecedents of political and civic engagement, although the magnitude of the effects differs for males and females.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Allen and H. J. Bang";"Ecological contexts and youth civic and political engagement in Paris, France";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1386;"Creative use of digital media has become an essential element of political mobilization. This book examines varied types of learning environments and experiences that promote techno-social agency. We purposefully adopt a broad view of youth political engagement, which sometimes includes electoral politics but also includes public expression, community organizing, or awareness building about an issue. The chapters in this volume reflect this broad view. We do so out of recognition of the role of civil society, activism, and expressive politics as influences in democracy, particularly in the United States. Furthermore, we also note that many youth are restricted from electoral polices by age, immigration status, or history of incarceration—and thus a sole focus on electoral politics is likely to overlook the available forms of activity for many youth. Contributors to the volume are pushing the boundaries of a range of academic disciplines, including political science, education, cultural studies, learning sciences, and youth development. Just as important, several contributors write from a position inside of youth programs. Because of this diversity of perspectives, in this introduction we place these contributions in context by introducing a framework for civic and political participation in the digital age and highlighting the contributions of each chapter towards a new understanding of powerful citizenship in this era.";"Book Section";2015;"E. Middaugh and B. Kirshner";"Educating powerful citizens in a changing world";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";"US";"CPECPPAct";"YT"
1387;"The school-based institutions and processes described in this chapter appear to be potentially powerful strategies for the construction, among the young, of the sociomoral resources needed to develop and maintain democracy as a normative value and as a functional way of life. Sharing exercises of democratic participation and deliberation as exemplified by classroom councils, service learning and social volunteering projects—most effectively by combining them in a social entrepreneurship version of the classroom council—young people are empowered to acquire the social competencies needed to engage in democratic and social practice and to develop initiatives of their own, without expecting private profits in return. Social competencies and democratic habits are thus matched with the ability to engage in socially productive practices and commitments which help participants to preserve their identities and their self-respect, even when faced with the social challenges of poverty and precarious positions on the labour market. Social competencies and democratic habits are the social capital of tomorrow. To summarize the gist of the argument, democratic self-regulation and democratic projects in schools serve the development of social competencies—the sociomoral resources required for processes of democratic deliberation and decision-making, of conflict resolution, and of responsible cooperation and participation. On the other hand, these competencies are essential for maintaining democratic forms of life. Democratic school cultures generate democratic habits among its members, enabling them to participate responsibly in democratic institutions as adults. The classroom council is a central device for the development of a democratic school culture. However, in addition, its aims of preparing democratic forms of life, the practices that characterize democratic schools, improve the present atmosphere of these institutions, enhance pupils' motivation and performance, and generate a sense of belonging and empowerment. It turns out that—almost unintended—these are milestones on the path to more efficient schools.";"Book Section";2015;"W. Edelstein";"Education for democracy: Cooperation, participation and civic engagement in the classroom";"Social relations in human and societal development.";"Germany";"CPE";"Teens"
1388;"Through analysing longitudinal data this article explores the effect of education trajectories between the ages 14−19 on voting and protesting at age 20 taking into account both type of education (vocational/academic) and level of qualifications (Levels 1−3). We find that these trajectories exert an independent effect on both outcomes. Gaining low level qualifications (up to Level 2) and in particular low level vocational qualifications diminishes the chances of political participation relative to Level 3 and academic qualifications. Whilst a wider range of qualifications are conducive to voting, only Level 3 academic qualifications support protesting relative to other qualifications. Post-14 education thus seems to make protesting more of an elite affair. Considering that the vast majority of students in the vocational and lower-level pathways come from low SES families, the undermining influence of these pathways on political participation will be felt disproportionally among the group of socially disadvantaged students.";"Journal Article";2016;"B. Hoskins and J. G. Janmaat";"Educational trajectories and inequalities of political engagement among adolescents in England";"Social Science Research";"UK";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1389;"Interactive displays are becoming an increasingly popular civic engagement mechanism for collecting user feedback in urban settings. However, to date no study has investigated (i) how the situatedness of public displays affects the quantity and quality of collected feedback, and (ii) how public displays compare to traditional paper or web feedback mechanisms. We answer these research questions in a series of lab and field studies. We demonstrate that because people tend to approach this technology with no specific purpose in mind, the feedback collected with public displays is noisier than web and paper forms. However, we also show that public displays attract much more feedback than web and paper forms, and generate much more interest. Furthermore, we found that users appropriated our technology beyond its original purpose. Our analysis provides implications on the tradeoffs of using public displays as a feedback mechanism, and we discuss ways of improving the collected feedback using public displays.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Goncalves, S. Hosio, Y. Liu and V. Kostakos";"Eliciting situated feedback: A comparison of paper, web forms and public displays";"Displays";"Finland";"CPEAct";"YT"
1390;"Political engagement among U.S. emerging adults aged 18 to 24 was examined via quantitative and qualitative data. The data analyzed are from the National Study of Youth and Religion (NSYR). The NSYR consists of three waves of a nationally representative (a) telephone survey (Wave 1 n = 4,161), (b) in-person interviews (Wave 3 n = 230) collected with adolescents and emerging adults, and (c) in the first wave, their parents (n = 3,235). Third-wave interview transcripts are examined for descriptions of political engagement. Findings indicate that emerging adults are generally politically disengaged. Political engagement is disaggregated into six types based on levels of and motivations for political engagement. A number of hypotheses are examined for explanations of political involvement variance. Voluntary association participation, religious practices, political affiliation, and parental political engagement are found to be insufficient explanations. Results indicate that individualized moral beliefs are a significant predictor of political engagement, especially certain types of disengagement.";"Journal Article";2010;"P. Snell";"Emerging adult civic and political disengagement: A longitudinal analysis of lack of involvement with politics";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPECPP";"YT"
1391;"Emerging adulthood is a critical developmental period that bridges adolescence and adulthood and is distinguished by identity exploration through education, vocation, relationships, and culture. However, the transition to adulthood is disrupted for African Americans, because they experience interpersonal and institutional discrimination in everyday settings including school, employment, and housing. In this article, we provide a summary of the current literature and explore the psychological, physiological, and sociopolitical consequences of racial discrimination for African American emerging adults. Extant research underscores the stress that discrimination places on African American emerging adults and the deleterious effects that discrimination has on mental and physical health. Equally, scholarship highlights the significance of discrimination in shaping African American emerging adult sociopolitical development. Finally, we recommend applications of the current literature toward the well-being and development of African American emerging adults and their communities in terms of clinical care, socialization, and civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. C. Hope, L. S. Hoggard and A. Thomas";"Emerging into adulthood in the face of racial discrimination: Physiological, psychological, and sociopolitical consequences for african american youth";"Translational Issues in Psychological Science";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1392;"Relationships among empowerment, social participation, and social dimensions of the self are examined cross-sectionally in a sample of Chilean adolescents (N = 1091) drawn from private and public schools Previous literature indicates that social dimensions of the self orientation toward the common good are actualized in social and civic roles. These attitudes are predictive of civic engagement in adulthood and prevent at-risk behaviours in adolescents. School is an important context for the development of roles and attitudes towards the common good. This study tested the association among opportunities for empowerment in school, social participation and adolescents' social self-concept (attitudes towards the common good and social responsibility). Exploratory factor analyses yielded two dimensions of empowerment, namely social climate of respect and trust, and disposition to take action, and two dimensions of social participation: helping others and political. Findings indicated that opportunities for empowerment, operationalized as a school climate that promotes respect, trust and support, and disposition toward action are positively associated with adolescents' social self-concept. Similarly, prosocial and political involvement are each positively associated to adolescents' social self-concept.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. L. S. Dreyer and M. L. M. Guzmán";"Empoderamiento, participación y autoconcepto de persona socialmente comprometida en adolescentes Chilenos. = Empowerment, participation and social self-concept in Chilean adolescents";"Revista Interamericana de Psicología";"Chile";"CPE";"Teens"
1393;"The Youth Empowerment Strategies (YES!) project is an afterschool empowerment program and research project for underserved early adolescents. Central to YES! is an empowerment intervention that provides early adolescents with opportunities for civic engagement with other youth around issues of shared concern in their schools and neighborhoods. This article specifically focuses on the use of Photovoice as a promising way to engage youth in social change as they take photos capturing strengths and issues in their environment and use these as the basis of critical dialogue and collective action plans. Adding to a growing body of information on using Photovoice, this article reports how early adolescents in the YES! afterschool program experienced the Photovoice process, moving from photography and writing to initiate group-designed social action projects. Recommendations are offered for others engaged in empowerment work with early adolescents.";"Journal Article";2007;"N. Wilson, S. Dasho, A. C. Martin, N. Wallerstein, C. C. Wang and M. Minkler";"Engaging young adolescents in social action through Photovoice: The Youth Empowerment Strategies (YES!) project";"The Journal of Early Adolescence";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1395;"Reports an error in 'Religiosity and teen drug use reconsidered: A social capital perspective' by John P. Bartkowski and Xiaohe Xu (American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 2007[Jun], Vol 32[6, Suppl 1], S182-S194). Due to translational errors in production, the formulae on pages S190 and S191 were printed incorrectly. The corrected text and formulae are given in the erratum. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record [rid]2007-09494-008[/rid]). Background: Although religiosity has often been shown to have a deterrent effect on teen drug use, noteworthy theoretic gaps and contradictory findings have left important questions unanswered. Methods: Conceptualizing religion as a measure of social capital and using cross-sectional data from Monitoring the Future (1996), a nationally representative sample of American high school seniors collected annually, this study is designed to shed new light on the relationship between religiosity and drug use among American youth. Levels of teen drug use for three different components of faith-based social capital--exposure to and internalization of religious norms, integration within religious networks, and trust in religious phenomena--are explored with respect to high school seniors' use of alcohol, marijuana, and other illicit drugs during the year prior to the survey. In addition, drug use associated with faith-based and secular forms of civic engagement among teens (e.g., participation in religious youth groups vs secular organizations such as sports and school clubs, theistic trust vs secular trust) are compared. Results: Among religiosity variables, integration within congregational networks (i.e., worship service attendance) exhibits the most consistent negative association with youth drug use. Theistic trust is not associated with teen drug use, but secular trust and civic participation in secular organizations are associated with less drug use. Conclusions: Elements of both religious and secular social capital are associated with lower reported drug use, thereby suggesting that multiple avenues for the prevention of teen drug use might be pursued. Implications and directions for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. P. Bartkowski and X. Xu";"Erratum: 'Religiosity and teen drug use reconsidered: A social capital perspective.'";"American Journal of Preventive Medicine";"US";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1396;"In the rapidly growing literature on the empirical effects of ethnic diversity different indicators of social cohesion have been applied. Various types of trust, civic engagement, and attitudes supportive of the welfare state are among the most frequently employed variables. More seldom, but appealingly straightforward, is an understanding of social cohesion in terms of the actual ties that might exist between the members of a community, i.e., in a stricter, network-analytical way. When, in accordance with the overarching aims of the book, in this chapter we consider the consequences of ethnic diversity, we shall highlight the narrower aspect of 'network cohesion.' We start with a review of the theoretical arguments that research on friendship formation has revealed and link this back to our central interest, i.e., the relation between ethnic diversity and network cohesion. We then describe our data and the variables used. We continue with the empirical analyses, which basically address four subsequent questions: 1) How is ethnic diversity related to network cohesion in terms of the quantity, in other words, network density? 2) Do we find ethnic homophily in European classrooms and how is ethnic homophily related to ethnic diversity in the CILS4EU data? 3) Given this ethnic homophily, is ethnic diversity related to network cohesion in terms of the distribution, in other words, network connectivity? 4) How do the findings with respect to questions 2 and 3 fit together? Finally, we conclude with a summary discussion.";"Book Section";2015;"F. Kalter and H. Kruse";"Ethnic diversity, homophily, and network cohesion in European classrooms";"Social cohesion and immigration in Europe and North America: Mechanisms, conditions, and causality.";"Germany";"CPE";"Teens"
1397;"Understanding youth’s perceptions of their civic skills is important for enriching the lives of youth as well as society. This study explored the relationship between civic attitudes, leadership skills, and ethnic identity in Northwest Georgia schools using two measures, the Civic Attitudes and Skills Questionnaire (CASQ) and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM). In sharp contrast with Georgia school demographics, these schools are predominately Latino/a. Within our sample population (N = 1000), we expected that Latino/a students would score higher on both measures compared with Caucasian students based on research, which suggests that a strong ethnic identity is related to social justice concerns. On the contrary, Caucasian students scored higher on 4/6 domains of the CASQ. On the MEIM, Latino/a students scored lower than Caucasian students on both subscales. However, Latino/a students scored significantly higher than Caucasian students on items relating to participation in cultural activities. Our results suggest that Caucasian students perceived community-wide action and leadership as their civic strengths, whereas Latino/a students reported civic action limited to their cultural group and expressed less confidence in leadership skills. This has implications for designing programs to promote civic engagement in youth. There is no ‘one size fits all’ approach to engendering civic learning and action.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. E. Anglin, J. S. Johnson-Pynn and L. R. Johnson";"Ethnic identity and civic attitudes in Latino and Caucasian youth";"Journal of Youth Studies";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1398;"Ethnic identity has received much attention in the last decade and a half as the U.S. has become increasingly culturally diverse (Spencer 2006). One reason is that a strong identification with ones ethnic background has been consistently linked to a host of beneficial outcomes, such as greater self-esteem, lower depression, higher academic achievement, and more effective coping in the face of discrimination (Phinney 2003, 2006; Quintana 2007). At the same time, a recent national study showed that religion/spirituality is also an important part of the lives of many American youth (Smith and Denton 2005). Indeed, King (2008) emphasizes that religion/spirituality can play a key role in positive youth development by fostering a sense of purpose, competence, caring, and civic engagement. As the opening quotation to this chapter illustrates, some young people view their ethnic identity as intimately connected to their religious/ spiritual identity. The overall purpose of this chapter is to explore this connection. To this end, we have three main objectives: (1) to review research pertaining to the intersection between youths religious/spiritual and ethnic identities; (2) to illustrate how youth think about these identities, using data from a study of ethnic identity in context; and (3) to offer future directions for the study of religion/spirituality in relation to ethnic identity. We hope that these objectives will contribute to a greater understanding of how intersecting identities are negotiated and how they contribute to positive youth development.";"Book Section";2008;"L. Juang and M. Syed";"Ethnic identity and spirituality";"Positive youth development and spirituality: From theory to research.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1399;"Positive intercultural attitudes and civic action are increasingly important for youth around the world given the economic, social justice, and environmental challenges they face. Among U.S. youth and emerging adults, ethnic identity and self-efficacy are related to positive intercultural attitudes and may prompt civic engagement. Youth’s efficacy and civic involvement are critically important in sub-Saharan Africa, where rates of civil conflict are among the highest in the world. However, little research has been conducted with East African youth. In this paper, we discuss contextual challenges facing East African youth and the potential role of ethnic identity and self-efficacy in promoting peaceful and sustainable societies. We report qualitative results and scores on standard measures of self -efficacy, ethnic identity, and intercultural attitudes for 554 youth members of environmental clubs in Tanzania, Uganda, and the United States. Ethnic identity was associated with enhanced self-efficacy in East African, but not U.S. participants. East Africans scored higher on ethnic identity compared to U.S. youth and were more likely to reference intercultural attitudes in open-ended responses. Results provide some support for construct relevance in East Africa, however psychometric results, including internal consistency, validity, and factor structure, were mixed. Our results provide a cautionary tale about the import of measures across cultures and contexts. There is a need for international research, measurement development, and further explication of the meaning and function of ethnic identity across cultures.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. R. Johnson, E. H. Kim, J. S. Johnson-Pynn, S. E. Schulenberg, H. Balagaye and D. Lugumya";"Ethnic identity, self-efficacy, and intercultural attitudes in East African and U.S. Youth";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1400;"The study examined current social issues that adolescents and young adults from majority and minority groups consider to be pressing issues in society, such as the environment, racism, and unemployment. Fourteen focus groups were conducted with majority (Czech) and minority (Roma and Ukrainian) participants (15-26 years of age). The issues were discussed with an emphasis on where the participants believed the responsibility lay for finding a solution. Responses could be classified into three categories: ascribing responsibility only to the self, only to others (e.g., to the government), or to both. We used the data from the follow-up survey study to test whether internal ascription of responsibility would align with young people’s attitudes toward civic participation. The results suggest that for majority (Czech) and Ukrainian youth, willingness to participate is predicted not only by social norms that encourage civic engagement and collective efficacy beliefs but also by one’s ascription of responsibility to the self. We discuss various explanations for why this finding did not hold true for Roma respondents.";"Journal Article";2015;"Z. Scott and J. Šerek";"Ethnic majority and minority youths' ascription of responsibility for solving current social issues: Links to civic participation";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"Czech Republic";"CPECPP";"YT"
1401;"Using a diverse urban sample of immigrant adolescents in the United States (N = 345) followed from 10th grade (Mage = 15.69) to 12th grade, this study examined the extent to which ecological assets (i.e., community connections and social network resources) predicted civic commitments (i.e., community engagement, social responsibility) as potentially mediated by fair society beliefs. The authors also examined whether ethnicity and generation status moderated these associations. As hypothesized, fair society beliefs were higher and predicted greater civic commitments only among Asian youth. Ecological assets were associated with greater civic commitments for all participants; these links were primarily direct for Latino immigrants and indirect (via fair society beliefs) for Asian youth. First-generation immigrants had more ecological assets and were more civically committed, however social network resources predicted fair society beliefs and community engagement only for second-generation youth. These differences indicate that immigrant youth are best understood as a heterogeneous group and suggest the need for further investigation of cultural variations in civic developmental processes.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Wray-Lake, W. M. Rote, T. Gupta, E. Godfrey and S. Sirin";"Examining correlates of civic engagement among immigrant adolescents in the United States";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1402;"Describing how much and what type(s) of change are evident in civic engagement across adolescence is a fundamental starting point for advancing developmental theory in the civic domain. Using five annual waves of data from a large national U.S. sample spanning 8th–12th grades, our study describes civic engagement typologies and transitions in and out of typologies across adolescence. Four distinct civic typologies were identified across indicators of civic values, behaviors, and future expectations. Two-thirds of youth demonstrated ipsative continuity, i.e., within-class stability over time. Transitions indicated gradual stepwise change in both upward and downward directions and thus provided only modest support for age-related gains. Our study has the potential to spur theoretical progress regarding civic development by documenting developmental change as a series of transitions that vary across people. Results help to clarify the diverse civic pathways that youth experience across adolescence.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. Wray-Lake, W. M. Rote, C. M. Benavides and C. Victorino";"Examining developmental transitions in civic engagement across adolescence: Evidence from a national U.S. sample";"International Journal of Developmental Science";"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1403;"The aim of the study was to assess the role of some psychosocial factors in explaining offline and online civic engagement intentions in a sample of Italian and second generation migrant (Albanian and Moroccan) adolescents and young adults living in Italy. The theoretical model was an extended version of the Theory of Planned Behaviour including past experience. The sample included 598 adolescents and young adults (M = 19.32, SD = 3.17). Two hundred were Italian (88 males, 44.0%), 197 migrants of Albanian origin (130 males, 66%) and 201 migrants of Moroccan origin (116 males, 57.7%). Moroccan youth reported higher levels of both past civic engagement and future intentions than Albanian and Italian peers. Perceived effectiveness of civic engagement and past experience are consistently associated with stronger intentions to engage in the future (offline and online) in all groups. Internal efficacy plays a limited role, whereas the role of subjective norms differs according to the group and the source of normative influence (parents, peers).";"Journal Article";2016;"E. Cicognani, C. Albanesi, D. Mazzoni, G. Prati and B. Zani";"Explaining offline and online civic engagement intentions between Italian and migrant youth. = Análisis de las intenciones de participación cívica virtual y presencial entre jóvenes italianos y emigrantes";"Revista de Psicología Social";"Italy";"CPE";"Teens"
1404;"In this study, we examine how transformative leadership enables students from a low-income and multicultural neighbourhood to learn about democracy, responsible citizenship, and community engagement at school. As part of a graduate seminar on critical pedagogy and cultural studies in education, in-depth group interviews were conducted with students in three different schools. The objective of the study was to give voice to these students and to better understand how and why they had decided to become involved in a democracy-oriented school project. The paper focuses on the results obtained in one of the schools, located in a low-income multicultural neighbourhood, where the students’ authentic process of community and civic engagement was facilitated by the transformative leadership of the principal, the assistant principals, and the teacher leaders.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. Bader, J. Horman and C. Lapointe";"Fostering community and civic engagement in low-income multicultural schools through transformative leadership";"Exceptionality Education International";"Canada";"CPE";"Teens"
1405;"A few years ago, the students and faculty from Line Community School completed a 3-year service-learning project in the village of Keur Sadaro, Senegal. Faculty and administration from the school assessed their efforts positively and decided to undertake a scouting trip to other parts of Senegal in search of a new service initiative. Africa looms large in the political and social imaginations of communities all over the world. In July 2010 I began a short-term assignment as executive director of the Center for Civic Engagement at Line, an affluent, independent high school in San Francisco. Before officially stepping into my new position, I found myself in dialogue with Africa, mostly with various entities and individuals representing or requesting an opportunity to help Africa through the auspices of my temporary office.";"Book Section";2014;"D. Allender";"From San Francisco to Senegal: A case study of international service-learning partnership development";"Service-learning in literacy education: Possibilities for teaching and learning.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1406;"This article discusses the contributions made by Henri Wallon in the field of child and adolescent psychiatry. Following the family’s left tradition, Wallon was all life long a defender of humanistic and socialist models, struggling in particular against fascism. His first political experience was the Dreyfus affair, which led him to become a militant of socialism. After the Second World War, he turned to Marxism. His political options were always entwisted with his scientific choices. Hence, he was the leader of numerous academic groups turned toward social welfare of children. After studying at the École Normale Supérieure and becoming a professor of philosophy in 1902, he started medical studies and defended his medical thesis on persecution disorders in 1908. As a director at the École Pratique des Hautes Études, he created the Laboratory of Child Pychobiology, in Paris. He was nominated at the Collège de France to teach Child Psychology and Education in 1937. As a result of his political engagement, he elaborated in 1945 with Langevin a national program of education, the Plan Langevin-–Wallon. Wallon’s main books have been reedited in French but never translated in English. He founded the first scientific journal dedicated to child development in French so called Enfance.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Nadel";"Henri Wallon (1879–1982)";"Neuropsychiatrie de l'Enfance et de l'Adolescence";"France";"CPE";"Teens"
1407;"Insights into the development of civic values, attitudes, knowledge, skills and behaviours are greatly demanded by adults worried about a seemingly steady decline in the societal interest of their offspring. Hence, the collection of studies in this special issue on civic engagement in adolescence is not only timely and enlightening, but it also has the potentials to contribute to research in different disciplines on various dimensions, mechanisms and normative models of civic engagement. The studies reveal some promising attempts to bring civil themes into the field of adolescent development. However, to overcome some conceptual, methodological and empirical shortcomings, future developmental studies in the area need to be substantially improved by considering cultural and institutional conditions, by focussing on processes across various everyday life contexts, by merging theories from different disciplinary fields, by conceptualizing adolescents as changeable subjects, and by delineating untested and unwarranted normative assumptions.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Amnå";"How is civic engagement developed over time? Emerging answers from a multidisciplinary field";"Journal of Adolescence";"Sweden";"CPECPPAct";"Teens"
1408;"Between 1960 and 2002, the proportion of the U.S. population that was foreign-born more than doubled from 5.4 percent to 11.5 percent. Currently, about 20 percent of children and adolescents in the United States are foreign-born or have a parent who is, and this number is predicted to continue to rise (Portes and Rumbaut 1996, 2001; Suarez-Orozco and Suarez-Orozco 2001). As the number of immigrants in the United States has reached unprecedented levels, public and academic debates have started to address the issue of their commitment to and engagement in the civic life of their new society. Some have argued that immigrants, with their ties to foreign cultures, are unlikely to become engaged in American civil society (Huntington 2004). Recent research, however, has demonstrated variation among immigrant groups, with a number of groups showing substantial civic engagement (Jensen 2008; Lopez and Marcelo 2008; Stepick, Stepick, and Labissiere 2008). A next research question to address, then, is what are the individual motives and institutional contexts linked to immigrant civic engagement. The present chapter addresses this question in regard to religious motives and organizations.";"Book Section";2008;"L. A. Jensen";"Immigrant civic engagement and religion: The paradoxical roles of religious motives and organizations";"Positive youth development and spirituality: From theory to research.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1409;"Immigrant parents (first generation) and adolescents (second generation) from El Salvador and India (N = 80) took part in interviews on civic engagement. The immigrants were almost unanimous in regarding civic engagement as important. They also were engaged themselves, more so at the community than the political level. One third of immigrants were engaged in community activities that specifically had a cultural focus or occurred through cultural organizations, and the comparable number for political activities was 25%. Cultural motives (i.e., a cultural or immigrant sense of self) were twice as likely to be mentioned as sources of engagement rather than disengagement. Qualitative analyses of these cultural motives revealed seven engagement themes (e.g., cultural tradition of service) and three of disengagement (e.g., ethnic exclusion).";"Journal Article";2008;"L. A. Jensen";"Immigrants' cultural identities as sources of civic engagement";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1410;"Many students enroll in video production courses in high school as part of a vocational, career, or technical program. While there has been an explosion of scholarly work in digital literacy in informal settings, less is known about how digital and media literacy competencies are developed through school-based video production courses. This study explores the relationship between civic engagement and the various multimedia instructional practices used in a high school video production course with a single-school convenience sample and an ethnically diverse population of students. Findings reveal that the best predictors of the intent to participate in civic engagement are having positive attitudes about news, current events, reporting, and journalism. Media literacy attitudes and a range of in-classroom learning experiences with video production are also associated with civic engagement.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. Hobbs, K. Donnelly, J. Friesem and M. Moen";"Learning to engage: How positive attitudes about the news, media literacy, and video production contribute to adolescent civic engagement";"Educational Media International";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1411;"In the struggle to end sexual violence behind bars, personal stories of abuse serve as an important advocacy tool for organizations such as Stop Prisoner Rape (SPR). The first-person accounts of men and women who have endured this abuse help to personalize, and thereby, humanize the issue. Statistics about the frequency of prisoner rape are powerful, but they can also be numbing, conveying the sense that nothing can be done to stop the problem. Personal accounts in contrast, have an emotional impact that encourages action. Speaking out about abuse also helps survivors, freeing them from a sense of shame, guilt, and humiliation and providing an avenue of political engagement that can be tremendously empowering. This article presents the first-persona accounts of four individuals whose lives were powerfully affected by rape behind bars.";"Journal Article";2003;"L. Stemple";"Lifting the Curtain of Silence: Survivors Speak About Rape Behind Bars";"Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1412;"Media exposure is widely known to increase institutional forms of political participation such as voting. Less well understood is whether media exposure also affects protest, a less institutional form of engagement. This paper examines the mechanics through which this relationship operates by considering the media's direct and indirect effect on voting and protesting, via political trust, efficacy, and knowledge. We make these comparisons by analyzing the unique Jennings panel dataset that collects information on respondents at three separate points. The results show that media exposure affects voting more than protesting and that these relationships operate through different mechanisms. While media exposure leads to voting because it increases political knowledge, it is associated with protest via external political efficacy. Furthermore, while this relationship is causal for voting it is only correlational for protest. The results illustrate the importance of disentangling forms of political engagement when considering media effects.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Corrigall-Brown and R. Wilkes";"Media exposure and the engaged citizen: How the media shape political participation";"The Social Science Journal";"Canada";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1413;"In this chapter on media literacy education, the author argues, first, that two overarching themes have long been identified with this initiative: empowerment and protection. While some scholars and practitioners see media literacy education as a means to address the complexities and challenges of growing up in a media- and technology-saturated cultural environment, others see media literacy as a tool for personal, social, cultural, and political empowerment. Thus, a second, key framing question must be asked: Is media literacy education the communication literature on media effects; while as an academic field, it is grounded in the field of education, with a focus on instructional practices of literacy learning with audio-visual and digital 'texts.' In the conclusion, the author suggests that renewed interest in media literacy as a means of civic engagement may reconcile the productive tension between empowerment and protectionist strands within the media literacy education community.";"Book Section";2015;"R. Hobbs";"Media literacy";"The Routledge international handbook of children, adolescents and media.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1415;"In the USA, civic involvement in adolescence includes political and nonpolitical activities. Given that identities can motivate behavior, how do political and moral identities relate to civic activity choices? In this study, high school students (N = 1578) were surveyed about their political and nonpolitical civic actions and their moral and political identities. Overall, students were more involved in service than they were in political activities. Hierarchical regression analyses were used to investigate the relation between identity and involvement, controlling for known correlates of involvement: sex, ethnicity, parent education, peer civic engagement, parent civic engagement and school civic opportunities. Moral and political identity were positively related to overall involvement. Political identity was positively related to political involvement, but was not related to nonpolitical service. Moral identity was positively related to service and expressive-political involvement, but negatively related to traditional-political involvement. Findings are discussed in light of civic and moral education initiatives.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. J. Porter";"Moral and political identity and civic involvement in adolescents";"Journal of Moral Education";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1416;"Observational and multi-informant survey data were used to examine associations among mothers' civic behavior, observed mother–adolescent messages about civic responsibility, and adolescents' judgments about civic duty and civic behavior. Adolescents (N = 144, Mage = 14.49 [12–18] years) and their mothers (N = 144) participated in a semi-structured, dyadic discussion task focused on civic responsibility and adolescents completed questionnaires assessing civic behavior and judgments about whether individuals should engage in different civic activities. Eight themes emerged within the parent–adolescent civic discussion task: community service, vote, other standard political involvement (e.g., political awareness), follow regulations, be productive (e.g., working and becoming educated), help others, respect others, and respect country. Mothers' community service involvement and messages concerning respect and helping were positively associated with adolescents' community service behavior. Mothers' messages concerning following regulations were negatively associated with teens' social movement judgments. Additionally, adolescents' own messages were associated with their civic judgments.";"Journal Article";2016;"B. Oosterhoff and A. Metzger";"Mother–adolescent civic messages: Associations with adolescent civic behavior and civic judgments";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1417;"The aim of the study was to investigate the functional relations between volunteering and individuals' coping with special developmental tasks. For this purpose, adolescents' readiness and motives for joining a one-year volunteer program for charitable work abroad was analyzed in the context of identity development. Theoretically, it was expected that readiness for volunteering depends on the identity status of adolescents. Moreover, it was assumed that the significance of various motives for volunteering changes in the course of identity development. To test these assumptions, 100 adolescents (mean age 19.4 years) who had applied for the volunteer program completed a newly developed questionnaire assessing their motives for volunteering. Responses of volunteers were compared with a group of non volunteers of similar age (n = 64). Empirically, moratorium as an identity status was associated with greater readiness for volunteering. Also, adolescents' motives for volunteering were correlated with identity statuses. In sum, the study points at life-course characteristics of civic engagement that need to be taken into account more thoroughly by future research.";"Journal Article";2003;"T. Krettenauer and N. Gudulas";"Motive für einen Freiwilligendienst und die Identitätsentwicklung im späten Jugendalter: Eine empirische Untersuchung zur Lebenslaufcharakteristik 'neuen sozialen Engagements'. = Motives for volunteering and identity development in late adolescence: An empirical study of life-course characteristics of civic engagement";"Zeitschrift für Entwicklungspsychologie und Pädagogische Psychologie";"Germany";"CPE";"Teens"
1418;"Objectives: To investigate associations between measures of neighbourhood social and material environment and self rated health. Design: New contextual measures added to cross sectional study of a sample of people from the Health Survey for England and the Scottish Health Survey to provide multilevel data. Participants: 13,899 men and women aged 16 or over for whom data on self rated health were available from the Health Survey for England (years 1994-99) and the Scottish Health Survey (years 1995 and 1998). Results: Fair to very bad self rated health was significantly associated with six neighbourhood attributes: poor physical quality residential environment, left wing political climate, low political engagement, high unemployment, lower access to private transport, and lower transport wealth. Associations were independent of sex, age, social class, and economic activity. Odds ratios were larger for non-employed residents than for employed residents. Self rated health was not significantly associated with five other neighbourhood measures: public recreation facilities, crime, health service provision, access to food shops, or access to banks and buildings societies. Conclusions: Some, but not all, features of the neighbourhood environment are associated with self rated health and may be indicators of important causal pathways that could provide a focus for public health intervention strategies. Associations were more pronounced for non-employed residents, perhaps because of greater exposure to the local environment compared with employed people. Operationalizing specific measures of the characteristics of local areas hypothesised to be important for living a healthy life provides a more focused approach than general measures of deprivation in the search for area effects.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. Cummins, M. Stafford, S. Macintyre, M. Marmot and A. Ellaway";"Neighbourhood environment and its association with self rated health: Evidence from Scotland and England";"Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health";"UK";"CPE";"Teens"
1419;"In order to foster a sense of civic engagement in our students, we designed an introductory urban geography course as a community-based service-learning course (CbSL) at DePaul University in Chicago. The course introduced students to the development of the American city. Students collected visual and archival data on buildings for the Pilsen Alliance, a community-based organization in Pilsen, a largely Mexican American neighborhood close to downtown Chicago. The student-collected data will be used to control development in Pilsen, which is currently threatened by gentrification. The long-term nature of this project is both a strength and weakness. The continuing maintenance of the building inventory is a project that we can continue to develop. Unfortunately, the lack of immediately visible results makes it difficult for students to see the outcomes of their work and how they have made a difference. There is a gap between their analysis and any substantive change. On the bright side, the fact that this is an issue for students means that they care enough to want to make a change and to know what happens with the story we develop over the course of the project.";"Book Section";2007;"W. Curran, E. Hague and H. Gill";"Practicing active learning: Introducing urban geography and engaging community in Pilsen, Chicago";"Pedagogies of Praxis: Course-based action research in the social sciences.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1420;"The purpose of this two-wave longitudinal study was to analyze reciprocal associations between identity styles (i.e., socio-cognitive strategies that individuals adopt in processing, structuring, utilizing, and revising self-relevant information) and civic engagement in adolescence. Participants were 1,308 high school students (9–11 grades; 52.9% girls). Findings of cross-lagged models indicated reciprocal associations between identity styles and civic engagement. Specifically, each identity style (i.e., information-oriented, normative, and diffuse-avoidant) predicted changes in later levels of civic engagement, and civic engagement lessened later reliance on one of three identity styles (i.e., the diffuse-avoidant style). Therefore, effects of identity on civic engagement were stronger than effects of civic engagement on identity. From a practical perspective, these findings underline that interventions aimed at facilitating reliance on various identity styles are likely to have effects also on civic participation and civic experiences are likely to reduce adolescents’ avoidance of identity issues.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Crocetti, R. Garckija, I. Gabrialavičiūte, R. Vosylis and R. Žukauskienė";"Reciprocal associations between identity and civic engagement in adolescence: A two-wave longitudinal study";"International Journal of Developmental Science";"Netherlands";"CPECPPAct";"Teens"
1421;"In the classic article 'Positive psychology: An introduction', published in 2000 by Martin Seligman and Mihaly Csikszentmihalyi in the American Psychologist Joumal, among many characteristics supporting the creation of a new science named positive psychology, the authors highlight one aspect that, in our opinion, has been neglected by many researchers of this new field of knowledge. This aspect, in general, focuses on the individual traits and the role -and possible applications-of positive psychology at a group level in collective environments. In the search for delimitating the fields for this emerging science, Seligman and Csikszentmihalyi (2000) point out that, at a group level, positive psychology should concentrate on civic virtues and institutions that promote individuals to be a better citizenship; responsibility, nurturance, altruism, civility, moderation, tolerance, and work ethic. Formal education may be the best locus for a social intervention aiming at strengthening positive traits at the individual and collective levels, such as those mentioned above. In this way, an ethic and civic education program, based on positive virtues, should be seriously considered by the society as a core element to impregnate school curricula and community relationships in its daily activities. Educational centers can play an important role in building positive qualities and civic engagement. In this chapter we will discuss the evolution of education in recent centuries, trying to present the background that set up the current situation of the schools that our children and adolescents must attend. This universal schooling paradigm is demanding new approaches for the development of quality in education, and we will try to show how some of the principles, that positive psychology supports, can contribute for this process of re-inventing formal education. Although we believe that this issue has a worldwide significance, Brazil and its educational standards will be the focus of the experience and the discussions described in the next pages.";"Book Section";2014;"U. F. Araujo and V. A. Arantes";"Re-inventing school to develop active citizens";"Positive psychology in Latin America.";"Brazil";"CPE";"Teens"
1423;"The idea of a liberal or general education has long been associated with core academic studies. We believe there is much more than this to a good education, however, and it is often overlooked by policymakers, the public at large, and even well meaning educational theorists, practitioners, and institutions. Yet today those sometimes outspoken educational philosophers of the past, such as John Dewey and Paulo Freire, who proposed alternative and broader views have been joined by scholars in cognitive science, constructivist views of education, a new appreciation of the significance of practical knowledge, a heightened awareness of the potential of education for social progress, and the centrality of caring. New critiques and new conceptions of what makes for a good education are bringing into question the dominance of traditional thinking and structures, and they are opening up new possibilities for transformative education. In this they give strong support to critical service-learning. It is these cross currents that set our agenda in this chapter. This involves examining key features of traditional thinking on what makes for a good education, including the age old ideal of a liberal education. We will then look more closely at the new critiques and new conceptions just referred to. And we will conclude by examining some of the achievements, challenges, and promises of critical service-learning that emerge. We shall begin, however, by detailing salient features of two service-learning programs that embrace both critical service-learning and civic engagement in the public schools. The focus in this book is upon critical service-learning and it is this form of service-learning in which we are mainly interested here. By critical service-learning we mean that element of service-learning in general in which the emphasis is upon critical reflection upon significant social, scientific, and political issues leading to or involving action for social betterment. More specifically, attention is given to the manner in which critical service-learning is employed in teaching about issues of health, the environment, and social justice. Particular attention is given to the way in which critical service-learning may be promoted even within the constraints or barriers faced by the public schools. Along with assessment of student learning in various forms including state assessments and standardized tests, these include strict legislative, regulatory, and accountability mandates and controls.";"Book Section";2011;"D. G. Mulcahy, W. Doromal, O. Journet and D. E. Mulcahy";"Service-learning, liberal education, and the public schools";"Critical service-learning as revolutionary pedagogy: A project of student agency in action.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1424;"In this chapter, we review research from a social-cognitive perspective that has examined topics relevant to civic involvement, including research, which has examined adolescents' civic concepts and notions of duty. Conceptualizations of civic involvement entail prosocial reasoning, or beliefs about one's responsibility to help or aid others through community service or other forms of civic engagement. We begin this chapter by briefly reviewing research that has examined adolescents' reasoning about prosocial behavior in interpersonal contexts and discuss how findings from this research, particularly when it has considered developmental processes and individual differences, could inform civic involvement. We then review research that has examined adolescents' reasoning about political issues and political concepts, such as democracy and human rights, as well as studies considering adolescents' conceptualizations of civic institutions and their relationship to individuals. This section ends with a review of recent research that specifically examines adolescents' reasoning about civic obligation and various types of civic behavior. Finally, we conclude with some directions for future research. Throughout this review, we highlight the diverse methodologies utilized in social-cognitive research and discuss ways in which these methodologies could be employed in future empirical investigations of adolescent civic development.";"Book Section";2010;"A. Metzger and J. G. Smetana";"Social cognitive development and adolescent civic engagement";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1425;"Social network sites (SNSs) and mobile phones are becoming increasingly important in teenagers’ lives. Using data collected from a nationally representative survey (N =800), this study explores the variation of social capital by SNS adoption, different SNS activities, and mobile personal talk among teenagers. The results indicate that SNS adoption and mobile personal talk can not only enhance teenagers’ close ties with friends, but also jointly promote teenagers’ civic engagement. Among SNS users, mobile personal talk also increase teens’ network capital. Different SNS activities such as commenting on friend’s Facebook pictures and joining Facebook groups have different relationships with social capital, and such relationships are moderated by mobile personal talk.";"Journal Article";2014;"W. Xie";"Social network site use, mobile personal talk and social capital among teenagers";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1426;"Social capital defined as network of formal and informal interpersonal relationships, was measured by social support, trust in other people, civic engagement and number of friends. There was examined if mentioned above components of social capital were related to the type of secondary education and media use (television and Internet). The sample was 69 secondary-school pupils and 55 vocational-school pupils. The results indicate that kind of school play significant role in the hours of television viewing and type of TV programs and also in the hours of Internet use and type of Internet activity. At the same time the ways of media use are related to social support and civic engagement. This findings show mediation role of media use between kind of school and social capital. Only interpersonal trust depends on kind of school instead of media use. Presented analysis confirm great role of media use in production of social capital (compare i.e.: Putnam, 1995; Shah, 1998; Uslaner, 1998). However trust in other people is effect of the individual experiences related to school environment and received social support according to Uslaner (1998) findings rather than Putnam's (1995).";"Journal Article";2007;"K. Skarżyńska and K. Henne";"Szkoła, media, kapitał społeczny. Jak korzystanie z mediów różnicuje kapitał społeczny różnych środowisk szkolnych. = School environment, media use and social capital";"Przegląd Psychologiczny";"Poland";"CPE";"Teens"
1427;"This editorial focuses on the articles in this issue of International Journal of Developmental Science. The present thematic issue of the International Journal of Developmental Science (IJDS) focuses on studies with a developmental focus on civic engagement in children, adolescents, and/or adults. This thematic issue contributes to the growing research on the development of civic engagement in children, adolescents, and adults. The results reinforce the picture that civic engagement is consequential for psychosocial development. In addition, this issue contributes to the growing empirical evidence indicating that civic engagement can be understood as a developmental outcome, with underlying successive and systematic change from early developmental stages on.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. Scheithauer and J. J. A. Denissen";"The development of civic engagement: Results from longitudinal studies";"International Journal of Developmental Science";"Germany";"CPECPPAct";"Teens"
1428;"According to the empirical evidence, today’s emerging adults (Millennials/GenY, born after 1980) are more Generation Me than Generation We when compared to previous generations. Five data sets show a generational increase in narcissism, including one that demonstrates significant increases when a confound is controlled. College and child samples increase in self-esteem over the generations. Some high school samples show no change, though high school students increasingly embrace other overly positive self-views. In nationally representative samples of high school and college students, values have shifted toward extrinsic (money, fame, and image) concerns and away from intrinsic (community, affiliation) concerns. These trends have mostly negative consequences, such as lower empathy, less concern for others, and less civic engagement (e.g., interest in social issues, government, and politics). Parents and teachers should focus on teaching children and adolescents the values of hard work and consideration for others instead of an inflated sense of self.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. M. Twenge";"The evidence for Generation Me and against Generation We";"Emerging Adulthood";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1429;"This study aims at assessing the existing effort in civic education in Hong Kong secondary schools after the implementation of the 3-3-4 educational reforms from 2009 onwards. The assessment framework is based on the IEA civic education model (Torney-purta et al., 2001). Qualitative data were collected from focus group interviews from 18 Form 3 students of four schools. The findings support the previous research that adolescents engaged actively in the process of political socialization. Rather than political activities, the majority of interviewees preferred to engage in social activities. Moreover, interviewees held positive beliefs in civic efficacy in changing school policies though they might not be confident to change government policies when they became adults. Interviewees suggested having more 'space' in the present civic curriculum by allowing more discussion / activities on current issues or news. Finally, students had positive comments about existing efforts in civic education during Liberal Studies lessons.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. W. C. Au and J. K. F. Chow";"The role of Hong Kong schools in promoting students' civic engagement: A qualitative study of focus group interviews with Hong Kong secondary students";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPE";"Teens"
1430;"Schools achieve the best results in fostering civic engagement when they rigorously teach civic content and skills, ensure an open classroom climate for discussing issues, emphasize the importance of the electoral process, and encourage a participative school culture. Schools whose students do not plan to attend college and have few educational resources at home face a special challenge. These are among the conclusions of the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) Civic Education Study in which 90,000 14-year-olds in 28 countries were tested on knowledge of civic content and skills and were surveyed about concepts of citizenship, attitudes toward governmental and civic institutions, and political actions.";"Journal Article";2002;"J. Torney-Purta";"The school's role in developing civic engagement: A study of adolescents in twenty-eight countries";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1431;"The goal of this study was to examine whether and which types of voluntary service might facilitate the civic development of adolescents. The sample consisted of 428 students who were drawn from two administrations of a survey at a public high school in the Boston area. The hypothesis proposed that students who performed service that aided people in need or addressed social issues would lead to greater concern for social issues and higher intended levels of civic engagement. When these types of service were compared to other forms of service or no service, analyses showed that social cause service participation was positively related to concern for social issues, future unconventional civic intentions, and future intended service. Results were interpreted as indicating that the developmental connection between community service and civic development may be dependent on the specific nature of volunteer activity that adolescents perform.";"Journal Article";2003;"E. Metz, J. McLellan and J. Youniss";"Types of Voluntary Service and Adolescents' Civic Development";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1432;"Social networking sites may include argumentative writing about particular issues in which participants adopt competing perspective and discourses on those issues. This study examined roles and discourses adopted by high school students participating in an online role-play conducted on a Ning platform regarding their school’s Internet policies on open access to websites. Analysis of discourses voiced by students engaged in collaborative arguments found that tensions between competing discourses resulted in students’ challenging each other’s as well as their own perspectives on the issue. Recognizing these competing discourses enhanced students’ awareness of alternative arguments and, ultimately, their ability to convince the school administrators to unblock previously-blocked sites. These results suggest that the design of social networking sites associated with fostering civic engagement needs to foster use of collaborative argument and adoption of competing perspectives on an issue.";"Journal Article";2011;"R. Beach and C. Doerr-Stevens";"Using social networking for online role-playing to develop students' argumentative strategies";"Journal of Educational Computing Research";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1433;"Responses from 389 students at 2 suburban Catholic high schools were analyzed to identify associations among peer group orientation, voluntary service, and civic engagement measures. Crowd types were constructed through cluster analysis of reputational group activities. Types were called School, Disengaged, All-Around, Fun, and Average. School crowd members were likely to volunteer for social service activities and unlikely not to volunteer; Fun crowd members showed the opposite tendency. All-Around crowd members were likely to choose functionary service compared with other crowds. Crowd membership was also differentiated on civic engagement measures. School crowd members were likely to participate in school clubs vs Fun members. School, All-Around, and Average crowd members had high scores on future service intentions, compared with Fun and Disengaged crowd members. School and Average crowd members scored high on intentions for political activities. These results support the authors' theory of social-historical identity development.";"Journal Article";2001;"J. Youniss, J. A. McLellan and B. Mazer";"Voluntary service, peer group orientation, and civic engagement";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1434;"This study investigated the effectiveness of a program to promote civic responsibility and prevent antisocial behavior in a sample of Italian adolescents. Participants were 83 Italian male adolescents, attending the second year of high school (Mean age = 15.79; 15.79; SD = 0.87). In order to test the efficacy of different strategies (in-classroom training and service activity in a voluntary organization) we divided students into two experimental groups—one classroom of students participated in both strategies (training + volunteering group) and another classroom only participated in the training (training only group)—and one control group. Process and efficacy evaluations were completed. Data were collected before and following the intervention. The process evaluation revealed that the program was highly accepted and appreciated by students. The efficacy evaluation revealed no intervention effects on civic responsibility. However, the training + volunteering group reported a significant decrease in antisocial behavior after the program. Thus, the program was effective in preventing antisocial behavior but not in promoting civic responsibility in our sample.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Santinello, F. Cristini, A. Vieno and L. Scacchi";"'Volunteering by chance' to promote civic responsibility and civic engagement: Does it work?";"Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community";"Italy";"CPE";"Teens"
1435;"Racial, ethnic, and class-based gaps in civic engagement may leave many Latino/a adolescents without a key avenue for positive development. While Photovoice, a community-based participatory research method based in photography, is typically used in research, it also offers potential as an intervention to empower and strengthen Latino/a adolescents' civic engagement. A mixed‐method study design examined the impacts of Photovoice on 15 high school students. While pre- and post-test survey data suggest a limited impact on adolescents' civic attitudes and behaviors, rich focus group data indicate increased self-efficacy, empowerment, community attachment, community awareness, and intended civic engagement. Yet, results also indicate substantial student frustration at the perceived hypocrisy of adults in their community toward civic involvement.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. Pritzker, A. LaChapelle and J. Tatum";"'We need their help': Encouraging and discouraging adolescent civic engagement through photovoice";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPE";"Teens"
1436;"In this book the author demonstrates that our communities shape our civic and political engagement, and that schools are especially significant communities for fostering strong civic norms. The central argument of this book is that the civic norms within one's adolescent social environment have an effect on civic participation well beyond adolescence: what you do now depends on where you were then.";"Book";2006;"D. E. Campbell";"Why we vote: How schools and communities shape our civic life";;"US";"CPECPP";"Teens"
1437;"Why is youth activism so important? If democratic societies are to survive and flourish and if authoritarian governments are to become more democratic they need citizens who are informed and concerned and who take action when necessary to improve the status quo. How such citizens develop from childhood into concerned and active adults is a critical and relatively new topic for research, programs, and policy that impact youth. Both research and policy are increasingly recognizing the importance of activism. Youth Activism: An International Encyclopedia brings together this combined body of work. In this two-volume encyclopedia, the editors have assembled over 160 entries relevant to the topic of youth activism. The entries are arranged alphabetically by title and cover relevant research, programs, and organizations; current and historical examples of youth activism; and voices of activists. The encyclopedia addresses the phenomenon of activism conceptually by presenting research on activism and on youth civic engagement generally. It includes entries on aspects of youth development that are relevant to activism. It presents examples of youth activism historically and globally in the contemporary world. And it reviews programs and policies oriented toward promoting activism in youth and to giving them the competency and the opportunities they need to engage in activism. The entries were chosen to cover an array of issues germane to the topic but broader than the specific entry.";"Book";2006;"L. R. Sherrod, C. A. Flanagan, R. Kassimir and A. K. Syvertsen";"Youth activism: An international encyclopedia";;"US";"CPEAct";"YT"
1712;"In current global age youth have drifted apart from traditional forms of exercising political rights (e.g., voting) and have engaged in new forms of social and political participation. The beliefs and aspirations of such forms of citizenship and the motivations underlying new forms of participation have not been the focus of research. This study explores the beliefs and aspirations of citizenship in a sample of 24 Chilean youth, males and females of diverse socioeconomic condition. Participants had a history of participation in political, ethno-political, and ecological organizations. A qualitative methodology with in-depth semi-structured individual interviews and focus groups was used. Findings indicate that youth’s central motivation is to change the lack of validation of people within the current sociopolitical system, due to vulnerability of rights, social disparities, and lack of voice and power of citizens. Participants endorse a notion of citizenship that values citizens’ responsibility to be informed and to deliberate. Values of fraternity, dignity, and equity underlie youth’s beliefs and aspirations of citizenship.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. L. Martínez, C. Silva and A. C. Hernández";"¿En qué ciudadanía creen los jóvenes? Creencias, aspiraciones de ciudadanía y motivaciones para la participación sociopolítica. = What type of citizenship do youth believe in? Beliefs, aspirations, and motivations for sociopolitical participation";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"Chile";"CPP";"Youth"
1713;"This chapter examined the lives of two White women, Sara Wright and Paula Adams, who were politically active in the late 1960s and early 1970s and who remained politically and actively committed to social change throughout their adulthoods. The women were interviewed in 1992 as part of a unique sample of 39 women who had graduated from the University of Michigan in the late 1960s and early 1970s and who had been politically active in their student years. Along quite different paths, and motivated by different personal, local, and global customs, both women built their lives according to their ideals. The chapter also illuminates the ways in which gender and class shape both the time commitment and the content of activism, both during the 1960s and after. For both women, concerns for the next generation, either their own children, in the case of Sara, or other children, in the case of Paula, were central to the issues (disability rights, education, nuclear disarmament) they were committed to beyond their young adulthoods.";"Book Section";1999;"J. M. Ostrove";"A continuing commitment to social change: Portraits of activism throughout adulthood";"Women's untold stories: Breaking silence, talking back, voicing complexity.";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1714;"The Academy of the Foro Mussolini was the most important centre for the education of the elites of the Fascist youth organizations. But, in spite of this relevant role, after the end of the regime this institution and its students were completely forgotten. Putting aside the most important function of the Academy, the training of the political leaders of the Opera Nazionale Balilla (National Balilla Organization) and of the Gioventú Italiana del Littorio (Italian Youth of the Lictor Fasces), in this essay the author has decided to concentrate on just one of the educational goal the Institute had to achieve: the training for the teachers of physical education. The fascist leadership wanted to streamline the teaching of physical education, but the country did not have enough teachers and instructors. The aim of the following essay is to demonstrate how the regime tried to create a politically oriented group of physical education teachers.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. Ponzio";"A forgotten story: The training for teachers of physical education in Italy during the fascist period";"Sport in Society";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1715;"This study focuses on applying consumer-behavior theory to understand voter characteristics and electoral behavior. The focus is on developing a micromodel that incorporates demographics, voter involvement, political opinion leadership, political knowledge, confidence, and satisfaction. The study was undertaken in an election in Australia for a Federal Lower House of Representatives Seat. Data were gathered from a sample of 238 registered voters (mean age 51 yrs), with the results showing strong support for the theory developed. The results indicated strong influences for demographics on voter involvement, resulting in a significant influence of involvement on political opinion leadership. Political opinion leadership was also shown to influence subjective voter knowledge and knowledge impacting on voter decision confidence. The findings also confirmed a strong difference in voter satisfaction depending on voter involvement. The findings have significant implications for political marketing and voter-behavior research.";"Journal Article";2002;"A. O'Cass";"A micromodel of voter choice: Understanding the dynamics of Australian voter characteristics in a federal election";"Psychology & Marketing";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1716;"Digital political participation is an emerging phenomenon that has attracted the attention of a great number of researchers. In most cases, digital political participation (DPP) has been treated as an independent variable in order to attempt to understand other phenomena such as, for instance, changes in offline political participation. However, empirical studies have failed to demonstrate this relationship. In this article, we try to revert this approach, as we attempt to analyse to what extent citizens’ political activism can help us explain DPP in Spain. Through a factorial analysis, we organize into dimensions the different types of offline political practices and we use these dimensions as independent variables in a regression model where DPP is the dependent variable. The results obtained serve as a basis for discussing the politically innovative nature of DPP.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. M. Robles, S. de Marco and M. Antino";"Activating activists: The links between political participation and digital political participation";"Information, Communication & Society";"Spain";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1717;"Studied the relationship between political activism and identity in young people aged 18–32 yrs with different levels of political activism. Ss were 100 political activists and 100 Ss with no political affiliation in Italy. Semantic differential scales, a self-esteem scale (M. R. Di Marcello, 1996), and a locus of control scale (H. Levenson, 1981) were administered. 14 activists were interviewed about the meaning of political affiliation. Content analysis and discourse analysis were performed. The results indicate higher self-esteem and more internal locus of control in activists vs unaffiliated Ss. Self-esteem was shown to be significantly higher in right-wing than in left-wing activists, while internal locus of control was only slightly greater in right-wing Ss.";"Journal Article";2001;"A. Fedi, K. Greganti and S. Tartaglia";"Activismo político y representación del yo. = Political activism and self-representation";"Psicología Política";"Italy";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1719;"Tested a series of hypotheses related to political disaffection and political participation among university students in Spain. The levels of internal efficacy, external efficacy, and political distrust of 1,071 Ss were measured. Ss were administered a questionnaire. Conventional vs unconventional political participation was assessed. Powerlessness and political distrust were used as indicators of political alienation. Path analysis and log-linear analysis were performed. The results showed that conventional types of political involvement were accepted, but there was a generally high level of political alienation.";"Journal Article";1994;"J. Grossi and A. Ovejero";"Alienación y participación política en la Universidad de Oviedo. = Political alienation and political participation at the University of Oviedo";"Psicología Política";"Spain";"CPP";"Youth"
1720;"This research examined the influence of attention to specific forms of traditional and online media on young adults’ online and offline political participation as well as voter turnout during the fall 2012 presidential campaign. A three-wave panel survey demonstrated that attention to traditional media did not increase offline and online political participation in September; instead, participation was heightened by attention to online sources, particularly presidential candidate websites, Facebook, Twitter, and blogs. In the following months, individual-level change in participation was attributable to attention to several online media sources as well as change in media attention. In the case of voter turnout, results suggest that television attention was positively linked to voter likelihood in September but was negatively linked to individual-level change in voter turnout in November.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. L. Towner";"All political participation is socially networked?: New media and the 2012 election";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1721;"Through ethnographic fieldwork among young global justice activists based in Barcelona, Paris, Mexico City, and San Francisco, this article examines an emerging political praxis we call alter-activism. We argue that alter-activism represents an alternative mode of (sub-)cultural practice and an emerging form of citizenship among young people that prefigures wider social changes related to political commitment, cultural expression, and collaborative practice. Alteractivism specifically involves an emphasis on lived experience and process; a commitment to horizontal, networked organisation; creative direct action; the use of new information and communication technologies (ICTs); and the organisation of physical spaces and action camps as laboratories for developing alternative values and practices. Although observers tend to associate these attributes with global justice movements generally, we contend they are more precisely linked to youthful movement sectors and are particularly visible among alter-activists. Moreover, rather than a complete break, alter-activism expands on many of the features associated with past youth movements, although it is more highly globalised, more profoundly networked, more open and collaborative, and more deeply shaped by new technologies than its predecessors.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. S. Juris and G. H. Pleyers";"Alter-activism: Emerging cultures of participation among young global justice activists";"Journal of Youth Studies";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1722;"Nie, Junn, and Stehlik-Barry (1996) develop a theory in which relative, rather than absolute education determines political participation. Empirical tests of this theory have been unable to isolate the effect of education from other factors that impact participation. We propose an alternative definition in which education is measured relative to those born in the same year. This is used to estimate a model of voter turnout that controls for both absolute and relative education. The results show that this new measure of relative education has far more explanatory power than does absolute education. This finding has significant implications regarding how education affects both aggregate voter turnout levels and inequality in voter participation.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. Tenn";"An Alternative Measure of Relative Education to Explain Voter Turnout";"The Journal of Politics";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1723;"This article assesses the patterns of political participation of different cohorts in two forms of conventional political participation, attending political parties meetings and donating money to political parties, and in two forms of unconventional political participation, attending meetings of environmental, peace and civil rights associations and attending demonstrations, in Italy. To test the claim that the younger cohorts are less politically involved the article uses Bayesian cross-classified mixed models and repeated survey data collected by the Italian National Institute of Statistics between 1993 and 2012. It is found that the conventional forms of participation are more widespread among 'baby-boomers' than among the younger cohorts. Conversely, unconventional forms are increasingly popular in the cohorts born after the 1950s, particularly in the younger ones. The results show that the idea of the Italian younger cohorts as being apathetic and detached from the political sphere may be incorrect.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. Quaranta";"An apathetic generation? Cohorts’ patterns of political participation in Italy";"Social Indicators Research";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1724;"Numerous studies show that education has a positive effect on political participation at the individual level. However, the increase in aggregate levels of education in most Western countries over the last decades has not resulted in a corresponding increase in aggregate levels of political participation. Nie et al. (Education and democratic citizenship in America, 1996) propose the relative education model as a possible solution to this paradox. According to this model, it is not the skills promoted by education that have positive effects on political participation. Rather, education influences individuals’ social status, which in turn influences political participation. The relative education model expects that the individual-level effect of an additional year of education will decrease as the mean level of education in the environment increases. This article evaluates this theory using Swedish election surveys (1985–2006) and it thus provides the first in depth evaluation of the relative education model outside the US. On voting and political participation related to political parties, support is found for the relative education model.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. Persson";"An empirical test of the relative education model in Sweden";"Political Behavior";"Sweden";"CPP";"Youth"
1725;"The goal of this research was to test whether the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation is direct or mediated by personal variables such as self-esteem, locus of control, and political efficacy, and to detect how such a mediating process might operate if it exists. Two forms of participation, namely active political participation and the more passive psychological involvement of citizens in the democratic process, were treated as separate but related facets of participation. Four competing models were advanced and tested. The data were collected from 434 citizens in the north of Israel (aged 24-72 yrs old) who were interviewed by questionnaire. The findings show that the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation can be better understood as being mediated by personal variables rather than direct. The findings also reveal that active political participation and psychological involvement are distinct but related constructs, where involvement leads to active participation. In addition, all research variables were related more strongly to psychological involvement than to active political participation. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for future research on political participation.";"Journal Article";2001;"A. Cohen, E. Vigoda and A. Samorly";"Analysis of the mediating effect of personal-psychological variables on the relationship between socioeconomic status and political participation: A structural equations framework";"Political Psychology";"Israel";"CPP";"Youth"
1726;"This article is based on qualitative interviews with a number of young men who are active in the global justicemovement in Scandinavia, and particularly examines what role anger may have in their political involvement. The individual narratives and reflections from the interviews are discussed in relation to the role of emotions in how and why individuals get involved in social movements, and to various meanings and popular understandings of the emotion anger. The interview material is also related to cultural conceptions of masculinity and youth, with particular reference to the dominating media image of young activists in the global justice movement in Scandinavia, which to a large extent has focused on aggressive behaviour and violence.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. Zackariasson";"Angry young men? Masculinities and emotion among young male activists in the global justice movement";"The Journal of Men's Studies";"Norway";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1727;"Aim: The aim of the current study was to examine the association of personality, neighbourhood, and civic participation with the level of perceived social support if needed. Methods: The sample consists of a total of 35,797 men (16,035) and women (19,762) drawn from the Nord-Trøndelag Health Study 3 (HUNT3), aged 20–89, with a fully completed short version of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ) including a complete response to questions regarding perceived social support. A multinomial logistic regression model was used to investigate the association between the three-category outcomes (high, medium, and low) of perceived social support. Results: The Chi-square test detected a significant (p < 0.001) association between personality, sense of community, civic participation, self-rated health, living arrangement, age groups, gender, and perceived social support, except between perceived social support and loss of social network, in which no significance was found. The crude and adjusted multinomial logistic regression models show a relation between medium and low scores on perceived social support, personality, and sources of social support. Interactions were observed between gender and self-rated health. Conclusions: There is an association between the level of perceived social support and personality, sense of community in the neighbourhood, and civic participation. Even if the interaction between men and self-reported health decreases the odds for low and medium social support, health professionals should be aware of men with poor health and their lack of social support.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Grav, U. Romild, O. Hellzèn and E. Stordal";"Association of personality, neighbourhood, and civic participation with the level of perceived social support: The HUNT study, a cross-sectional survey";"Scandinavian Journal of Public Health";"Norway";"CPP";"Youth"
1728;"Examined the role of family structure on political attitudes and behaviors of young adults. 1,352 university students from 23 states (including offsprings of single parent families) completed a questionnaire assessing their political efficacy, trust, knowledge, voting, expression and activity. The 6 survey items were drawn from questions developed for the 1987 NES pilot study (S. Craig, R. Niemi & G. Silver, 1990). Results show that family structure measured as the presence or absence of a father, was positively and significantly related to efficacy, trust, knowledge and expression. However, these relationships were extremely weak. Voting or activity variables were not significantly related to the independent variable. Family structure was found to be a significant predictor of political attitudes and behavior.";"Journal Article";1995;"K. Dolan";"Attitudes, behaviors, and the influence of the family: A reexamination of the role of family structure";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1730;"Public opinion research has sought to distinguish between ethnic and civic conceptions of citizenship and examined the differential associations of these conceptions with policy preferences in the realm of immigration. What has not been examined empirically is why exactly these conceptions are related to people’s preferences. In two survey studies conducted among national samples of native Dutch we tested the proposition that the endorsement of ethnic citizenship is related to lower acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights (Study 1) and their political participation (Study 2) because of a weaker normative sense of common national belonging and higher adherence to autochthony (primo-occupancy) beliefs. In contrast, the endorsement of civic citizenship was expected to be associated with higher acceptance of Muslim immigrant rights and their political participation because of a stronger sense of common belonging and lower belief in autochthony. The findings of the two studies are similar and in support of these expectations.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Verkuyten and B. Martinovic";"Behind the ethnic–civic distinction: Public attitudes towards immigrants’ political rights in the Netherlands";"Social Science Research";"Netherlands";"CPP";"Youth"
1731;"A Web survey of 1,715 college students was conducted to examine Facebook Groups users’ gratifications and the relationship between users’ gratifications and their political and civic participation offline. A factor analysis revealed four primary needs for participating in groups within Facebook: socializing, entertainment, self-status seeking, and information. These gratifications vary depending on user demographics such as gender, hometown, and year in school. The analysis of the relationship between users’ needs and civic and political participation indicated that, as predicted, informational uses were more correlated to civic and political action than to recreational uses.";"Journal Article";2009;"N. Park, K. F. Kee and S. Valenzuela";"Being immersed in social networking environment: Facebook groups, uses and gratifications, and social outcomes";"CyberPsychology & Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1732;"Community involvement is usually attributed to opportunity structures and individuals' ability to be involved. Building on psychological justice research, this paper proposes that justice dispositions add to explaining why young citizens become active in their communities or not. Furthermore, it is argued that justice dispositions help to understand why most studies find only moderate relationships between youth volunteering and forms of political involvement. In a sample of 321 young Swiss volunteers, this study shows justice centrality and belief in a just world to predict the extent of volunteering and political participation, even after controlling for civic skills and opportunity structures. However, scrutinising the motivations to volunteer, self‐oriented motivations (enhancement, social, career and understanding) more strongly affected the level of volunteering than motivations related to justice dispositions (political responsibility and social responsibility). These findings have implications for the attraction and retention of volunteers as well as for the politics of volunteering and community development in general.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Neufeind, P. Jiranek and T. Wehner";"Beyond skills and structure: Justice dispositions as antecedents of young citizens' volunteering and political participation";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Switzerland";"CPP";"Youth"
1733;"This study seeks to examine whether the emerging social networks on the Internet could pave the paths for the revival of political participation both online and offline and perhaps offer a viable alternative to traditional models of social connectedness such as voluntary and civic associations, community organizations, social clubs, etc. The data for this study was gathered via a random digit dialing (RDD) telephone survey of 550 Singaporean adults. Only Singapore citizens aged 18 and above, were qualified to participate in the survey. The youngest male/oldest female technique was used to randomly select the respondent within each household. Internet users were found to have greater traditional participatory potential than non-Internet users. The Internet users generally came from higher socioeconomic backgrounds and thus might have more resources, time, knowledge, as well as a greater need for political affiliation. The findings for our sample of Internet users indicate that online bridging capital was positively associated with online political participation but not with traditional political participation.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. M. Skoric, D. Ying and Y. Ng";"Bowling online, not alone: Online social capital and political participation in Singapore";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"Singapore";"CPP";"Youth"
1734;"Students at post-secondary institutions (n = 102; 18-30 yrs old), either actively or not actively involved in the pro-choice or pro-life movements, completed the Defining Issues Test (DIT) and Spheres of Control (SOC) measure. Participants also rated their degree of involvement in on-campus activities. Abortion activists more frequently endorsed principled and anti-establishment moral issues, and scored higher on sociopolitical control than did non-activists. SOC and DIT scores served to discriminate abortion activists from non-activists--more so for women than for men. Self-reported ratings of activism moderated self-reported assessments of control for abortion activists, such that more involved students rated themselves as feeling greater sociopolitical and interpersonal control than less involved students. Results are discussed in terms of the possible relationship between reasoning, control, and behavior.";"Journal Article";2003;"P. G. Laird";"Bridging the divide: The role of perceived control in mediating reasoning and activism";"Journal of Moral Education";"Canada";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1735;"Across the country, youth advocates, civic activists, community builders, and young people themselves have been calling for more meaningful roles for young people in society. This special issue brings the voices of researchers into that conversation. In doing so, it builds in important ways on a small but growing evidence base that underscores the importance of youth involvement in civic life. As a set, these seven articles help make the case for engaging young people, particularly marginalized young people, in civic activism. While each author labels and defines civic activism somewhat differently and is interested in different aspects of youth engagement, they are consistent in their belief that psychological and sociological theories of the past century have failed to capture the critical role that civic or 'sociopolitical' activism plays in both youth and community development. Several articles focus specific attention on marginalized youth and call for more research on the power of collective action and youth voice in challenging oppression and creating structural change in communities. The authors call for more research on structural barriers to positive youth development and interventions that empower oppressed communities and simultaneously enhance what is called as 'personal and relational wellness.' These areas of research will help increase our understanding of what marginalized youth need to be effective change agents in their communities and, as a result, can inform the development of effective programs and policies to improve their well-being.";"Journal Article";2007;"N. Yohalem and S. Martin";"Building the evidence base for youth engagement: Reflections on youth and democracy";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1736;"Political communication researchers have devoted a great deal of attention to the role of political advertising, the Internet, and political discussion in civic and political life. In this article, we integrate and extend this research by developing a campaign communication mediation model of civic and campaign participation. Two data sets are merged for this inquiry: (a) content-coded ad-buy data on the placement of campaign messages on a market-by-market and program-by-program basis and (b) a national panel study concerning patterns of traditional and digital media consumption and levels of civic and campaign participation. Exposure to televised campaign advertising is estimated by developing an algorithm based on the market and program placement of specific ads and geocoded survey respondents' viewing of certain categories of television content in which these ads were concentrated. Structural equation models reveal that advertising exposure drives online news use in ways that complement conventional news influences on political discussion and political messaging. However, campaign exposure emphasizing 'attack' messages appears to diminish information seeking motivations via broadcast and print media, yet only indirectly and weakly suppresses participation in civic and political life. Further, alternative specifications reveal that our original model produces the best fit, empirically and theoretically. We use these insights to propose an O-S-R-O-R (orientations-stimuli-reasoning-orientations-responses) framework as an alternative to the longstanding O-S-O-R model in communication and social psychology.";"Journal Article";2007;"D. V. Shah, J. Cho, S. Nah, M. R. Gotlieb, H. Hwang, N.-J. Lee, R. M. Scholl and D. M. McLeod";"Campaign ads, online messaging, and participation: Extending the communication mediation model";"Journal of Communication";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1737;"Examines whether or not party membership has an impact on career advancement. The authors examine data from a survey of 6,473 residents (aged 20–69 yrs) registered as 'urban' or 'rural' China. The authors for the sake of this study only use the urban sample of 3,087 cases because rural society has few party members and few organizations with career lines that can be organized by party committees. Results confirm very closely to the hypothesized characteristics of political sponsorship. For most of its 5 decades in power, the Chinese Communist Party has recruited preferentially from among the very young. These young recruits have had different characteristics from older recruits; they have been promoted into administrative posts at higher rates; they have been given remedial college-level training at higher rates; and this remedial college training has greatly increased the odds of promotion into an elite administrative post, whereas a regular college education has not.";"Journal Article";2001;"B. Li and A. G. Walder";"Career advancement as party patronage: Sponsored mobility into the Chinese administrative elite, 1949–1996";"American Journal of Sociology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1738;"Describes research which aimed to highlight the contribution that young people with disabilities make to their communities, by focusing on their participation in volunteering and campaigning. A national survey of disabled young people's participation was undertaken, as well as 2 case studies of particular projects. It was noted in the paper that many of the young people with learning disabilities viewed their voluntary work as their job, and were often unsure about the differences between the two.";"Journal Article";1998;"D. Roker, K. Player and J. Coleman";"Challenging the image: The involvement of young people with disabilities in volunteering and campaigning";"Disability & Society";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1739;"This article examines the relationship between children, young people and the world of politics. Whilst the past decade or so has seen the development of initiatives that draw children within the political sphere, there are powerful political and social forces that position children as dependent subalterns and thus exclude them from political participation. We address this ambiguous situation by referring to competing discourses on childhood the discourse on children's needs that foregrounds their transitional social status' and an imperative to protect, and a set of ideas that revolves around children having: collective 'interests' that require political articulation. In drawing out these competing discourses, the article addresses a range of 'inclusive' policies at global, national and local levels.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. Wyness, L. Harrison and I. Buchanan";"Childhood, Politics and Ambiguity: Towards an Agenda for Children's Political Inclusion";"Sociology";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1740;"The proper balance between governmental secrecy and open government is at the forefront of contemporary public debate. Citizens have different degrees of interest in and demand for governmental transparency. Using data from a national online survey of more than 1,800 respondents, we develop several indices to measure citizens' demand for transparency at the local level and explore its correlates. We also examine the correlates of citizens' reported requests for information from local government. The data and analysis suggest that there are several dimensions to the public's demand for transparency, including fiscal, safety, and government concerns, and principled openness. Age, political ideology, confidence in government leaders, frequency of contacting government, and especially the perception that there is currently not enough access to government appear to drive the public's demand for transparency, although determinants differ for each dimension. Some, although not all, of these factors also predict citizens' actual requests for government information.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. J. Piotrowski and G. G. Van Ryzin";"Citizen attitudes toward transparency in local government";"The American Review of Public Administration";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1741;"Studied whether US citizens identified and distinguished between the media and human interaction components of the Internet, and explored how citizens understood the role of the Internet in political campaigns, and the role they themselves can play in the campaign process by utilizing the interactive features of Internet applications. 13 focus groups (78 18-81 yr olds) were conducted in New Hampshire prior to the 2000 presidential primary election. The focus group discussions suggest that citizens perceived the 'objective' types of interactivity identified by Stromer-Galley (2000) as media interaction and computer-mediated human interaction. Focus group participants viewed political campaign websites as offering expanded opportunities for citizen engagement with the campaigns in comparison to other media, as well as increased citizen control in relation to campaigns. Although the participants noted that the Internet offers increased potential for computer-mediated human interaction between citizens and campaigns, and they reported a desire to see such opportunities employed, they expressed understanding of the constraints placed on candidates in the context of political campaigning.";"Journal Article";2002;"J. Stromer-Galley and K. A. Foot";"Citizen Perceptions of Online Interactivity and Implications for Political Campaign Communication";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1742;"This study analyzes whether rural White suicide rates are lower where civic participation is strong and where a strong social institutional structure exists. Negative binomial regression analyses of race/sex/age disaggregated suicide regressed on indices of civic community are conducted for a sample of more than 1400 nonmetropolitan counties. White male and female suicide rates are for the most part substantially lower in civically stronger communities. The pattern is evident for both younger and older age groups. Civically strong communities provide some insulation against structural sources of suicide, and public health officials should consider the civic infrastructure of communities when planning community level suicide intervention/prevention strategies.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. C. Cutlip, W. B. Bankston and M. R. Lee";"Civic community and nonmetropolitan White suicide";"Archives of Suicide Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1743;"Many citizens have disengaged from participation in civic life with a resulting call for new initiatives in civic education. Many of these programs have had little research on citizens' prior conceptions of participation. In this article, we provide a map of the conceptions of civic participation, specifically voting, held by two groups: recent African immigrants to Canada and native-born Canadians. Youth understand voting as a key element of democratic governance, a hard won democratic right, and a duty of democratic citizenship yet most indicate they do not plan to vote because voting does not make a difference.";"Journal Article";2006;"O. Chareka and A. Sears";"Civic duty: Young people's conceptions of voting as a means of political participation";"Canadian Journal of Education";"Canada";"CPP";"Youth"
1744;"The timeliness of civic education for American youth is discussed. Particular attention is given to the history of calls for civic education, the state of civic education in schools today, particularly those serving youth in disadvantaged contexts, and the specific ways in which schools can better address the civic education needs of contemporary youth. Findings from research are synthesized around three strategic moves: 1) Promote public discussion and debate of critical issues; 2) Provide quality extracurricular and student government activities; and 3) Build on particular types of service that have proven to enhance civic participation in and identity with one’s community. It is concluded that these activities can provide factual knowledge of history and government and encourage students to partake in active practices of the daily life of being citizens.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Youniss";"Civic education: What schools can do to encourage civic identity and action";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1745;"The aim of this chapter is to describe factors that can facilitate civic participation for young people from ethnic minorities. It is based on the analysis of qualitative and quantitative data collected in the Czech Republic within the PIDOP project from respondents aged from 15 to 28 years of age. As will be described in the next section, due to its ethnic homogeneity- and the relative noveltv' of the phenomenon of immigration, the Czech Republic represents an interesting field for researching the civic participation of minorities. 'We will concentrate on two ethnic groups - the Roma as the largest non-immigrant minority and Ukrainians as the largest immigrant minority. In order to place these minorities in a broader context, the majority group will be included as well in all the analyses. Factors facilitating civic participation will be described on the basis of complaining young people who are not involved in civic participation with those who do spend some of their rime engaging in civic activities. According to our findings, the following two factors are of special importance: civic organizations and the Internet.";"Book Section";2015;"J. Šerek, Z. Petrovičová and P. Macek";"Civic organizations and the Internet as the opportunities for minority youth civic participation: Findings from the Czech Republic";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Czech Republic";"CPP";"Youth"
1746;"The rise of political consumerism among young citizens as a means of promoting social change has sparked debate among scholars regarding the civic potential of such political practices enacted in the private sphere of everyday life. In particular, disagreement has centred on whether and the degree to which political consumerism privatizes politics and distracts citizens from collective engagement in the public sphere. The present research argues that understanding what drives political consumerism is key to resolving this debate. Accordingly, it draws across the multidisciplinary literature on political consumerism to identify the various symbolic motivations that underlie consumers’ use of ethical purchase considerations. Functional theory of attitudes is then applied as a framework for theorizing these motivations, and a scale is developed to measure value‐expressive, social‐identification and social‐approval motivations for political consumerism. The first two studies demonstrate the subscales are reliable and have good convergent and discriminant validity, and the third study demonstrates that increasing the salience of a particular motivation through the use of strategic messages alters how it relates to the use of ethical purchase considerations as well as broader involvement in a social cause. The significance of this research for understanding how political consumerism connects to broader participation in lifestyle movements is discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. R. Gotlieb";"Civic, cooperative or contrived? A functional approach to political consumerism motivations";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1747;"Unprecedented numbers of negative political advertisements aired in battleground markets during the 2012 primaries, the first presidential campaign since the 2010 Citizens United decision. Grounded in theories of involvement, this investigation parses the influence of partisanship and political expression on the affective effects of negative Super PAC ads. Based on a pretest–posttest design with two experimental conditions and 585 participants, the results indicate both enduring and situational involvement exerted significant main and interaction effects on viewers' affect toward the general election candidates and the political parties. Driven by Independents who did not engage in political expression, these Super PAC ads evoked significant net decreases in affect toward Mitt Romney and the Republican Party and net increases toward Barack Obama and the Democratic Party. These results suggest enduring and situational involvement moderate the affective effects of negative Super PAC advertising in primary contests.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. L. Painter";"Collateral damage: Involvement and the effects of negative super PAC advertising";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1748;"Civic participation constitutes a range of activities that strengthen participatory democracy, such as voting, volunteerism, association membership, or political and community activism. Factors associated with civic participation are community attachment, religious participation, and quality of life satisfaction. Using a sample of 55 adults, ages 18 to 92 years, the results indicate that this is an engaged sample group in the volunteer arena with high religious attendance, attachment to their communities, and average satisfaction with their quality of life as outcomes of their civic participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. C. Kelly";"Community attachment, religious participation, and quality of life satisfaction among adults involved in civic participation";"Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1749;"Much attention has been paid to the effects of political efficacy and trust on political participation. Most studies tend to use efficacy or trust as an independent variable to explain political actions such as voting, campaign involvement, and the like. Despite their importance in explanations of political behavior, relatively little is known regarding mechanisms through which social involvement may influence trust and efficacy. If efficacy and trust are of value, then it is important that we determine how their development can be fostered, and especially whether their development can be promoted through social interaction—such as a sense of community. Borrowing from the field of community psychology, I employ the Sense of Community Index to provide a more nuanced measure of community based on individual perceptions of their community that previous studies were unable to capture. Analyzing original survey data, this paper examines to what extent, if any, a sense of community matters for trust and efficacy. The results demonstrate that social forces, such as community, exert positive and significant effects on internal and external efficacy and personal and political trust, independently of individual traits such as income, age, gender, and education.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. R. Anderson";"Community psychology, political efficacy, and trust";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1750;"The aim of this paper is to analyze descriptively the consensual and differential dimensions of political leadership social representations, based on a convenience sample composed of Psychology, Philosophy and Humanities college students from Tucumán National University, Argentina. Results show a representational universe in tension characterized by opposite nuclear components: Leadership and Representation versus Power and Corruption, as well as opposite dimensions: Features/Positive Political Aspects versus Features/Negative Political Aspects, as well as two relevant clusters consistent with the latter two. Differences are also observed when analyzing variables such as: year in college, student's political group membership, university political involvement and background/types of political figures.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. M. T. Stöckl and E. M. Zubieta";"Consenso y divergencias en las representaciones sociales de la dirigencia política. = Consensus and divergence in the social representations of political leadership";"Revista de Psicología";"Argentina";"CPP";"Youth"
1751;"One of the more striking findings in recent work on political discussion among citizens has been that exposure to disagreement in discussion networks demobilises people, making political participation less likely. This runs counter to the expectations of theories of social capital and deliberative democracy, and also to the finding that exposure to cross-cutting views leads to greater tolerance of the opinions of others. This result is of great significance if it proves to be a general finding, holding in a variety of contexts and for a range of forms of political activism. This paper therefore provides a test, analysing a wide range of forms of political activism. The results suggest that it is premature to blame disagreement for demobilisation: in some circumstances, and for some forms of activism, exposure to countervailing views may actually motivate participation.";"Journal Article";2009;"C. J. Pattie and R. J. Johnston";"Conversation, disagreement and political participation";"Political Behavior";"UK";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1753;"This article comes into being from the memories and experiences of student activists who played key roles at different points in time. It aims to reflect about the transformation of young adults into full-grown students, as well as the political meaning of this passage. In order to approach this theme, it was necessary to make some critical points in regards to current research on youth. These observations specifically focused on the interpretations made by these studies regarding the political involvement of young people as well as comparisons theses studies made between different time frames and contexts of student politics (student activism). Returning to a classic masterpiece on the student movement, the present discussion points out how pertinent and timely Marxist thought still is. In doing so, it brings into light the political meaning of the effervescence of the 1960's student movement. Furthermore, it was also necessary to succinctly highlight the transformations that took place in Brazil's tertiary education (higher education) along with the metamorphosis it underwent—and still undergoes, as it comes across the impositions brought forth by capitalism.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. P. Mortada";"De jovem a estudante: Apontamentos críticos. = On young adults becoming full-grown students: Critical notes";"Psicologia & Sociedade";"Brazil";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1754;"In the Netherlands, topics related to social cohesion, such as various aspects of participation and trust, are prominently on the political agenda. The bottom line is a widespread feeling that social cohesion in Dutch society is eroding, which is also reflected in a perception of a change from a high trust into a low trust society. Based on large-scale surveys (e.g. Labour Force Surveys, Permanent Survey on Living Conditions, Dutch Parliamentary Election Studies, and European Social Survey) and (population) registers, we investigate the development of: (a) Social contacts, informal help and volunteering; (b) Political participation (turnout and participation in political actions); (c) Social, institutional and political trust. Overall, we found no empirical evidence for a decline in participation and trust levels. However, there are large gaps between prevailing groups in Dutch society, in particular between lower and higher educated, natives and ethnic minorities, and various religious groups. Such gaps are rather stable for participation (since 1997) and trust (since 2002).";"Journal Article";2014;"H. Schmeets and S. te Riele";"Declining social cohesion in the Netherlands?";"Social Indicators Research";"Netherlands";"CPP";"Youth"
1755;"This study presents the construction and validation processess of two scales to measure motives that foster political participation and political alienation among young people. The research involved 461 subjects (non interested in politics, interested, militant in political parties and no global). Both instruments present a two factor structure. The two dimensions of the political activism scale refer to idealistic and materialistic motivations. In the political alienation instrument the two subscales are lack of self confidence and political alienation. The results attest the good psychometric properties of the scales with respect to reliability, construct and criterion validity. Finally we have explored gender differences.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. E. Mebane, R. Sorace and M. Vecchione";"Determinanti della partecipazione e dell'alienazione politica giovanile maschile e femminile: Un contributo alla validazione di due scale motivazionali. = Factors that favour male and female youth political participation and alienation: Construction and validation of two motivational scales";"Testing Psicometria Metodologia";"Italy";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1757;"The present study is aimed at testing the hypothesis of three forms of participation (namely political conventional, political unconventional, and social) and that they can be traced back to the same determinants. The study was carried out on 705 college students who completed a self-evaluation questionnaire. Independent variables included in the analysis were; institution trust-worthiness, political interest, political efficacy, a cynicism towards politics, political socialization, socio-demographic variables such as gender, age and income, and political variables. Results show that the three forms of participation are not mutually exclusive, so that the involvement in one does not necessarily entail the exclusion of the other two. Nevertheless, they cannot be traced back to a common pool of antecedents: the model proposed can only be supported for political, and not for social participation, which remains largely unexplained.";"Journal Article";2008;"T. Mannarini, M. Legittimo and C. Talò";"Determinants of social and political participation among youth. A preliminary study";"Psicología Política";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1758;"This study investigates whether three different types of news activities (i.e., news reception, news following, and news dissemination) and political conversation via social media have differential and interactive relationships on political participation. Analyses of survey data of social media users revealed that political conversation via social media was positively associated with political participation. Moreover, political conversation moderated the relationships among the three types of news activities and participation. Effects of news activities on political participation increased with the frequency with which people talked about politics on social media.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. D. Hyun and J. Kim";"Differential and interactive influences on political participation by different types of news activities and political conversation through social media";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1759;"Although digital media are widely recognized as a predictor of protest participation and a platform for the coordination of connective actions, few studies have examined how digital media activities systematically relate to protesters’ mode of participation in protest campaigns. This study aims at filling the research gap through analyzing the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong. It identifies time spent in the occupied areas, participation leadership, and forms of actions undertaken as three aspects of a protester’s mode of participation that can indicate a protester’s degree of involvement in the movement. Analysis of a protester onsite survey shows that the protesters were active in four types of digital media activities: online expression, online debates, online explanatory activities, and mobile communication. Digital media activities are generally positively related to degree of involvement, but the four types of activities are also related to the three aspects of mode of participation differently. The findings illustrate how digital media activities are integrated into individualized mode of participation in contemporary connective actions.";"Journal Article";2016;"F. L. F. Lee and J. M. Chan";"Digital media activities and mode of participation in a protest campaign: A study of the Umbrella Movement";"Information, Communication & Society";"Hong Kong";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1760;"Following social identity theory, the present investigation examines the political benefits of self-identification as a member of the disability community for disability-rights advocacy across college (n = 204), community (N = 93), and international (N = 268) samples of adults with disabilities. Consistent with predictions, emerging adults (EAs) with disabilities (n = 204) demonstrated more political conviction and were twice as likely to be involved in disability-rights advocacy as nondisabled peers (n = 1,111). Studies 2 and 3 revealed that disability identification predicted disability-rights advocacy, preferences for affiliation with other disabled people, and stronger perceptions of solidarity, personal, and group discrimination. Age-group moderated effects in Study 2 such that EAs least identified as disabled reported the lowest levels of solidarity and the least awareness of discrimination. Implications of social identification for the political involvements of stigmatized groups are discussed along with complexities related to age, impairment visibility, and duration of disability.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. R. Nario-Redmond and K. C. Oleson";"Disability group identification and disability-rights advocacy: Contingencies among emerging and other adults";"Emerging Adulthood";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1761;"The problem raised in this article is whether disabled people can and should be considered as a social group with respect to political representation. The question is first discussed on the basis of theories of social and status groups. Next, the article examines how the topic is reflected empirically at the local political level in Norway, expressed by party political leaders and elected disabled representatives. The authors suggest that disabled people can and should be considered as a social group in relation to political representation. Not doing so, they argue, will in effect delay the process towards full recognition and active political citizenship.";"Journal Article";2014;"I. Guldvik and J. H. Lesjø";"Disability, social groups, and political citizenship";"Disability & Society";"Norway";"CPP";"Youth"
1762;"Objectives: This research examines how distance factors into the costs associated with political participation. We hypothesize that the political geography of a voter's residence affects not only the likelihood that he or she will vote, but whether the voter will choose between traditional Election Day voting or nontraditional means, such as casting an absentee ballot by mail, or going to an early-voting site. Methods: Using a geographic information system (GIS), we calculate Manhattan-block distances between voter residences and their respective precinct and nearest early-voting sites in Clark County, NV for the 2002 mid-term election. We then use these calculated distances to predict, with multinomial logistic regression, the likelihood of nonvoting, precinct voting, and nontraditional voting. Results: Our evidence suggests that the cost of traveling to reach a traditional voting site is associated with nonvoting to a point, but the relationship between distance and participation is nonlinear. Distance to traditional voting sites is also highly associated with choosing to vote by mail. Would-be nonvoters are more inclined to use proximate election-day sites than proximate early-voting sites, probably because they decide to vote so late in the campaign. Conclusions: Our findings have important implications for democratic theory, ongoing efforts to reform the electoral process, and the practice of voter mobilization.";"Journal Article";2005;"J. J. Dyck and J. G. Gimpel";"Distance, Turnout, and the Convenience of Voting";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1763;"Especially in southern Italy, Banfield’s amoral familism is considered an obstacle to the formation of associations and growth of political participation. This article discusses Banfield’s concept, showing that it has been vulgarized merely as familism and, in particular, demonstrates that Banfield intended amoral familism to be understood in terms of political distrust. We investigated whether amoral familism or political distrust, operationalized as an individual difference variable, mediated the relationships between personality traits, personal values, and conventional and unconventional political acts, controlling for differences in political attitude. We recruited 405 participants, distributed across north, central, and southern Italy, to complete a questionnaire on political participation that also assessed Big Five personality factors, values, sociability and political attitude (expertise, interest, self-efficacy), and a new scale assessing amoral familism as a form of political distrust. Regression analyses were used to identify the best predictors of political acts, then structural equation modeling was used to test a model of political participation. Like political attitudes, familism mediated the relationships between personality traits, especially 'openness to experience' and 'taking conventional and unconventional political acts.' However, our data do not confirm the stereotype that northern and southern Italians differ in their tendency to amoral familism as defined by Banfield.";"Journal Article";2016;"R. Foschi and M. Lauriola";"Do amoral familism and political distrust really affect North–South differences in Italy?";"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1764;"Objectives: Contemporary scholarly debate emphasizes the importance of spouse selection on population stratification, typically focusing on the traits of spouses themselves. In this study spouses and their parents were analyzed to resolve the effects of direct spousal assortment from family background assortment on three social traits that spouses correlate the highest: education, church attendance, and political affiliation. Methods: The data set is comprised of a core of spousal pairs and their parents assessed by self‐report and a more extensive set of individuals on whom there are only ratings by relatives for educational attainment, church attendance, and political preference. Structural equation models were fitted to the observed polychoric correlations by diagonal weighted least squares. Results: For education and church attendance, assortment was based primarily on the traits of the spouses themselves, but models including independent assortment for the traits of parents‐in‐law gave a better fit. For political affiliation, assortment based on social background influenced by the traits of both parents gave a better fit. Conclusions: The findings demonstrate that in humans, spousal similarity may reflect processes of selection and stratification that are more complex than commonly supposed in most models for family resemblance and social diversity.";"Journal Article";2011;"L. J. Eaves and P. K. Hatemi";"Do we choose our spouse based on our in‐laws? Resolving the effects of family background and spousal choice for educational attainment, religious practice, and political preference";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1765;"This paper uses established systematic and transparent methods to review the evidence for the effect of civic education on young people’s normative political participation. Extensive electronic searches were undertaken of social science and education databases. The searches yielded 6890 titles; both authors independently screened titles and abstracts to apply predefined inclusion criteria. Nine studies were included in the review. Given the heterogeneity of these studies, statistical pooling was not possible and a narrative analysis has been performed. The results indicate little evidence for civic education having a discernible or direct effect on voting or voter registration/enrolment. Some support was found for civic education increasing activities of political expression (e.g. signing a petition). The implications for policy and future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Manning and K. Edwards";"Does civic education for young people increase political participation? A systematic review";"Educational Review";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1766;"Past studies have found contradicting evidence regarding the influence of political discussion with disagreeing others on political participation. This study argues that the impact of discussion with disagreement is likely to depend on the type of participatory activities involved. It conceptualizes a distinction between position-taking and nonposition-taking activities. The former refers to activities designed to have potential participants taking up a set position on a specific matter, whereas the latter refers to activities not designed as such. It is argued that discussion with disagreeing others is likely to suppress participation in position-taking activities, since such activities leave lesser room for participants to express the complexities of and possible ambivalence in their views. In contrast, discussion with disagreeing others may encourage participation in nonposition-taking activities. Relevant hypotheses are tested with a survey conducted in Hong Kong examining the impact of discussion and disagreement on voting, protest participation, and calling into talk radio.";"Journal Article";2012;"F. L. F. Lee";"Does discussion with disagreement discourage all types of political participation? Survey evidence from Hong Kong";"Communication Research";"China";"CPP";"Youth"
1767;"In contemporary history as well as in political science, a strong associational life known as sociability is thought to explain the roots of modern democracy by establishing a link between the increasing availability of free time to the middle classes, increasing willingness to gather with others in circles or associations, and increasing social capital. In personality psychology, sociability is related to prosocial behavior (i.e., the need for affiliation, agreeableness, openness, and extraversion), whose importance in different political behaviors is increasingly recognized. In the present article, we carried out 5 studies (N = 1,429) that showed that political and associative sociability (a) can be reliably assessed, can have cross-cultural validity, and are properly associated with general social interest measures and personality domains and facets in the five-factor model; (b) do not overlap with similar concepts used in political psychology to account for political participation (political expertise, political interest, political self-efficacy); and (c) predicted political and nonpolitical group membership as well as observable choices in decision-making tasks with political and nonpolitical outcomes. The results are discussed, taking into consideration the extent to which specific facets of sociability can mediate between general personality traits and measures of civic involvement and political participation in a holistic model of political behavior.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Foschi and M. Lauriola";"Does sociability predict civic involvement and political participation?";"Journal of Personality and Social Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1768;"This study examined the effect of smartphone and social networking service (SNS) usage on various aspects of social capital, including trust, organizational participation, political participation, and network resources. The study further examined whether SNS usage moderates the relationship between smartphones and social capital. A cross-sectional survey data (N = 339) from a random sample of university students was gathered. The results demonstrated that smartphone and SNS usage have direct effects on all social capital dimensions. In addition, the intensity of smartphone usage has an indirect effect on various social capital dimensions, except organizational participation. These results provide evidence that smartphone and SNS usage is not intrinsically harmful to one’s social capital and may in fact broaden social capital among its users.";"Journal Article";2013;"K.-G. Park, S. Han and L. L. Kaid";"Does social networking service usage mediate the association between smartphone usage and social capital?";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1769;"Sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea have changed dramatically throughout the post-World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article investigates the impact of value change on political cynicism and noncompliance. This research analyzes data from the three waves of the World Values Surveys from 1982 to 1995. The findings indicate that there had been a general pattern of spreading public distrust of both social and political institutions between Koreans and that more elite-challenging forms of political participation showed the predicted increase as well. Also found are different predictors of our two dependent variables: for political cynicism, those with a higher education and/or more libertarian values were more cynical of political institutions; for protest potential, citizens who are better educated, young, more libertarian, and more active in the political process were more likely to exhibit a greater potential to involve themselves in protest activities. The research findings conclude that value change has played a central role in interpreting the sociopolitical world, and thus in minimizing the public's faith in key political and private institutions in Korea.";"Journal Article";2003;"A.-R. Lee";"Down and Down We Go: Trust and Compliance in South Korea";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1770;"In the process of choosing early out-of-home care and education for their young children, 3 mothers living in a working class neighborhood in New York City coconstructed understandings of care and education settings and practices offered within their community. A feminist-pragmatist framework guided the analysis of data that highlighted the processes by which they sought information and support to make those choices. Data indicated that their appreciation of child development theories and educational practices arose from experiences derived from their active participation in the development of a parents network. This grassroots network acted as an invaluable source of childrearing information, supported reflection on identity formation, and prompted political participation at varying levels. These 3 women coconstructed knowledge of early care and education settings by bringing thought to action--from inception, to development, and culminating in fulfillment.";"Journal Article";2006;"V. Garavuso";"Early Care and Education Choices of Women in a Parent Support Group in a Working Class Neighborhood: Three Women Coconstruct Notions of Appropriate Settings";"Early Education and Development";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1771;"This study examined changes in political efficacy and feelings of estrangement as a function of voting behavior in the 2008 presidential election in the U.S. Participants (n = 224), recruited from an online marketing company’s representative panel of U.S. adults, completed a survey 4-6 weeks before the election and again 2-4 weeks after the election. Changes in internal and external political efficacy and feelings of estrangement were examined for three groups of voters (McCain voters, Obama voters, and non-voters) as well as by party affiliation. Internal political efficacy was and remained relatively high among Obama and McCain voters pre-election to post-election, but decreased for non-voters. Among Democrats, there was a significant increase in internal political efficacy, among Republicans, there was no change, and among those with no or a different party affiliation, there was a significant decrease. External political efficacy significantly increased pre-election to post-election among Obama voters and non-voters, but decreased for McCain voters. Additionally, post-election cultural estrangement was significantly higher among non-voters than voters. The results are discussed in terms of theoretical implications for understanding the potential impact of different forms of political participation. Several of the specific and distinctive aspects of the 2008 election and President Obama’s campaign are also highlighted as they relate to voting behavior and potential changes in the American electorate.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. D. Hackett and A. M. Omoto";"Efficacy and estrangement: Effects of voting";"Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy (ASAP)";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1772;"Political behavior is triggered by the presence of a variety of material and cognitive resources, including political efficacy. The dominant view conceptualizes efficacy as capital, used to overcome obstacles to participation. Our theory suggests that unlike other resources, efficacy aids in the development of habitual participation by activating a particular negative emotion, anger. Using the 1990–1992 NES Panel, we find that internal efficacy boosts participation in part by facilitating anger, but not fear, in response to policy threats. This partial mediating effect operates primarily among younger citizens who are in the process of developing the habit of participation. External efficacy, because it is not self-referential, is not causally linked to participation via emotions. Finally, internal efficacy is enhanced by successful participation in politics, closing a feedback loop that helps explain participatory habits.";"Journal Article";2009;"N. A. Valentino, K. Gregorowicz and E. W. Groenendyk";"Efficacy, emotions and the habit of participation";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1774;"Young Latino adults are one of the most underrepresented groups in the U.S. electorate, yet only a small amount of research has investigated barriers to turnout in this sample. This exploratory study sought to identify potential predictors of and barriers to electoral participation among young Latino adults. A cross-sectional Internet survey was completed by a sample of 213 Latino students who reside near the U.S–Mexico border. Qualitative responses to items assessing the reasons for (non)voting in the 2012 U.S. general election indicated that commonly reported reasons for not voting were lack of time and knowledge and common reasons for voting were expressing one’s views and civic duty. A logistic regression analysis revealed several predictors of participation in the 2012 general election. The results suggest that perceptions of time needed to participate in elections (B = 0.86, p < .001), political knowledge (B = 0.28, p = .007), and the perception of unresponsiveness on the part of politicians (B = 0.68, p = .005) are potential barriers that should be targeted by future research.";"Journal Article";2016;"J. R. Popan and Y. Hinojosa";"Electoral Participation Among Young Latinos: Exploring the Importance of Psychological Variables";"Journal of Latina/o Psychology";;"CPP";"Youth"
1775;"A critical task for communication educators is preparing students with the knowledge, skills, and attitudes for active and responsible participation within a rapidly changing global community. Given the complex nature of the challenges citizens will tackle in this century, there is a pressing need for educational approaches that will cultivate more dynamic and systemic understandings of cross-cultural messages, social experiences, and civic participation. This teacher-research study reports the findings of a semester-long project in which conflictual content and group dialogue were utilized to promote critical reflection and transformative learning among college students in a small group communication class. A qualitative methodology and interpretive framework were used to collect and analyze the data. The analysis of data indicated three general findings: an enhanced sense of ambiguity and complexity, instances of adult learning and transformative development and influences on the classroom environment. Educational possibilities for transformative learning experiences are examined, and implications are discussed for theory and practice in communication education.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. D. Walton";"Examining a transformative approach to communication education: A teacher-research study";"College Student Journal";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1776;"As citizens, young adults should be supported and encouraged to enact their basic rights and responsibilities to partake in decision-making that affects their lives and development. Recent studies in several Western countries, including Australia, have suggested that levels of political and community activities among young adults have significantly decreased. This study tested a theoretically and empirically based explanatory model of citizenship participation on 434 young Australian adults to examine how the variables of social milieu, citizen communication networks, self-efficacy and life satisfaction contributed to citizenship participation (social and civic activities). Structural equation modelling corroborated a meditational model in which citizen communication networks and social milieu accounted for significant variance in self-efficacy and life satisfaction which in turn accounted for social and civic participation. Results demonstrated that citizenship participation is influenced by the social environment, which is multidimensional and the person–environment interaction is subject to ongoing changes. Young adults' social contexts are important socialising agents that promote citizenship participation.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. Yeung, A. Passmore and T. Packer";"Examining citizenship participation in young Australian adults: A structural equation analysis";"Journal of Youth Studies";"New Zealand";"CPP";"Youth"
1777;"Some recent studies have illustrated a positive relationship between social media use and political participation among young people. Researchers, however, have operationalized social media usage differently. This article adopts a multidimensional approach to the study of the impact of social media. Focusing on Facebook (FB), the most widely utilized social networking site in Hong Kong, this study examines how time spent on FB, exposure to shared political information, network size, network structural heterogeneity, and direct connection with public political actors relate to young people’s online and offline political participation. Analysis of a survey of university students (N = 774) shows that participation is explained most prominently by direct connection with public political actors, followed by exposure to shared political information. These two variables also mediate the impact of other dimensions of FB use on political participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"G. Tang and F. L. F. Lee";"Facebook use and political participation: The impact of exposure to shared political information, connections with public political actors, and network structural heterogeneity";"Social Science Computer Review";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"Youth"
1778;"This study investigates the role of social media in contributing to participatory democracy in a cross-national context. By examining the Sunflower social movement in Taiwan and targeting a particular subgroup—Taiwanese citizens abroad—this study assesses factors that influence citizens abroad to engage in social media use for social movements as well as how different activities on social media contribute to political participation. The findings show that individual’s personal attitude and civic attitude exert a positive influence on political participation through opinion expression and activism on social media. Similarly, negative emotions toward the government’s handling of the Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement (CSSTA) also promote political participation through expressing opinion and joining movement-related groups on social media. The paths signify the importance of attitude, emotion, and active use of social media for social movement in cross-national mobilization.";"Journal Article";2015;"H.-T. Chen, S. Ping and G. Chen";"Far from reach but near at hand: The role of social media for cross-national mobilization";"Computers in Human Behavior";"Hong Kong";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1779;"Explores the contribution of feminist-standpoint research to qualitative research in social psychology. Examples are given from the author's research on young women's experiences of the move from school to the job market, feminist consciousness, and discourses of political participation, power and experience.";"Journal Article";1995;"C. Griffin";"Feminism, social psychology and qualitative research";"The Psychologist";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1780;"This study analyzes attitudes about treatment of the terminally ill among a group of first-year undergraduate students—a cohort that was in high school when intense publicity and extensive political and judicial involvement in the Terri Schiavo case occurred. Data for the study were collected by structured personal interviews with 201 randomly selected, first-year students in the first half of fall semester, 2005. Students clearly make distinctions in the propriety of active euthanasia, passive euthanasia, and physician-assisted death. Presented with a situation of a terminally ill patient in considerable pain, 65.1% of the students supported or strongly supported withdrawal of life-sustaining technology (passive euthanasia), 34.3% supported the physician providing the means of death to the patient (physician-assisted death), and 28.3% supported the physician actually administering a lethal injection (active euthanasia). A review of the literature of correlates of euthanasia attitudes in a variety of samples produced five potential types of influences: 1) general philosophical and religious beliefs; 2) fears about one's own death and dying process; 3) amount of information about and exposure to the issue of euthanasia; 4) characteristics of the community in which one lives; and 5) certain personal background characteristics. These categorical types produced 19 specific variables that were potentially related to euthanasia attitudes. The strongest predictor of attitudes varied among the three types of euthanasia, but political party affiliation had the most overall influence. Students self-identifying as Democrats were more likely than those self-identifying as Republicans to support euthanasia.";"Journal Article";2009;"G. L. Weiss";"First-year college students' attitudes about end-of-life decision-making";"Omega: Journal of Death and Dying";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1781;"In this article the author responds to the question, 'How should policymakers, advocates, stakeholders, and practitioners respond strategically and proactively to demographic change and increasing diversity in order to promote the healthy development, productivity, and well-being of our nation's children into the future?' The issue is addressed from an information technology (IT) perspective. The author points out that the technological knowledge of many of America's children already surpasses that of their parents, teachers, religious and government leaders. However, not all children enjoy equal access to computers. Minority children and children of immigrants, in particular, tend to have less access to computers and the Internet, both at home and at school. To ensure that all of our nation's children are reaping the benefits of IT, policymakers and stakeholders must take an active interest in promoting math, science, and technology education to today's youth, and they must promote ubiquitous broadband (high speed) Internet access. IT is important to the nation's children--and the nation--in several ways. First, it can be a catalyst for changing how American children learn. For those who acquire skills in this area, IT offers the potential of well-paying jobs into the future. In addition, IT holds promise for facilitating the delivery of a wide range of services, including health care. Finally, IT also has the potential to extend the reach of democracy by breaking down the barriers to political participation.";"Journal Article";2004;"H. N. Miller";"Four Commentaries: Looking to the Future: Commentary 2";"The Future of Children";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1782;"Recent anthropological theories on violence are predominantly concerned with processes of othering in increasingly postmodern societies, analysing how identity may lead to violence. A second approach, however, focuses on the production of social solidarity within violent groups, asking how violence can be constitutive of identity. While the former talks about social purification, sacrifice, diaspora and displacement, the latter highlights the aggressive, transgressive and often ludic practices of perpetrators of violence operating in young male urban cohorts. This article uses both theories in discussing an ethnic-religious movement known to its militants as both 'fun' and violent. It analyses how the effervescence of group aggression may lead to ethnocide and martyrdom.";"Journal Article";2003;"O. Verkaaik";"Fun and violence. Ethnocide and the effervescence of collective aggression";"Social Anthropology / Anthropologie Sociale";"Netherlands";"CPP";"Youth"
1783;"the current study was designed to shed light on identity processes of self-identified gay men in college / a sample of young gay men [aged 18–25 yrs] was surveyed on how they came to define themselves as gay, how they have discussed this with their families, what kind of social relationships with other gay people they have, and the nature of their involvement in gay social and political activities";"Book Section";1993;"A. R. D'Augelli";"Gay men in college: Identity processes and adaptation";"Life-span development: A diversity reader.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1784;"The political disempowerment of women has remained dominant in the literature on gender. This paper sets out to evaluate the level of women participation as well as identify the factors which impede the equitable political participation of women in the Port Harcourt City Local Council area. It adopts the theory of Radical Feminism which assumes that political inequalities experienced by women is a reflection of a socio-economic and domestic inequalities arguing that unless the structures which engender inequality are dismantled, women will remain politically disempowered. Drawing basically on survey methods, using interviews and questionnaires as well as data from the National electoral Commissions, the paper observes that women are grossly under presented in appointive and elective positions in Port Harcourt City Local Government Council Area. It attributes this to factors such as the high cost of political. Campaigns, the violent nature of political competition which scare women from participation and some Cultural factors which assigns women, purely domestic roles. It recommends various measures including economic empowerment of women, public enlightenment, and the adoption of policies of affirmative actions.";"Journal Article";2005;"N. J. Nna and C. Nyenke";"Gender and political disempowerment of women in Rivers State. Case study of Port Harcourt local government area";"Gender & Behaviour";"Nigeria";"CPP";"Youth"
1785;"This research compared male and female elected social workers to discover whether they report the same gender differences as other elected officials. Few gender differences were found among respondents. Differing from elected officials as a whole, female and male social workers reported similar levels of recruitment, favorable views of power and the demands of office and family, and interest in and knowledge about a variety of issues, with the exception of the issue of abortion. The potential contribution of anticipatory socialization and implications for social work education, political recruitment, and reproductive rights work are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. R. Lane and N. A. Humphreys";"Gender and social workers’ political activity";"Affilia: Journal of Women & Social Work";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1786;"Previous research suggests women are less tolerant than men of the political expressions of others due to differences in life experiences, political interest, religiosity, and group affect. Controlling for these factors, we still find women to be slightly less tolerant of the conventional political activities of pro-life protesters. We find this difference remains because women judge such activities both under the norms of tolerance and evaluations of the legitimacy of political protest. Men only judge the conventional political activities of pro-life activists under the norm of tolerance. Men and women both reject unconventional political protest by these activists, since both men and women judge such actions under the standards of protest.";"Journal Article";1998;"B. Norrander and P. Raymond";"Gender and support for conventional and unconventional political behaviors of pro-life activists";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1787;"A substantial literature has studied gender differences in political participation in Western industrialized democracies, but little is known about such gaps in sub-Saharan African nations. Using 2005 Afrobarometer data, this paper presents a systematic investigation of the gender gap in political participation across 18 sub-Saharan African countries. In line with cultural isomorphism, patterns in gender gaps across different types of participation generally mirror those of Western democracies, with small to no gender gaps in registration to vote, but substantial gaps in less institutionalized types of participation. Yet, the remaining large gaps cannot be explained by gender differences in socioeconomic characteristics and political attitudes as suggested in studies on Western industrialized nations. Finally, substantial cross-national differences within the sub-Saharan African are found, substantiating the importance of more fine-grained examinations of variation across sub-Saharan African nations.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. Coffe and C. Bolzendahl";"Gender gaps in political participation across sub-Saharan African nations";"Social Indicators Research";"Netherlands";"CPP";"Youth"
1788;"This research addresses gender differences in environmental protection efforts. Recent work indicates that, across a variety of domains, women are more generous, charitable, and prosocial than men. Despite above-average levels of these motivators for cooperation, considerable experimental research points to no difference in cooperation between genders. What can explain women’s lower-than-expected cooperation levels? Prior research indicates that, compared to men, women are less trusting and respond to fear incentives in social dilemmas—they are concerned about being exploited. We test these arguments in the context of environmental behaviors and argue that lower trust and greater responses to fear incentives mean that women’s cooperation is predicated on trust. For men, trust does not predict environmental cooperation. The current research represents the first empirical test of these arguments. Using data from the General Social Survey we focus on private sphere behaviors and political participation and predict an interaction between gender and trust on cooperation. Results support this prediction.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Irwin, K. Edwards and J. A. Tamburello";"Gender, trust and cooperation in environmental social dilemmas";"Social Science Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1789;"This article describes the social action component of the Youth Empowerment Strategies (YES!) project funded by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention through its community-based prevention research (CBPR) initiative. YES! is designed to promote problem-solving skills, social action, and civic participation among underserved elementary and middle school youth. The after-school program focuses on identifying and building youths’ capacities and strengths as a means of ultimately decreasing rates of alcohol, tobacco, and other drug use and other risky behaviors. The article discusses the conceptual models of risk and intervention and factors contributing to successful social action work, including group dynamics, intragroup leadership, facilitator skills, and school-community contexts. Attention is focused on how the nature of the projects themselves played a key role in determining the likelihood of experiencing success. Implications and recommendations for other youth focused empowerment education projects are discussed, including the effective use of Photovoice in such projects.";"Journal Article";2008;"N. Wilson, M. Minkler, S. Dasho, N. Wallerstein and A. C. Martin";"Getting to social action: The Youth Empowerment Strategies (YES!) Project";"Health Promotion Practice";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1790;"What does promote young people’s involvement? The answer to this question varies depending on the type of involvement considered and on the psychological perspective assumed. Social psychology, in order to explain involvement in collective action, has assigned a leading role to social identification and collective efficacy. Community psychology, in turn, has placed particular emphasis on the affective dimension of identification and community belonging (sense of community). Aim of the present study was to verify the role played by psychosocial variables (identification, sense of community, sense of political efficacy, personal values and conception of citizenship) on levels of civic and political participation, and their variation across different groups. Data were collected using a questionnaire administered to 100 (53 males and 47 females) young people, aged between 18 and 35 years, living in a small town in central Italy, who belonged to political, cultural, volunteer groups/ associations active in their local community.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Albanesi";"Giovani impegnati: Un ritratto psicosociale. = Engaged youth: A psychosocial portrait";"Psicologia Sociale";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1791;"This chapter attempts to provide insights into the political/institutional framework in relationship to the civic and political participation of youth and women in Turkey, by examining one important aspect of this framework, namely the perspectives of government and related public bodies as expressed in their policy documents. The examination is based upon the reports, plans, and other policy documents released by public authorities in Turkey between 2004 and 2013. While initially the study was intended to examine documents on the civic and political participation of minority and immigrant groups as well, these groups have been excluded from this chapter, mainly because it was found that civic and political participation by minorities and immigrants are almost entirely neglected in these documents. Although the civic and political participation of youth and women has been given more space on the agendas of public bodies, it can be argued that this space still remains were limited. Yet, as will be seen in this chapter, it is nevertheless possible to identify- general orientations and broad perspectives in relationship to participation by youth and women.";"Book Section";2015;"S. Bozkurt, F. Çok and T. Şener";"Government perspectives on civic and political participation of youth and women in Turkey: Deriving insights from policy documents";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Turkey";"CPP";"Youth"
1792;"Objectives: Despite the scope of U.S. social spending, we know little about cumulative program usage among individuals or how it may influence their political attitudes or behavior. This article examines program usage among citizens and probes the association of usage with program assessment and the likelihood of voting. Methods: We examine these issues using the 2005 Maxwell Poll, which uniquely asked respondents about both usage of 18 social programs as well as attitudes about such programs and rates of political involvement. Results: The data indicate that direct experience of social programs is fairly common and widespread across the population, but beneficiaries of programs differ in their assessments compared to nonbeneficiaries. Most significant, after controlling for various demographic factors, we find that the greater the number of universal programs citizens have used, the greater the likelihood that they vote; conversely, the greater the number of means-tested programs they have used, the lower their likelihood of voting. Conclusion: Experiences of social programs may influence voter turnout and may help explain why young and less advantaged citizens vote less than older citizens. Trends in social provision may be fostering inequality of political voice, particularly among younger generations.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Mettler and J. M. Stonecash";"Government program usage and political voice";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1793;"Social capital has been alleged to increase the capacity for political mobilization. Yet, until now, the empirical debate has not succeeded in rendering a detailed account of the relationships between social capital and political participation partly because of the use of a reductive conception and operationalization of both concepts. Using a multidimensional and relational technique (multiple correspondence analysis) and a detailed youth survey data from Belgium, the article demonstrates that youth draw on diverse forms of social capital and that these forms vary along socio-economic status and ethnic origin. Six classes based on the forms of social capital were identified. Two of them – the ‘Committed’ and ‘Religious’ are highly political active. The ‘Committed’ Class, based on a diversified social capital, consists mainly of non-immigrant youth with a high socio-economic background undertaking a large diversity of political activities. The ‘Religious’ Class, based on a narrow social capital built around religious activities, is mostly composed of ethnic minority youth with a low SES involved in more specific political activities.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Teney and L. Hanquinet";"High political participation, high social capital? A relational analysis of youth social capital and political participation";"Social Science Research";"Germany";"CPP";"Youth"
1794;"In response to neoliberal policies that have been in place since 1985, Bolivian young people have increasingly used hip hop music as a means of protest and to reclaim social and political participation. Hip hop in Latin America tells the story of the struggles that marginalized people have suffered, and speaks to the effects of international policies fueled by globalization. This paper focuses on what the Bolivian hip hopper Nina Uma calls 'Hip hop revolution': a hip hop that critiques and interrogates the social, political, and economic structure, the differences between the haves and the have nots, and proposes using hip hop to spread 'education as cultural action of freedom'. This article examines the ways young people of El Alto, Bolivia are making sense of their social, political, and economic context.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. Tarifa";"Hip hop as empowerment: Voices in El Alto, Bolivia";"International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1795;"This study examines how a desire to pass on religious heritage shapes whites’ attitudes toward interracial marriage for their children. Utilizing national survey data (Baylor Religion Survey 2007), I estimate ordered logit regression models to examine the extent to which whites’ desire to have their children and children's spouses share their religion affects attitudes toward their hypothetical daughters marrying blacks, Latinos, or Asians, net of other factors. Analyses reveal that whites who consider it more important that their children and children's spouses share their religion are less comfortable with their daughters marrying blacks, Latinos, or Asians. These effects are robust to the inclusion of measures for religiosity, political ideology, intimate interracial experiences, and other sociodemographic correlates. These findings suggest that, for whites, religious heritage has a clear ethno‐racial component. The greater their desire for descendants to share the same religious views, the more whites would prefer that these descendants themselves be white, indicating that, for many white Americans, religious heritage is equated with whiteness. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for research on religion and interracial families.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. L. Perry";"Hoping for a godly (White) family: How desire for religious heritage affects Whites’ attitudes toward interracial marriage";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1796;"The aims of the present paper are to explore how traditional gender roles (focusing mainly on attitudes towards the division of labour between men and women) relate to social cohesion and to examine whether this relationship differs among men and women. The multi-dimensional concept of social cohesion is measured by two general components: a behavioural dimension (consisting of civic and political participation and the intensity of non-kin social relations) and an attitudinal dimension (institutional trust and solidarity). The analysis, based on the data of the European Values Study from Luxembourg, reveals that being more traditional is related to higher attitudinal cohesion: i.e. higher institutional trust and solidarity. Conversely, traditional attitudes are associated with less cohesive behaviour, namely with a lower intensity of non-kin social relations and political participation. Tradition-oriented women show significantly lower levels of political participation than their male counterparts, whereas traditional men tend to demonstrate less solidarity than women.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. Valentova";"How do traditional gender roles relate to social cohesion? Focus on differences between women and men";"Social Indicators Research";"Luxembourg";"CPP";"Youth"
1797;"Present paper addresses the issue of gender differences in social and political participation. If the reasons of a dissimilar engagement between men and women are largely known and documented, any differences in male and female participants are not widely investigated. The study, comparing politicians (N = 242) and volunteers (N = 180), both men and women, aimed at investigating any difference concerning: the perception of costs and benefits of participation; the conflict between family and social/political commitment; how such conflict, as well as costs and benefits, affects life satisfaction. Results showed differences between social and political participation. Moreover, political participation and the conflict with family commitment decrease life satisfaction for women, whereas they have no effect for men. Theoretical and empirical implications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Rollero and N. De Piccoli";"I costi dell’impegno politico e sociale in una prospettiva di genere. = The costs of political and social commitment from a gender perspective";"Psicologia Sociale";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1798;"Studied the relation of sociodemographic variables, group identity, efficacy, and political involvement in 248 male and female adult farmers (aged 18-84 yrs) in Spain. Data on age, sex, educational level, group identity, membership in agrarian organizations, and involvement in political protest were obtained by questionnaire. The results indicate that group identification is not strong, that 18.5 percent belong to agrarian organizations, that 31.9 percent consider political protest an effective instrument for change, and that high efficacy and membership in agrarian organizations are predictive of participation in political protest. Affective and behavioral aspects of group identification are discussed.";"Journal Article";2001;"J. M. Sabucedo, M. Rodríguez Casal and C. Fernández Fernández";"Identificación grupal, eficacia y protesta política. = Group identification, efficacy, and political protest";"Psicología Política";"Spain";"CPP";"Youth"
1799;"In 2004, many prominent newscasters ran as candidates in the Korean general election and won. The present study examines whether young voters' identification with newscasters was significantly associated with Korean voting behaviour as well as with other forms of political participation. Analysis of 270 respondents showed that identification with newscasters contributed significantly to young Koreans' intentions to vote for newscasters and to their active involvement in other forms of campaign participation, beyond the effects of age, gender, and level of political interest. Additionally, news media exposure, perception of newscaster behaviours, emotional involvement, surveillance motivation and entertainment motivation were all positively related to voters' identification with newscasters.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. Ryu, S. Kline and J. Kim";"Identification with television newscasters and Korean college students' voting intentions and political activities";"Asian Journal of Social Psychology";"Korea";"CPP";"Youth"
1800;"This article explores an Arab American community arts organization as a site for promoting youth civic participation and social activism. Studying a citizenship education project outside the school walls, and focusing on the arts as a medium for this work, foregrounds the role of the symbolic for engaging youth as active participants in democratic society. The article also examines the symbolic political argument for postnational citizenship that the young participants articulated through a film they produced.";"Journal Article";2009;"T. R. A. El-Haj";"Imagining postnationalism: Arts, citizenship education, and Arab American youth";"Anthropology & Education Quarterly";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1801;"Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policy makers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"L. K. Taylor";"Impact of political violence, social trust, and depression on civic participation in Colombia";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1802;"Ingratiation is one of the most commonly studied social influence tactics that is used by employees to advance their career goals. Research examining predictors of ingratiation has rather shown inconsistent findings. To address these inconsistencies, this study drew on social cognitive theory to investigate the role of political skill as a moderator in the associations between two career-related psychological needs (i.e., need for achievement and need for power) and ingratiation. We tested these associations using independent 150 matched employee–peer dyads from Thailand. Results revealed that self-reported political skill exerted differential moderating effects on the associations among the two career-related psychological needs and peer-rated ingratiation. Whereas the association between need for achievement and ingratiation was positive under high levels of political skill, the association between need for power and ingratiation was positive under low levels of political skill.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Sibunruang, A. Capezio and S. L. D. Restubog";"In pursuit of success: The differential moderating effects of political skill on the relationships among career-related psychological needs and ingratiation";"Journal of Career Assessment";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1803;"Background: Civil and political participation lies at the core of citizenship. Increasingly, people with intellectual disability are members of disability advisory bodies. This study investigated the political orientations of advisory body members with intellectual disability, their participatory experiences, and the types of support they received. Method: The 9 people with intellectual disability who in 2005 were members of disability advisory bodies at a state, national, and Victorian local government level were interviewed, together with 12 other members or secretariat staff of these bodies. Observations were also conducted of advisory body meetings. Results: The political perspective of members with intellectual disability varied, but all had a background in self-advocacy. They found the work hard but rewarding and encountered both practical and intangible obstacles to participation. Members received varying types of practical support, but a supportive collegial milieu was characteristic among members who felt most confident about their participation. Conclusions: The milieu, structures, and processes of advisory bodies must all be adjusted to accommodate people with intellectual disability if they are to participate meaningfully.";"Journal Article";2011;"P. Frawley and C. Bigby";"Inclusion in political and public life: The experiences of people with intellectual disability on government disability advisory bodies in Australia";"Journal of Intellectual and Developmental Disability";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1804;"Previous research suggests that when there is a high level of inequality, there is a low rate of participation. Two arguments are generally offered: First, inequality depresses participation because people from different status groups have fewer opportunities to share common goals. Second, people may participate more in civic and social life when they have more resources. However, until now, these explanations have not been separated empirically. Using EU-SILC data for 24 European countries, we analyze how income inequality is related to civic and social participation. Our results indicate that the main effects of inequality manifest via resources at the individual and societal level. However, independent of these resources, higher inequality is associated with lower civic participation. Furthermore, inequality magnifies the relationship between income and participation. This finding is in line with the view that inter-individual processes explain why inequality diminishes participation.";"Journal Article";2012;"B. Lancee and H. G. Van de Werfhorst";"Income inequality and participation: A comparison of 24 European countries";"Social Science Research";"Germany";"CPP";"Youth"
1805;"The purpose of this study was to test the effects of income and reference group income on well-being while controlling for a range of social psychological variables. A random sample of 1033 residents in a regional Australian city were surveyed by mail on a number of variables including subjective well-being, sense of community, attitudes toward their political officials, civic participation, perceptions of city life, and socio-demographics. Three general findings are reported. First, income had a significant influence on well-being, but individuals’ perceptions of their access to health services had a larger effect. Second, we found that the relationship between well-being and some of its determinants (e.g., health service perceptions) varied significantly between low and high levels of income at the household level and at the regional level. Finally, reference group income was not a significant predictor of well-being in any of the analyses we conducted. These results are discussed in light of the results from previous research in this area.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. S. Jorgensen, R. D. Jamieson and J. F. Martin";"Income, sense of community and subjective well-being: Combining economic and psychological variables";"Journal of Economic Psychology";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1806;"Promoting effective responses to climate change, especially among people who reject its anthropogenic causes, has been challenging. Following a qualitative study, we experimentally induce one of four frames of reference (identity, biodiversity conservation, economic prosperity, and climate change), and assess their effects on participants’ behavioral intentions using three scales (consumption‐investment, consumption‐reduction, and political participation). The sample (N = 156) included people who thought climate change is natural and those who thought it is human‐induced. Results show a significant impact of the identity frame, relative to the climate‐change frame, for both consumption scales, in the total sample, and among those who reject the anthropogenic causes. These results offer a way to address behavioral resistances associated with antagonistic views on climate change.";"Journal Article";2016;"R. Sapiains, R. J. S. Beeton and I. A. Walker";"Individual responses to climate change: Framing effects on pro‐environmental behaviors";"Journal of Applied Social Psychology";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1807;"In the early 1970s when I began work on the Three-Ring Conception of Giftedness, I embedded the rings in a houndstooth background that represented the interaction between personality and environment. In recent years, further research and theory development coupled with a growing concern in the field related to social and emotional development has led to a new dimension of my work on characteristics that calls attention to a series of six co-cognitive factors that are discussed in this chapter. A comprehensive review of the literature and a series of Delphi technique studies led to the development of an organizational plan for studying these six components and 13 subcomponents. Factor analysis identified these clusters of discrete but interrelated traits. I refer to these as co-cognitive factors because they interact with and enhance the cognitive traits that we ordinarily associate with the development of both high achievement and creative productive manifestations of giftedness. This new initiative was prompted by a longstanding concern about the role that gifted education should play in preparing persons with high potential for ethical and responsible leadership in all walks of life. Investments in this type of social capital benefit society as a whole because they help to create the values, norms, networks, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation geared toward the greater public good. Striking evidence indicates a marked decline in American social capital over the latter half of the century just ending. National surveys show declines over the last few decades in voter turnout and political participation, membership in service clubs, church-related groups, parent teacher associations, unions, and fraternal groups. These declines in civic and social participation have been paralleled by an increasing tendency for young people to focus on materialism, self-intelligence, narrow professional success, and individual economic gain.";"Book Section";2016;"J. S. Renzulli";"Intelligences outside the normal curve: Co-cognitive factors that contribute to the creation of social capital and leadership skills in young people";"Reflections on gifted education: Critical works by Joseph S. Renzulli and colleagues.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1808;"In this new millennium, those with high levels of education have better health outcomes, increased civic participation, and higher social capital. The size of the Latino youth population and the role they will play in future labor markets warrants a larger public investment in their education. In this chapter, we argue that because so many current and future Latino college students are the first in their families to attend college, understanding both the academic and psychological needs of first-generation college students is critical. Given this discussion, we show how the creation of infrastructures to increase the number of Latino students in higher education must rest on three foundational strategies: (a) expand existing national and state policies to facilitate access to higher education through stronger financial aid packages and support programs, (b) pass legislation to address the educational needs of undocumented youth, and (c) develop institutional practices that facilitate retention.";"Book Section";2011;"L. M. Piedra, T. A. Schiffner and G. Reynaga-Abiko";"Investing in the future: Expanding educational opportunities for first-generation Latino college students";"Creating infrastructures for Latino mental health.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1809;"The present study examines factors affecting involvement in voluntary work and social participation among Chinese in the UK. Two hundred and eleven British Chinese participants recruited from Chinese health and community centres across the United Kingdom completed a quantitative questionnaire. The 38-item instrument consisted of four main domains: health and functioning; social functioning; volunteerism; and demographics. Findings revealed female respondents were more likely to have experience of voluntary work than their male counterparts, while those with a Bachelor’s degree or above were more likely to be involved in voluntary work. Respondents who reported that significant recent local events in the UK, such as the death of Princess Diana, the UK going to war with the USA against Iraq, and the 2005 London Transport terrorist bombings, had an impact on their lives were also more likely to have experience of voluntary work. Social participation and self-focused motivations, in terms of participating in social organisations and events because of the recognition in one’s career or social status, were also related to experience with voluntary work. Better understanding of the motivations and practices of British Chinese in terms of social participation and volunteerism may enable more culturally inclusive and appropriate civic participation involvement.";"Journal Article";2012;"T. L. Rochelle and S. M. Shardlow";"Involvement in volunteer work and social participation among UK Chinese";"International Journal of Intercultural Relations";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"Youth"
1810;"Using data from the World Values Survey, this article examines a series of strongly held values and beliefs concerning the political and wider social world, on a cross-nationally comparative basis. Orientations such as political outlook, attitudes toward religion, political participation, social movements, women's roles, and satisfaction with life are examined. Tentative groupings of young people by country are attempted, revealing a commonality of values among the old and young in certain clusters of societies. Within these clusters, the relative magnitude of gender and age differences in attitudinal positioning are analyzed, to show how nationality and youth interact differently when examining different attitudes. It is found that young people do have common values cross-nationally, but only within certain supranational limits.";"Journal Article";2002;"J. Tilley";"Is youth a better predictor of sociopolitical values than is nationality?";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"Ireland";"CPP";"Youth"
1811;"This study aims to analyze the understanding young people, from different places at the city of Maceió, have about the values and political beliefs that guide their practices as militants in different contexts. We conducted three focus groups with young people, from the age of 18 to 29, who are members of political, religious and cultural groups and movements. We discovered three different discourses covering topics from policy to modes of knowledge within each group. These were found to relate to their levels of understanding about the role of politics as an instrument of social transformation and the constitution of subjectivities. Despite the different life trajectories these young people and their groups have taken, we are surprised by the fact that it is through the participatory practices that express their values, that they express their aspiration to be perceived as social actors and subjects as connected to their times.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. R. Mesquita and A. C. M. Oliveira";"Juventudes, movimentos e culturas: A participação política de jovens na cidade de Maceió. = Youth, movements and cultures: The political participation of young people in Maceió";"Estudos de Psicologia";"Brazil";"CPP";"Youth"
1812;"Using a telephone survey of randomly selected voters from the general population, the authors sought to understand the interrelatedness of the use of the Internet as a political information source with perception of political participation, political information efficacy, and cynicism. Guided by the uses and gratifications theory and employing the Political Media Gratifications Scale, the authors examine these constructs in terms of emergent generational differences. Findings indicate that digital natives differ from their older voting counterparts, and the researchers conclude more research must investigate further to accurate determine meaning.";"Journal Article";2011;"R. W. Lariscy, S. F. Tinkham and K. D. Sweetser";"Kids these days: Examining differences in political uses and gratifications, internet political participation, political information efficacy, and cynicism on the basis of age";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1813;"Participation as a key component of democracy has been the focus of considerable research, with the body of scholarship focusing overwhelmingly on voting. However, because political interests and opinions can be conveyed and expressed outside the voting booth, this study examines political activity in a nonelectoral context, specifically, World Trade Organization (WTO) policies and issues as well as the WTO ministerial meeting held in Seattle, Washington, in the fall of 1999. Within this context, this study explores the process of media effects on participation, focusing on knowledge and trust in the organization as intervening variables between attention to WTO news and anticipated behaviors related to the WTO. Survey data collected from 277 adults from the greater Seattle area prior to the WTO meeting were used to test seven hypotheses and address two research questions. Results indicate that newspaper and television reliance had differential effects on knowledge about the WTO and trust in the institution. Moreover, the effects of trust on political behavior were considerably stronger than those of knowledge.";"Journal Article";2005;"P. Moy, M. Torres, K. Tanaka and M. R. McCluskey";"Knowledge or Trust? Investigating Linkages Between Media Reliance and Participation";"Communication Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1814;"The article by Martínez, Silva, and Hernández (see record [rid]2011-27851-003[/rid]) argues that Chilean youth have disengaged from participation in conventional socio-political institutions because they believe that the sociopolitical system does not validate the persons, violates their rights, is highly inequitable, and excludes them from having a real voice in public decision-making. This perception clashes with their values of fraternity and a just and dignified development for everyone. This essay examines if these beliefs have a real basis in the structure and logic of the economic and political model they criticize. This issue is analyzed from a political economy perspective, built on the assumption that economic and political structures determine social subjects, their interests, and their relative power. A direct association was found between the logic of Chile’s political-economic model and the feelings of exclusion that the interviewees expressed.";"Journal Article";2010;"E. Silva and C. Silva";"La economía política y las motivaciones de participación socio-política de jóvenes chilenos: Una interpretación de los hallazgos de Martínez, Silva y Hernández (2010). = Political economy and youth motivations of socio-political participation: An interpretation of the findings from Martínez, Silva and Hernández (2010)";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1815;"In recent decades different studies examined the relationship of young people to politics, showing its rejection, mistrust and low participation. The aim of this paper is to describe social representation that young have of politics to advance the understanding of their relationship with her. For this purpose, a sample of young Argentines, who were given technical word association with the term inductor policy was selected. The results indicate that young people think politics in institutional, democratic terms and customized in current political figures. Moreover, the political institution viewed negatively because they consider an institutional activity linked to corruption, fraud, lies and theft.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. Bruno and A. Barreiro";"La Política Como Representación Social. = Politics as social representation";"Psicología Política";"Argentina";"CPP";"Youth"
1816;"Although late-night comedy and satirical news programs like The Daily Show have been recognized as important sources of political information, prior research suggests that viewers gain only a limited amount of political knowledge from watching these programs. Drawing from uses and gratification theory and extant research on political information processing, this study examines whether learning from The Daily Show depends on whether viewers orient to the message as news or as entertainment. Results from an online experiment suggest that viewers who orient to a segment from The Daily Show as news or as a mix of news and entertainment invest more mental effort and subsequently learn more than viewers who have a purely entertainment orientation. Further, among viewers with a purely entertainment orientation, providing them with an explicit informational-processing goal increases the amount of mental effort and learning relative to viewers who are given no explicit viewing objective.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Feldman";"Learning about politics from The Daily Show: The role of viewer orientation and processing motivations";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1817;"The question of the ability of citizens to respond to elite communication in a manner consistent with their own deeper values is fundamental in the literature on public opinion. Prior research shows that citizens are more likely to follow frames emphasizing values matching their own deeper values. Yet research has also identified a number of cases where citizens form value-inconsistent opinions and fail to anchor their response to elite frames in their own values. We shed light on this disconnect by arguing that prior exposure to a value frame increases citizens’ ability to respond to the frame in a manner consistent with their deeper political values and accept a value matching frame. Furthermore, we demonstrate that this effect is strongest among citizens with low political sophistication.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Aarøe and C. Jensen";"Learning to match: How prior frame exposure increases citizens' value matching abilities";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"Denmark";"CPP";"Youth"
1818;"Extends the R. Groves and M. Couper (1998) conceptual framework of classes of statistical interaction lying within survey participation, by specifying mechanisms by which individual participant differences themselves affect the performance of survey design features. Specifically, a 'leverage-saliency' theory of survey participation is proposed in regard to the combined influences of perceived obligations of civic duty and of cash incentives. The theory was tested on a sample of Detroit area residents (aged 18–89 yrs) where Ss were asked about political and community involvement and organizational membership. Additionally, a second-phase request was mailed offering an incentive. Results proved the hypothesis: the positive effect of an incentive was diminished for Ss where community involvement was a likely motivator for cooperation. This effect was detectable even with weak indicators of leverage and salience.";"Journal Article";2000;"R. M. Groves, E. Singer and A. Corning";"Leverage-saliency theory of survey participation";"Public Opinion Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1819;"This research examines in detail the structure of the issue public for health care reform, drawing from extensive, nationally representative survey data tapping general attentiveness to news and public affairs, specific interests in health care issues, and motivations (e.g., personal health and financial conditions) to follow health care reform issues. We furthermore adopt a multi-dimensional approach to defining the contours of the issue public for health care policy, separately studying its cognitive, affective, and behavioral underpinnings. Results indicate only weak interconnections across these dimensions--measured through health care knowledge, holding strong opinions on health care issues, and participation in health-related political activities, respectively--and somewhat different structural and motivational patterns underlying each. Theoretical, conceptual and methodological implications of these findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2006;"V. Price, C. David, B. Goldthorpe, M. M. Roth and J. N. Cappella";"Locating the issue public: The multi-dimensional nature of engagement with health care reform";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1820;"Without coherent, consistent, and contrasting ideologies, political decision making in the United States evolves in unpredictable, erratic ways. Decisions are disconnected from common understandings. People vote on personality, frequently electing political personalities whose policies they reject. The people and government lack any compass to guide the direction of the nation. When the connections among ideology, language, and action break, the viability of the political system gives way to a gridlocked political structure which moves sometimes this way, sometimes that, but without the ability to steer a predictable course clearly and effectively through major issues of our time. In this book, we will explore this erosion of the ties among ideology, language, and political action. We will describe the role that political language and ambiguity play in developing political direction. We will offer a way to reconnect ideology and action in the context of an analytical system that attempts to locate stability and coherence in political discourse. Based on this analysis, we will gaze into the future to predict the emerging ideology now striving to assume a greater role. We begin by looking at the young twenty-first century and considering the problems of governance and their relationship to political ideology.";"Book";2005;"B. L. Brock, M. E. Huglen, J. F. Klumpp and S. Howell";"Making sense of political ideology: The power of language in democracy";;"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1821;"The purpose of this chapter is to make the case for integrating social technologies in and beyond the social studies classroom and to explore effective strategies for facilitating meaningful discussion of social issues using social technologies. There is a strong consensus that discussion of social issues, especially those that young people view as being important to their lives, is a best practice in social studies education. Indeed, the literature is rich with both conceptual and empirical pieces that collectively justify this educational activity, particularly its propensity to inspire interest and participation in civil society. As Hahn concluded from her ten-year study of citizenship across five countries, '[...] when students frequently discuss controversial issues in their classes, when they perceive that several sides of issues are presented and discussed, and when they feel comfortable expressing their views, they are more likely to develop attitudes that foster later civic participation than do students without such experiences'.";"Book Section";2014;"E. K. Humphries and E. Y. Washington";"Mashing Socrates and Zuckerberg: Discussing social issues with social technologies";"Digital social studies.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1822;"In this paper we review and extend measures of political mobilization: the increasing extremity of beliefs, feelings, and behaviors in support of inter-group conflict. Building on previous research, we introduce the Activism and Radicalism Intention Scales (ARIS). The Activism Intention Scale assesses readiness to participate in legal and non-violent political action, whereas the Radicalism Intention Scale assesses readiness to participate in illegal or violent political action. In ad-hoc samples of U.S. and Ukrainian undergraduates, and in an Internet panel survey representative of the U.S. population, Activism and Radicalism intentions formed two correlated but distinguishable dimensions. The popular 'conveyor belt' metaphor of radicalization (implying that activism leads easily to radicalism and that most radicals emerge from activism) found only mixed support in our results. Discussion suggests the potential usefulness of the ARIS for learning about how individuals move from political attitudes and beliefs to political action, including political violence and terrorism.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. Moskalenko and C. McCauley";"Measuring political mobilization: The distinction between activism and radicalism";"Terrorism and Political Violence";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1823;"How valid and reliable are the measures of political participation used in the major social science surveys? We know that there is considerable variation in estimated levels of political participation in different survey. But as question wordings as well as the response options, time constraints, survey techniques, and levels of non response differ, uncertainty surrounds to what extent the item construction biases the results. In this research note, we test the effects of both of introductions and response options. As regards response options, the idea behind our treatment is that participants might more easily admit that they have not participated in political activities if they are not forced to choose a definitive 'no' alternative but instead may opt for a face-saving version of the 'no' alternative. Hence, social desirability bias is hypothesized to be reduced when providing a way to say 'no' that does not make respondents feel shameful.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Persson and M. Solevid";"Measuring political participation—Testing social desirability bias in a web-survey experiment";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"Sweden";"CPP";"Youth"
1824;"Although eligible to vote, college-age citizens are notorious for their failure to engage in even the most basic forms of public affairs participation. A survey (N=420) conducted during the final days of the fall 2000 presidential election campaign examined associations between young adults' political apathy and their perceptions and use of the media. Study results indicated that participants' involvement, efficacy, and television news use--measured as attention to and time spent with television news programs--negatively predicted political apathy. Cynicism and perceptions that television news was a beneficial source of information positively associated with apathy. Negativism toward campaigns had no relationship to apathy. The results show that when young people are more highly involved in public affairs, and when they have a strong sense of efficacy, they appear to be less likely to lapse into political apathy. The effects of television-the primary source of news for most young Americans- are double-edged, with more frequent use of television positively associated with political participation but satisfaction with it as a source positively associated with apathy.";"Journal Article";2004;"B. E. Pinkleton and E. W. Austin";"Media Perceptions and Public Affairs Apathy in the Politically Inexperienced";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1825;"Explored the relationship between media use and political commitment. 78 undergraduate participants (mean age 20.6 yrs) answered an extensive political background questionnaire, which included measures of media use, perceived importance of information sources regarding the 1992 US presidential election, and various political behaviors as an index of political commitment. Correlational analyses revealed that those who are more politically committed tend to select a variety of media sources regarding a presidential candidate. This study also investigated how informational and commitment variables were related to attitudes towards the major presidential candidates. Results observed for people expressing positive attitudes toward Ross Perot are discussed in terms of the modern day 'third party voter.'";"Journal Article";1996;"E. P. Ossoff and C. A. Dalto";"Media use and political commitment: The 1992 U.S. presidential election";"Current Psychology: A Journal for Diverse Perspectives on Diverse Psychological Issues";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1826;"Examined media effects on the political knowledge, behavior, and interest of the Japanese younger generation in 1,103 students in 4 universities in Japan. Discussion focuses on measuring exposure to, attention to, and reliance on newspaper and TV separately to facilitate analysis of certain associations related to specific media in comparison to others regarding political cognition and interest. Newspapers were found to play a more significant and important role than TV. Attention and exposure to print media are the strongest predictors of knowledge, behavior, and interest among Japanese students.";"Journal Article";1991;"O. Feldman and K. Kawakami";"Media use as predictors of political behavior: The case of Japan";"Political Psychology";"Japan";"CPP";"Youth"
1827;"This study aims to extend the literature on mobile communication by demonstrating that multifaceted mobile practices work in coordination with one another to predict enhanced engagement in public life. Using a national survey of adults in South Korea, we show that informational mobile phone use to gather and discuss content about news and public affairs is positively associated with political participation while the corresponding link for relational mobile phone use to enhance strong personal tie relationships being also significant. More importantly, the findings indicate that the two mobile usage patterns interact with each other to explain increased involvement in political activities. However, analysis of the three-way interaction points to a noteworthy caveat, namely that those who are already engaged, by virtue of their perceived capacity to produce desired outcomes in politics (i.e., self-efficacy), are even more likely to obtain motivational benefits from the manifold uses of mobile telephony.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. Lee, N. Kwak, S. W. Campbell and R. Ling";"Mobile communication and political participation in South Korea: Examining the intersections between informational and relational uses";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1828;"The 15M demonstration (the origin of the indignados movement in Spain and the seed of the occupy mobilizations) presents some outstanding characteristics that defy the established principles of the collective action paradigm. This article develops some observable implications of the concept of connective action and tests them against the case of the 15M demonstration. Cases of self-organized connective action networks are expected to be different from traditional collective action cases with regard to the characteristics of the organizations involved, the prevalent mobilization channels and the characteristics of participants. Based on a comparative analysis of data gathered from participants and organizations in nine demonstrations held in Spain between 2010 and 2011, relevant and significant differences were found in the characteristics of the 15M staging organizations (recently created, without formal membership and mainly online presence), the main mobilization channels (personal contact and online social networks rather than co-members or broadcast media), and participants (younger, more educated and less politically involved). These findings help to understand the large turnout figures of this movement and have important implications for the mobilization potential of social networks, particularly as it can affect the political participation of the less-involved citizens.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Anduiza, C. Cristancho and J. M. Sabucedo";"Mobilization through online social networks: The political protest of the indignados in Spain";"Information, Communication & Society";"Spain";"CPP";"Youth"
1829;"This online survey conducted at a public university in the Northwest (N = 434) examines the influence of political involvement, information source attention, and online political discussion on young adults’ political efficacy. A factor analysis indicated that political information sources loaded into three factors including conventional and online hard news media such as newspapers, opinion and social media such as blogs or social networking websites, and public affairs websites including government and candidate websites. A path analysis revealed significant differences in their association with online political expression and external efficacy. As an entry point in the theoretical model, involvement in public affairs positively associated with attention to political information sources, online political expression, and external political efficacy. Attention to hard news and to public affairs websites positively predicted political efficacy. Attention to online opinion and social media and to public affairs websites positively predicted online political expression.";"Journal Article";2012;"Y. Zhou and B. E. Pinkleton";"Modeling the effects of political information source use and online expression on young adults’ political efficacy";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1830;"Social capital studies have provided some evidence that discussion networks increase political participation. However, a counterargument is that discussion with heterogeneous networks may instead decrease political participation. We examine the empirical validity of this claim using multiple discussion network data collected through the 2003 Japanese General Social Survey. We find that talking about politics positively affects political participation, irrespective of whether politics is the main subject of conversation or merely a by-product of conversation about other topics. Further, our results do not support the somewhat controversial claim that interacting with others holding opposing political views decreases political participation. To the contrary, we find a positive link between political heterogeneity and political participation in a variety of discussion networks.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. i. Ikeda and J. Boase";"Multiple discussion networks and their consequence for political participation";"Communication Research";"Japan";"CPP";"Youth"
1831;"In this article, Dafney Blanca Dabach investigates how teachers and their students of different citizenship statuses navigate tensions in formal state-sponsored, citizenship education. In traditional US high school civics courses, undocumented immigrant youths’ liminal status is often invisible and overlooked as undocumented youth are educated alongside their peers who have full citizenship rights. Disjunctures between idealized rights and structural exclusions become barriers to meaningful civic education. Through this qualitative case study, Dabach examines the possibilities of a teacher’s brokering role across different forms of knowledge and experience in a classroom that included undocumented immigrants, naturalized immigrants, and US-born students whose parental origins spanned twelve countries across five continents. She asks: How do civics teachers who are aware of their students’ varied citizenship statuses discuss political participation in mixed-status classrooms during nationally focused events, such as elections ? And, how do students of differing citizenship statuses respond during such times? Dabach demonstrates how the teacher apprenticed youth into practices of political participation while recounting narratives about the impact of immigration deportation policies at the local school site. In doing so, the teacher breached norms of silence, interrupting norms that contribute to maintaining status quo exclusions. This case study documents how the teacher simultaneously socialized youth of different citizenship statuses in ways that they found meaningful—across citizenship types. This work contributes to conceptualizing how civic education may be more inclusive in the face of systematic exclusions.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. B. Dabach";"'My student was apprehended by immigration': A civics teacher’s breach of silence in a mixed-citizenship classroom";"Harvard Educational Review";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1832;"In Necessary Spaces: Exploring the Richness of African American Childhood in the South, Saundra Murray Nettles takes the reader on a journey into neighborhood networks of learning at different times and places. Using autobiographical accounts, Nettles discusses the informal instructional practices of community 'coaches' from the perspective of African American adults who look back on their childhood learning experiences in homes, libraries, city blocks, schools, churches, places of business, and nature. These eyewitness accounts reveal 'necessary spaces,' the metaphor Nettles uses to describe seven recurring experiences that converge with contemporary notions of optimal black child development: connection, exploration, design, empowerment, resistance, renewal, and practice. Nettles weaves the personal stories with social scientific theory and research and practical accounts of community-based initiatives to illuminate how local communities contributed human, built, and natural resources to support children's achievement in schools. The inquiry offers a timely and accessible perspective on how community involvement for children can be developed utilizing the grassroots efforts of parents, children, and other neighborhood residents; expertise from personnel in schools, informal institutions (such as libraries and museums); and other sectors interested in disparities in education, health, and the quality of physical settings. Grounded in the environmental memories of African American childhood, Necessary Spaces offers a culturally relevant view of civic participation and sustainable community development at the local level. Educational researchers and policy makers, pre-service and in-service teachers, and people who plan for and work with children and youth in neighborhoods will find this book an engaging look at possibilities for the social organization of educational resources. Qualitative researchers will find a model for writing personal scholarly essays that use the personal to inform larger issues of policy and practice. In Necessary Spaces, local citizens in neighborhoods across the United States will find stories that resonate with their own experiences, stimulate their recollections, and inform and inspire their continuing efforts to create brighter futures for children and communities.";"Book";2013;"S. Murray Nettles";"Necessary spaces: Exploring the richness of African American childhood in the South";"Landscapes of education";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1833;"This paper examines the impact of dispositional Need for Cognitive Closure (NFC) on different political attitudes and on the 'person blame' and the 'system blame' dimensions. Two hundred and thirty-four psychology students completed a questionnaire containing the Italian version of the Need for Closure scale, a measure of political and ideological attitudes, a measure of the person-system blame dimensions, and a measure of past voting. Results showed that high NFC individuals (vs. low NFCs) reported having voted for a rightwing party and holding more conservative attitudes. High NFCs (vs. low NFCs) turned out to have stronger anti-immigrant attitudes, to be more nationalistic, to prefer an autocratic leadership and a centralized form of political power. High NFCs also value religiosity more highly than low NFCs. High NFCs (vs. low NFCs scored lower on pluralism and multiculturalism. Furthermore, high NFCs (vs. low NFCs) revealed a tendency to blame individuals for social problems, but no significant difference was found with regard to the system blame dimension. Results are discussed in the light of the motivated social cognition approach (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003).";"Journal Article";2004;"A. Chirumbolo, A. Areni and G. Sensales";"Need for cognitive closure and politics: Voting, political attitudes and attributional style";"International Journal of Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1834;"Researches on the relationship between young adults and politics show an increasing trend of political negativism, yet the relation between this latter dimension and electoral vote is still unclear. The aim of this study is to investigate both the diffusion of negativism and its relations with relevant constructs in order to understand the determinants of voting behaviour. Specifically, the survey was conducted during the period of the 2004 European elections on a sample of 174 university students coming from a range of faculties in Campania. We investigated the relationship between negativism and political participation, left-right orientation, identification with coalitions (Casa delle Libertà and Uniti nell'Ulivo) and their respective leaders (Silvio Berlusconi and Romano Prodi), explicit and implicit attitudes toward the same political objects (i.e. coalition and leaders), and voting behaviour. Results suggest that negativism is widespread and it plays a relevant role in predicting voting behaviour. Furthermore, negativism is more related to an explicit evaluation of the social, political and economic reality than to emotional or unaware associative evaluations.";"Journal Article";2009;"A. Gnisci, A. Di Conza, V. P. Senese and M. Perugini";"Negativismo politico, voto e atteggiamento. Uno studio su un campione di studenti universitari alla vigilia delle elezioni Europee del 12-13 giugno 2004. = Political negativism, vote and attitude: A survey on a sample of university students on the Eve of the 2004 European election";"Rassegna di Psicologia";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1836;"This study explores the multimodality of Internet use as a critical indicator of digital inequalities. Rather than relying on traditional measures of user/nonuser and information/entertainment uses, this study focuses on a broad scope of online activities and investigates them collectively. Results show that the more modes of Internet activities people are engaged in, the more advanced uses they will add to their online behaviors. Female, older, poorer, and less educated only use the Internet for very limited basic applications, which are associated with fewer political communication and participation. While previous research concludes that the type of Internet activities matters, this study suggests that it is the number of types that matters in examining potential inequalities and their social consequences.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. Wei";"Number matters: The multimodality of Internet use as an indicator of the digital inequalities";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"China";"CPP";"Youth"
1837;"Discusses the significance of civic virtues for political and community psychology and for education in the current liberal democratic society in the Czech Republic. The historical development of the interpretation of virtue is examined, and empirical research on the status of civic virtues in Czech society is reviewed. Results of sociological studies and international comparative studies on the civic duties and civic participation of citizens of the Czech Republic and on the still occurring posttotalitarian phenomena (e.g., learned helplessness, low self-esteem, low self-efficacy, poor work habits among youth, suspiciousness, generally unsatisfactory interpersonal relations, and tolerance of fraud) are described. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1997;"M. Klicperová";"Občanské ctnosti a transformace společnosti. = Civic virtues and transformation of society";"Československá Psychologie: Časopis Pro Psychologickou Teorii a Praxi";"Czech Republic";"CPP";"Youth"
1838;"This article focuses on an exploratory study, documenting the experience of ten working class gay men (aged 28–58 yrs) in Toronto. Using qualitative methods in an effort to uncover clues about how the informants themselves perceive the experience, this article offers practice insight into tile world of some working class gay men. Various themes such as the issue of appearance, the role of work, coming out to families, and attitudes and participation in the Toronto gay political/social scene are discussed.";"Journal Article";2001;"G. P. Mallon";"Oh, Canada: The experience of working-class gay men in Toronto";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: Issues in Practice, Policy & Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1839;"This study seeks to assess the implications of the social use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) for online political participation. Past research investigating the link between ICTs and political participation has emphasized the informational use of ICTs, overlooking their communication-enabling potentials for facilitating political talk in interpersonal spaces and subsequently, political participation in public domains. To understand further how ICTs as a means of communication may relate to political participation, we use data from the 2008 Taiwan Social Change Survey (N = 1076) to examine the relationship between the Internet and online political participation by looking at online media use for social interaction and engagement in civic talk online. Our findings suggest that interpersonal factors such as online civic talk and media multiplexity are positively associated with online political participation. Individuals who discuss politics with their friends via the Internet and those who use more types of online media for social interaction are more likely to contact legislators and elected officials directly via the Web and articulate their political thoughts in online public spaces such as forums, blogs, and websites of news media. We further offer an assessment of the findings’ implications for political participation, political communication, and digital inequality.";"Journal Article";2014;"Y. P. Hsieh and M.-H. Li";"Online political participation, civic talk, and media multiplexity: How Taiwanese citizens express political opinions on the Web";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1840;"Participation in formal organizations has been considered a marker of social capital, but informal interactions may also provide social-capital relevant benefits. The current studies (N = 252 undergraduates; 60 adult members of a service organization) assessed skills, outcomes, and social-structural perceptions that may be developed from organizational or informal participation. Results suggested that organizations serve as potential training grounds for diverse types of civic participation; individuals hone their leadership and public speaking skills within the structures provided by organized groups. On the other hand, informal interaction also contributed importantly to social capital formation by fostering negotiating skill, the sharing of opinions, and companionship, and by creating networks of mutual obligation.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. C. Green and T. C. Brock";"Organizational Membership versus Informal Interaction: Contributions to Skills and Perceptions that Build Social Capital";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1841;"Several researchers have documented, in many countries, a decline of political participation among young people. Three types of variables have been put forth to explain this phenomenon: socio-demographic variables, psychological determinants and agencies of socialization. Several authors have underlined the need to consider all three kinds of variables together. Therefore, this study is aimed to analyze at the same time the influence of these three types of variables on political participation and to construct a model to explore the relations between the different agencies of socialization, distinguishing, as Cohen et al. (2001) propose, between political interest and political activism. Ss were 280, aged from 20 to 34. The instruments used were: Socio-political Empowerment Scale; Political Participation Scale; Optimism Scale; Big Five Questionnaire; Political Motivation Scale. Data were analyzed through hierarchical regression and structural equation modelling. Results show that agencies of socialization variables (family, friends, school and mass media) have more influence than psychological determinants and demographic variables on both kinds of political participation.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. E. Mebane, R. Sorace and M. Vecchione";"Partecipazione politica giovanile: Il ruolo delle variabili strutturali, delle determinanti individuali e delle diverse agenzie di socializzazione politica. = Youths' political participation: The role of socio-demographic variables, psychological determinants and different agencies of socialization";"Età Evolutiva";"Italy";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1842;"In this paper we analyse views, levels and experiences of participation of young people of Brazilian origin living in Portugal. Using date collected through focus groups discussions (N = 29) we present youth views end meanings about participation, knowledge about their political rights and main sources of influence. Additionally, using results from the survey (N = 357) we report types end levels of civic and political participation. In addition, we explore levels of political interest, political attentiveness and perceived effectiveness of participation. The results are discussed through a broad conception of civic and political participation and contrasting the results from the focus groups and the survey. Based on the results, we conclude that participation of young Brazilian is a complex issue that includes cognitive dimensions end varies according age, gender and cultural capital.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Fernandes-Jesus, E. Cicognagni and I. Menezes";"Participação cívica e política: Jovens imigrantes Brasileiros/as em Portugal. = Civic and political participation: Young people of Brazilian origin in Portugal";"Psicologia & Sociedade";"Portugal";"CPP";"Youth"
1843;"Studied the effect of some personality dimensions, attitudes, sociodemographic features, and political variables on the prediction of political participation and abstention. Human Ss: 707 normal male and female Spanish adults (aged 18–76 yrs). A battery of Spanish-language questionnaires on dogmatism–fascism–antiauthoritarianism, extraversion and neuroticism, hostility and aggression, rigidity, locus of control, motivation and performance anxiety, Macchiavellianism, sociopolitical attitudes, and voting behavior was administered. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1998;"W. Peñate, M. González and J. M. Bethencourt";"Participación y abstención en procesos electorales: una aproximación a su predicción. = Political participation and abstention: An approximation to its prediction";"Análisis y Modificación de Conducta";"Spain";"CPP";"Youth"
1844;"The purpose of this chapter is to report the findings from Portugal regarding participation among youth, women and migrants. We present some of the findings from the focus groups and from the survey. Regarding the focus groups, perceptions about disadvantages in civic and political participation are discussed. Then, using data from the survey, patterns of civic and political participation among young people are reported, considering age, gender, books at home and immigrant background.";"Book Section";2015;"M. Fernandes-Jesus, C. Malafaia, N. Ribeiro and I. Menezes";"Participation among youth, women, and migrants: Findings from Portugal";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Portugal";"CPP";"Youth"
1845;"Investigated 7 modes of sociopolitical and 1 form of potential participation in the context of Norwegian local government using data from 2 national surveys conducted in 1990 (N = 1,695) and 1993 (N = 4,467). Results indicate factors associated with alternative modes of activity vary; different types of people tend to choose different channels of involvement. Activities directed toward influencing public opinion is typically chosen by younger, well-educated single females living in urban areas. Influencing political decision making more directly is characteristic of married, better educated males living in smaller municipalities. Findings indicate participation in local politics in Norway is widespread. Methodological appendices are provided.";"Journal Article";1996;"P. A. Peterson and L. E. Rose";"Participation in local politics in Norway: Some do, some don't; some will, some won't";"Political Behavior";"Norway";"CPP";"Youth"
1846;"We explore how participation by immigrants in voluntary groups is related to their social contact patterns. Our discussion is guided by the structural integration and the homophily perspectives. Drawing from the 2008 Canadian General Social Survey, the findings in general support the structural integration perspective. The findings also show that frequency of participation in voluntary groups and number of voluntary associations participated have independent and significant positive relationships with socioeconomic range of contact and number of high-status contacts, except that the number of voluntary associations involved does not relate to the number of high-status contacts among immigrants. In addition, the findings show that receiving education overseas does not relate to the range of contact and high-status contact. However, visible minority immigrants significantly has lower socioeconomic range of contact than other immigrants even controlling for voluntary association participation.";"Journal Article";2016;"E. Fong and J. Shen";"Participation in voluntary associations and social contact of immigrants in Canada";"American Behavioral Scientist";"Canada";"CPP";"Youth"
1847;"Objective: Research indicates partisan polarization on a number of social and moral attitudes. However, it is unclear whether a similar polarization can be found regarding citizenship norms, a question we investigate. Methods: Using 2004 GSS data, we examine regression results analyzing citizens’ beliefs about a wide range of citizenship duties and rights based on their partisan identity. Results: Democrats and Republicans differ little in regard to many key rights and duties, such as the importance of voting and the right to equal treatment by the government. However, compared to Republicans, Democrats attach more importance to social duties and rights for political participation and for minority groups. Independents are most distinctive, placing much less importance on political duties and social rights of equality and an adequate standard of living, particularly in comparison to Democrats. Conclusion: The majority of Americans share a common set of citizenship norms. Yet, some differences occur along partisan lines, and Independents hold weaker citizenship norms compared to Republicans and Democrats.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. Coffé and C. Bolzendahl";"Partisan cleavages in the importance of citizenship rights and responsibilities";"Social Science Quarterly";"Netherlands";"CPP";"Youth"
1848;"The main purpose of the research is to establish the discriminant power of political interest, political knowledge, political efficacy and political confidence among the different modes of political participation (non-participation, conventional participation and non-conventional participation) of young people in Córdoba/Argentina. 300 young people from 18 to 30 years old—choiced by a non random sampling—give his consent to participate in the study. A discriminant analysis with 3-groups was applied to all the psycho-social variables. The obtained results allow developing a model in wich all sociocognitives variables (but external efficacy and political confidence) have a good discriminatory power of the different modes of political participation. Furthermore, the paper discusses differentiated sociocognitives profiles of young people who participate in politics.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. Brussino, H. H. Rabbia and P. Sorribas";"Perfiles sociocognitivos de la participación politica de los jóvenes. = Sociocognitive profiles of the political participation of youth";"Revista Interamericana de Psicología";"Argentina";"CPP";"Youth"
1850;"Empirical research is crucial for understanding the personality foundations of political preferences in modern democracies. However, few studies have addressed the personality of top politicians using standard methods to assess basic traits and personal values. In the current research, traits and values of 106 female members of the Italian Parliament were assessed in accordance with the Five-Factor Model of personality and Schwartz's taxonomy. The same variables were measured in a sample of 864 voters taken from the general population. We investigate the extent to which differences in traits and values contribute to ideological orientation of politicians and voters of rival coalitions. A similar pattern of relations was found in both groups. Yet, traits and values contributed to partisanship of politicians much more than to political preferences of voters. Whereas values fully mediated the contribution of traits to voting, energy/extraversion and agreeableness contributed to political partisanship both directly and indirectly, through values.";"Journal Article";2010;"G. Caprara, D. Francescato, M. Mebane, R. Sorace and M. Vecchione";"Personality foundations of ideological divide: A comparison of women members of Parliament and women voters in Italy";"Political Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1851;"Community organizers and activists draw on multiple traditions of community building and collective action in attempts to galvanize change. The diversity of perspectives on social change processes indicates corresponding differences in perspectives on systems and what is required to change them. Twenty‐two in‐depth interviews with community organizers and activists in the Midwestern USA were conducted to identify differences in perspectives on systems change efforts. Four models used by organizers were identified: action/issue‐centric, identity‐centric, relationship‐centric, and organizing‐development. Strategies for recruitment, issue selection, leadership determination, and action were compared across models. Analyses revealed that some models might be better suited to action on certain issues (e.g. identity‐centric models when organizing around homelessness), whereas others may have advantages for use in certain settings (e.g. relationship‐centric models in congregations). These findings suggest that practitioners and scholars should pay close attention to contextual factors and focal issues when determining strategies for creating systems change.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. J. Collura and B. D. Christens";"Perspectives on systems change among local change agents: A comparative study";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1852;"In studies of public reaction to policy initiatives, researchers often assume that universal social programs have the same effect on all social aggregates and are therefore conducive to social and political participation because of their comprehensive coverage, which suggests inclusive citizenship. However, structure-based differences in accessibility can distort these social programs into privileges for some and can reinforce existing inequalities. This study illustrates how social structure determines policy feedback in terms of political and civic participation in China. Using a nationally representative sample from 2005, we find that social insurance privileges public sector employees, encouraging them to be more active in political elections than in civic elections, whereas employees in the disadvantaged private sector emphasize civic elections over political elections. We argue that structural divisions in the social insurance regime serve the political purpose of maintaining state control in transitional China.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Guo and K.-f. Ting";"Policy feedback in transitional China: The sectoral divide and electoral participation";"Social Science Research";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"Youth"
1853;"The notion of a sense of political efficacy—the belief that political change is possible and that we have the capacity to contribute to it through deliberate judgments and actions—is a core component of human agency and empowerment to act in the world. Perceptions of political efficacy are widely recognized as vital to democratic dispositions and actions in young people and adults. Research on the civil rights movement, for example, indicates that political efficacy among blacks was crucial for sustaining the movement against great odds and personal costs. Sense of political efficacy forms a powerful nexus between our personal motivations, choices, and values, and our political interactions and behaviors. Drawing together insights from political science and psychology helps explicate what a sense of political efficacy is, why it is important for self-development and democratic institutions, and some of the processes through which it emerges in young people. This chapter offers a multiperspective view of the sense of political efficacy, drawing on student and faculty interviews from a major study of undergraduates' political learning experiences to illustrate the interplay of social and psychological processes in political life. This approach adopts an interdisciplinary framework including psychologists' views about self-efficacy. It also includes young people's reflections on their political experiences and capacities and emphasizes the powerful role that well-supported political learning experiences can play in students' sense of political efficacy, agency, and empowerment.";"Book Section";2010;"E. Beaumont";"Political agency and empowerment: Pathways for developing a sense of political efficacy in young adults";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1854;"Historians and cultural theorists have long asserted that a desire to express political concerns often guides consumer behavior, yet such political consumerism has received limited attention from social scientists. Here, the authors explore the relationship of political consumerism with dispositional factors, communication variables, and consumption orientations using data collected from a panel survey conducted in the United States between February 2002 and July 2005. The authors test a theorized model using both cross-sectional and auto-regressive panel analyses. The static and change models reveal that conventional and online news use encourage political consumerism indirectly through their influence on political talk and environmental concerns. However, media use may also have some suppressive effects by reducing the desire to protect others from harmful messages. Results demonstrate how communication practices and consumption orientations work together to influence political consumerism beyond previously delineated factors. Implications for declines in political and civic participation and youth socialization are discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"D. V. Shah, D. M. McLeod, E. Kim, S. Y. Lee, M. R. Gotlieb, S. S. Ho and H. Breivik";"Political consumerism: How communication and consumption orientations drive 'lifestyle politics'";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1855;"In this study, we examine the influence of discussion frequency, network size, and 3 variables that together entangle the often misunderstood concept of network heterogeneity: discussion frequency with like-minded individuals ('safe' discussion), discussion frequency with nonlike-minded individuals ('dangerous' discussion), and diversity of discussion based on the proportion of safe and dangerous discussion. Data were gathered via a postelection random-digit dial telephone survey of residents of a battleground state (N = 600) in November 2004. Three central dependent variables were measured: factual political knowledge, political knowledge structure density, and political participation. The results support the argument that different aspects of political discussion have different implications for different democratic outcomes-and that different conceptualizations and measures of discussion 'heterogeneity' produce different results.";"Journal Article";2009;"W. P. Eveland, Jr. and M. H. Hively";"Political discussion frequency, network size, and heterogeneity of discussion as predictors of political knowledge and participation";"Journal of Communication";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1856;"Political imprisonment is a traumatic event, often accompanied by torture and deprivation. This study explores the association of political imprisonment between 1987 and 2011 with political, economic, community, psychological, physical, and family functioning in a population‐based sample of Palestinian men ages 32–43 years (N = 884) derived from a dataset collected in 2011. Twenty‐six percent (n = 233) had been politically imprisoned. Men imprisoned between 1987 and 2005 reported functioning as well as never‐imprisoned men in most domains, suggesting that men imprisoned as youth have moved forward with their lives in ways similar to their nonimprisoned counterparts. In an exception to this pattern, men imprisoned during the Oslo Accords period (1994–1999) reported higher levels of trauma‐related stress (B = 0.24, p = .027) compared to never‐imprisoned men. Men imprisoned since 2006 reported lower functioning in multiple domains: human insecurity (B = 0.33, p = .023), freedom of public expression (B = −0.48, p = .017), perceived government stability (B = −0.38, p = .009), feeling broken or destroyed (B = 0.59, p = .001), physical limitations (B = 0.55, p = .002), and community belonging (B = −0.33, p = .048). Findings pointed to the value of examining the effects of imprisonment on functioning in multiple domains.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. McNeely, B. K. Barber, C. Spellings, R. Belli, R. Giacaman, C. Arafat, M. Daher, E. El Sarraj and M. A. Mallouh";"Political imprisonment and adult functioning: A life event history analysis of Palestinians";"Journal of Traumatic Stress";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1857;"Recent political communication scholarship has examined whether social network sites (SNSs) contribute to political participation. Regarding SNSs’ mobilization effect, however, mixed results have been reported. This study, relying on representative survey data from the 2012 South Korean general election, investigates interplay between three factors influencing electoral participation: (1) type of SNS use (i.e., political versus nonpolitical use), (2) user characteristics (i.e., past voters versus nonvoters), and (3) directionality of SNS messages (i.e., messages received from versus those sent to SNS friends). Results indicate SNSs’ mobilization effect emerges when conditions are met. Voting intention is increased among past nonvoters who use SNSs through political messages received from their SNS friends. Theoretical and practical implications of SNSs’ mobilization effect are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"Y. M. Baek";"Political mobilization through social network sites: The mobilizing power of political messages received from SNS friends";"Computers in Human Behavior";"Korea";"CPP";"Youth"
1858;"In this article, we seek to provide the most comprehensive exploration to date of the effects of economic and social disadvantage on young citizens' voter turnout. We look at four overlapping domains of hardship--those rooted in (a) the family context, (b) the community context, (c) the school context, and (d) major events and life transitions. Our conceptual model of cumulative advantage/disadvantage identifies the different ways in which disadvantages can have cumulative effects on social outcomes generally and on civic participation in particular. Our framework also suggests how patterns of advantage and disadvantage may be mediated by social institutions. Using data from the National Education Longitudinal Survey, we show that disadvantages rooted in the family have major impact on all groups of young citizens and that family disadvantage interacts with school disadvantage for whites. We also show that the effects of early parenthood, being arrested, and dropping out of school have differential effects depending on race. We also show that community colleges function as civic leveling institutions--especially for African American youth.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. S. Pacheco and E. Plutzer";"Political participation and cumulative disadvantage: The impact of economic and social hardship on young citizens";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1859;"This study tested the influence of bridging and bonding social capital in political participation while controlling for sociodemographic and psychological factors among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in Illinois. Bridging social capital significantly predicted two types of participation. Participants who felt their lives were linked to those of Anglo-Americans and attended functions with members of this group were more likely to contact a public official. In addition, those who attended functions with Anglo-Americans were also more likely to work for or contribute to a political candidate. Bonding social capital significantly predicted attending a public meeting or demonstration. Those who felt more linked to other Latinos in the country were less likely to participate, but those who had a close experience with discrimination were more likely to do so. Overall, findings showed that an understanding of the different aspects of social capital is necessary to decipher the participation puzzle.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Albarracin and A. Valeva";"Political participation and social capital among Mexicans and Mexican Americans in central Illinois";"Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1860;"Level of political participation and factors contributing to participation were measured among Midwest RNs (n = 468) via an online survey (Cronbach’s α = .95). Respondents reported engaging in primarily 'low cost' activities (e.g., voting, discussing politics, and contacting elected officials), with fewer reporting speaking at public gatherings, participating in demonstrations, and membership in nursing organizations. Psychological engagement was most predictive (p < .001) of political participation with the dimensions of political interest, political efficacy, and political information/knowledge highly significant (p < .001). Resources (time/money/civic skills) significantly contributed to political participation (p < .001). Less than half (40%) felt they could impact local decisions, and fewer (32%) felt they could impact state or national government decisions. Most respondents (80%) indicated their nursing courses lacked political content and did not prepare them for political participation. Findings showed that nurse educators and leaders of professional nursing organizations need to model and cultivate greater psychological engagement among students and nurses.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. L. Vandenhouten, C. L. Malakar, S. Kubsch, D. E. Block and S. Gallagher-Lepak";"Political participation of registered nurses";"Policy, Politics, & Nursing Practice";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1861;"Surveyed 257 less-experienced eligible voters (undergraduates) to test relationships among cynicism toward the political system, negativism toward campaigns, apathy toward political participation, 3rd-person perceptions for political polling and advertising, voting efficacy, and voting intentions. Cynicism and negativity were positively associated with 3rd-person perceptions, which in turn were related to greater voting efficacy and voting intent. Cynicism had both negative and positive associations with voting efficacy. It is concluded that (1) some negative feelings about politics serve to heighten, rather than dampen, young voters' intent to participate in the elective process and (2) the voters who believe they can see through the lies they believe they are being told by politicians via the media are more apt to think their participation can make a difference.";"Journal Article";1995;"E. W. Austin and B. E. Pinkleton";"Positive and negative effects of political disaffection on the less experienced voter";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1862;"This article identifies factors inspiring greater political participation among undergraduate social work students (N=125). When separating students into self-identified liberals and conservatives, the study uses resource, mobilizing, and framing variables to explain greater levels of activism. After several multivariate regressions, this article concludes that political activism is spurred by many motivators. For liberals and conservatives, belonging to an activist network and maintaining activist identities were crucial to different modes of activism. Moreover, the perceived legitimacy of traditional institutions predicted protest actions of liberals and conservatives, whereas notions of collective efficacy influenced only electoral activism. Finally, demographic status mattered only for conservative students, as female and African American conservatives were less likely to protest than male and Euro American conservatives.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. W. Swank";"Predictors of political activism among social work students";"Journal of Social Work Education";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1863;"The present study examined gender and generation differences in political participation of Poles twenty two years after the collapse of the communist regime in Central and Eastern Europe. Participation in various political activities (both electoral and legal non-electoral behaviors) was assessed in a nationwide random sample of 400 adults interviewed face-to-face in their homes at the end of 2011. A hierarchical regression analysis, that induced several relevant predictor variables, revealed a strong main effect of age and a significant Gender X Age interaction. Participation in political activities increased with age for both genders, but a clear gender gap of lower political participation among women emerged prominently in late middle adulthood (among respondents over 57 years of age). The levels of overall political participation among younger and middle-aged Poles were similarly low for both genders. In general, the youngest respondents, those entering their political lives during the post-communist transformation, were less politically active than middle aged and older age citizens.";"Journal Article";2015;"U. Jakubowska and K. Kaniasty";"Predictors of political participation in Poland: Gender and period effects in the context of political Transformation";"Československá Psychologie: Časopis Pro Psychologickou Teorii a Praxi";"Poland";"CPP";"Youth"
1864;"Civic participation of young people around the world is routinely described in deficit terms, as they are labelled apathetic, devoid of political knowledge, disengaged from the community and self-absorbed. This paper argues that the connectivity of time, space and social values are integral to understanding the performances of young people as civic subjects. Today’s youth negotiate unstable social, economic and environmental conditions, new technologies and new forms of community. Loyalty, citizenship and notions of belonging take on new meanings in these changing global conditions. Using the socio-spatial theories of Lefebvre and Foucault and the tools of critical discourse analysis this paper argues that the chronotope, or time/space relationship of universities, produces student citizens who, in resistance to a complex global society, create a cocooned space, which focuses on moral and spiritual values that can be enacted on a personal level.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. Ryan";"Productions of space: Civic participation of young people at university";"British Educational Research Journal";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1865;"Explored the relationship between age and different types and levels of civic participation among adults (aged 18-92 yrs) in Boston. Survey data recently released from the Boston Area Study (D. Currivan and J. Fowler, 1999) were analyzed for voting behavior, civic activity participation, and demographic, social and economic characteristics. The results indicate that voting was the most common form of civic expression among Bostonians, followed by attending local government meetings. Volunteering for political organizations and candidates was the least common form of activity. Educational status was a strong predictor of most forms of civic-oriented activity and was consistently related to activity for those persons 60 yrs old and older. A model of civic participation was developed that shows a curvilinear relationship between age and various activities; this pattern holds after controlling for a number of other covariates.";"Journal Article";2002;"J. A. Burr, F. G. Caro and J. Moorhead";"Productive aging and civic participation";"Journal of Aging Studies";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1866;"This research aims to contribute to the theory and practice of e-participation, looking specifically at ways to enhance the deliberative quality of political discussions in online forums. Building on theories of information processing and social norms, we suggest that particular visual banners may be integrated in an online forum, and serve as cues that prime participants to think about the context as a place of public deliberation. In turn, we hypothesize that these cues would promote the deliberative quality of the discussion. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a controlled experiment where cues were integrated as visuals banners alongside the content of an online discussion forum. Content analysis of forum comments (N = 476) included measures for reasoned opinion expression as well as indicators of listening and respecting others’ opinions. Findings support the study's hypotheses that deliberative cues matter for online deliberation. We discuss the findings and outline directions for future research.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Manosevitch, N. Steinfeld and A. Lev-On";"Promoting online deliberation quality: Cognitive cues matter";"Information, Communication & Society";"Israel";"CPP";"Youth"
1867;"This article reports on a public health campaign that aims to promote social ties and social trust as a means to improve the health of youths. Analyses on data from telephone survey interviews at baseline, Year 1, and Year 2 consider the trends and predictor patterns of 2 traditional social capital measures--civic perceptions and civic participation. Civic perceptions increased over the course of the focal media campaign, whereas civic participation remained constant. Civic participation was positively associated with TV and newspaper campaign recall at Year 1, whereas both civic participation and civic perceptions were positively associated with TV and newspaper campaign recall at Year 2. In addition, newspaper and TV news use play positive roles in predicting the 2 social capital measures at Year 1 and Year 2. The findings are discussed in terms of literature in the areas of public health and mass communication.";"Journal Article";2006;"C. E. Beaudoin, E. Thorson and T. Hong";"Promoting Youth Health by Social Empowerment: A Media Campaign Targeting Social Capital";"Health Communication";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1868;"Drawing on a systematic content analysis of UK newspaper coverage of young anti-Iraq war protestors, I examine how young people's opinions were mediated before and during the war in Iraq. I explore the extent and nature of coverage, and ask whether newspapers encouraged young people to be active citizens in the public sphere. I argue that the UK press sought to legitimize young people's opinion before the war had started by stressing the consensual composition of the demonstrations. However, the dominant media frame shifted once the war had commenced, with young protestors portrayed as opportunistic truants rather than (as pre-war) active, engaged citizens. I conclude by discussing recent literature which interprets media coverage of protests positively by replacing the concept of the public sphere with the 'public screen'. While visually stimulating, I argue it is a rather hollow concept because it loses sight of the referent needed to make sense of the reasons why the UK decided to go to war.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. Cushion";"Protesting their apathy? An analysis of British press coverage of young anti-Iraq war protestors";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1869;"One interesting perspective from which to investigate participation processes is that of gender (Angelique & Culley, 2007). The disparity between male and female participation is evident, in particular when dealing with politics. The research reported here examines any differences between men and women in three different groups: non-participants (N = 201), social participants (N = 167) and political participants (N = 184). Two specific aspects were considered: (a) the perception of sociopolitical control, that is leadership competence and policy control, and (b) the perception of costs and benefits derived from participation. In focusing on such perceptions, if any difference could be evidenced, we aimed to investigate if this difference was determined by gender, by the type of participation or by the interaction of gender and participation. Data show that leadership competence and policy control were both influenced by the type of participation. An interaction effect of gender and type of commitment for policy control was observed and gender had a direct effect on leadership competence. These results suggest that the gender gap seems to be connected more to the context than to effective gender characteristics. Other data on the perception of costs and benefits are discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"N. de Piccoli and C. Rollero";"Public involvement in social and political participation processes: A gender perspective";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1870;"This article further specifies the relationship between church-based resources, group identification and political activism among black Americans. Previous research indicates that political communication within churches and activism within the church serve to motivate political participation. Our research suggests that, net of relevant controls, activism within the church does not significantly increase protest politics. A key determinant of protest participation is attending a church that exhibits a politicized church culture, and this effect is contingent upon educational attainment and membership in secular organizations. Hence, the church serves as a crucial context for the dissemination of political messages and exposure to opportunities for protest only for those black Americans with relatively low educational achievement and organizational involvement. Group identification has no effect on protest participation.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. T. Fitzgerald and R. E. Spohn";"Pulpits and Platforms: The Role of the Church in Determining Protest among Black Americans";"Social Forces";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1871;"Objective Where population subgroups have distinctly 'young' or 'old' adult age distributions, their observed overall rates of political participation may differ for this demographic reason. Age standardization can quantify the proportion of an observed difference in registration rates attributable to age structural differences between two populations, thereby facilitating comparison of political participation across subgroups. Methods I illustrate the derivation and interpretation of an age‐standardized registration rate. This rate weights a set of observed age‐specific registration rates with a standard age distribution to create a hypothetical total (all‐ages) registration rate, to afford an undistorted comparison of Hispanic and non‐Hispanic white voter registration. Results For seven communities studied here, differences in adult age structure account for as much as one‐third of the observed difference in the voter registration rates of adult Hispanics and non‐Hispanic whites in a community. The effect of age structure is most apparent in those communities registering substantial influxes of young‐adult Hispanics. Conclusion Age standardization is a useful technique to control for differences in population structure that may obscure a comparison of political participation across subgroups.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. A. Morrison";"Quantifying the effect of age structure on voter registration";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1872;"Recently proposed Anti-Racism Strategy established within a framework of the Australian Government's multicultural policy, People of Australia, identifies ‘youth engagement’ as one of the key areas that needs to be promoted and supported. Young people have been invited to join youth councils and youth forums and work with national, state and local policy-makers. Some have taken up this challenge and became public faces and active members of anti-racism campaigns. Others, however, either remained silent about the discrimination they face, or organised their own grassroots youth-based and youth-led initiatives. This paper discusses individual and collective responses to racism among young people in Australia, focusing on Melbourne, and examines possibilities in which racism, as a common experience among migrant youth, can be utilised to form alternative spaces for political action, challenging not only interpersonal, but also systemic forms of racism. By drawing attention towards institutional and systemic forms of racism, and the historical perpetuation of racist practices, these youth initiatives rely on legal measures, and argue that racism should be discussed in the context of the broader Australian society, not only in relation to minority groups.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Mikola and F. Mansouri";"Race lines and spaces of political action among migrant youth";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1873;"The research focused on exploring the various reasons for political interest and apathy among university students in order to understand why some youngsters are interested whereas others are apathetic towards our political system. Purposive sampling strategy was used to select the sample. The sample (N = 16) including men (n = 12) and women (n = 4) consisted of students from various departments of Government College University, Lahore. Age range of the sample was from 18 to 26 years. Focus group technique was used to collect data (indicators and responses). Grounded theory was applied for the purpose of analysis and themes were identified. Results indicated various reasons for political interest and apathy and their ramifications. The analysis revealed that although all participants unanimously agreed that there are flaws in the political system but participants who were interested in politics held an optimistic point of view regarding the situation and believed that through their involvement in politics they can bring about a change. People who were apathetic mostly had a pessimistic point of view and as a result had developed the feelings of learned helplessness and believed that no matter what they do all their efforts will be fruitless. This research serves as a resource for those who have an interest in increasing knowledge in the subject of politics and for those who are attracted to the idea of politics but are repelled by the partisanship and sophistries represented by most of the political establishments without realizing that their alienation would further worsen the situation.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. Sarfaraz, S. Ahmed, A. Khalid and M. A. Ajmal";"Reasons for political interest and apathy among university students: A qualitative study";"Pakistan Journal of Social and Clinical Psychology";"Pakistan";"CPP";"Youth"
1874;"In an era of growing public distrust with government officials, local governments in western democratic societies around the world are seeking to regain community respect and support by encouraging higher levels of civic participation in decision-making processes. Efforts to encourage citizens to become more active in their communities will be more effective if there is a focus on those individuals who are already contemplating participation. This multimethod study explored motivators and barriers to participation amongst residents of a West Australian local government area, and identified potential strategies to increase participation levels among those already contemplating involvement. The findings suggest that local governments may increase participation by ensuring their citizens are aware of: (a) the major issues affecting the community, (b) the potential impact of these issues on individuals as well as the community in general, and (c) the processes involved in initiating participation. In addition, potential participants need to be assured of the value of their contributions and informed of final outcomes.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Piasecka, S. Pettigrew and M. M. Ryan";"Recruiting active citizens";"Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1875;"Ideological conflicts, like those over the Affordable Care Act (ACA), are highly intractable, as demonstrated by the October 2013 partial U.S. government shutdown. The current research offers a potential resolution of ideological conflicts by affirming an opponent's status. Results of one experiment collected during the 2013 government shutdown and a second conducted shortly after the implementation of the health insurance marketplaces in early 2014 indicate that status affirmation induces conciliatory attitudes and a willingness to sacrifice one's own outcomes in favor of ideological opponents' by decreasing adversarial perceptions. These studies demonstrate that status is an important social dimension whose affirmation by an ideological opponent buffers the integrity of one's identity, thereby reducing defensiveness and resistance to compromising in political conflicts.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Bendersky";"Resolving ideological conflicts by affirming opponents' status: The Tea Party, Obamacare and the 2013 government shutdown";"Journal of Experimental Social Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1883;"Utilizing and revamping the civic voluntarism model developed by Verba et al. (1995), this study examines civic voluntarism predictors and their influence on college students’ online and offline political participation in the context of social media. Results showed that college students with more civic voluntarism predictors (i.e., resources, psychological engagement, and recruitment) tend to participate more in political activities. The findings further revealed that individual subcomponents of each civic voluntarism predictor have different effects on SNS and offline political participation. The findings also confirmed that there is a mediating role of SNS political participation between civic voluntarism predictors and offline political participation.";"Journal Article";2014;"Y. Kim and H. Khang";"Revisiting civic voluntarism predictors of college students’ political participation in the context of social media";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1884;"Youth are considered an important segment of a country’s population. This article explores the effect of socioeconomic status on apathy among youth. It also tries to determine the association between apathy and political participation. Data were collected from four universities through a self-structured questionnaire given to students. A field survey was used to collect 882 questionnaires. Data were entered in SPSS, and data analysis was done by using ordinal regression analysis. A medium level of apathy (75.5%) and political participation (46.0%) was prevalent among educated youth. Results revealed a significant effect of number of siblings, age, gender, education, father’s education, and mother’s education on apathy. An association was also found between apathy and political participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Ahmad";"Role of socioeconomic status and political participation in construction of apathy among youth";"Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment";"Pakistan";"CPP";"Youth"
1885;"Studied the following: assessments of politics and motives for participating in political life. Human Ss: 597 normal male and female Polish adults (aged 18–19 yrs) (voted for the 1st time in the September 1993 parliamentary elections in Poland). A sociopsychological questionnaire was administered. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1994;"K. Skarżyńska";"Rozumienie polityki przez młodzież i wartościowanie wpływu na sprawy kraju. = Young people's understanding of politics and evaluation of influence on national affairs";"Psychologia Wychowawcza";"Poland";"CPP";"Youth"
1886;"In this study, we examined civic participation as an effect modifier between self-rated health and absence from work. Building on the theoretical framework of social exchange, we use German data to test a conceptual model relating self-rated health to sickness-related absence, as well as the interaction between self-rated health and civic participation. We used the 1996 wave of the German Socio–Economic Panel Study. Since sickness-related absence is a censored variable, we used a tobit regression model. The results confirmed the hypotheses: the effect between self-rated health and sickness-related absence was modified by civic participation, indicating that the effect of self-rated health on sickness-related absence is less pronounced for people who participate more as opposed to those who report less civic participation. In other words, those who are unhealthy and participate more, are fewer days absent from work. We argue that civic participation buffers the relationship between self-rated health and sickness-related absence because those who participate more have more resources to fulfill self-regulatory needs. Our findings emphasize the importance of civic participation outside the workplace for people at work when they do not feel physically well.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. Lancee and C. L. ter Hoeven";"Self-rated health and sickness-related absence: The modifying role of civic participation";"Social Science & Medicine";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1887;"Two striking trends, the aging of the nation and a growing lack of interest in running for elective office, especially among the youngest cohorts, are now evident. This research examined the impacts and implications of these 2 trends at the municipal level in Florida, the nation's 'grayest' state. All city council members in Florida's 397 municipalities were surveyed. Results show that more retirement-age persons are being elected to city council, and the number of issues sparking generational differences among constituents is escalating. Overall, Florida's councilors saw the most age-based divergence on parks and recreation, taxes, growth, the economy/jobs, education, and government spending. Retirement-age council members were more likely than their younger counterparts to see generational differences among their constituents on crime, police, welfare, moral issues, and roads/highways. A council member's age was a significant independent predictor of constituent issue preferences more consistently than gender, race, party, or city size.";"Journal Article";1998;"S. A. MacManus and A. Newmark";"Seniors in city hall: Causes and consequences of the graying of city councils";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1888;"Objectives: The impact of political efficacy on political participation has been established in numerous classical studies of political behavior. However, the effects of more general measures of efficacy on political efficacy and voter turnout have received almost no attention. Additionally, seemingly independent contemporary developments in the field of political science proposed that political participation is heritable. In this study, we propose to link the two literatures, highlighting one possible mechanism through which genetic inheritance of political behavior is possible in the absence of the evolutionary time horizons of voting behavior. We theorize that heritability of psychological dispositions, such as one's sense of control, is more plausible and indirectly, through political efficacy, could have an influence on one's decision to vote. Methods: We test our hypotheses using a classical twin study design (ACE models) and Cholesky decomposition models on data from the MIDUS (first wave) and MNTPS twin surveys. Results: Empirically we find a relationship between general efficacy and turnout. We show that numerous operationalizations of efficacy are highly heritable and their covariance with turnout is predominantly driven by underlying additive genetic sources. On the other hand, environmental covariation between general and political efficacy and turnout is not significantly different from zero. Conclusions: Our analysis contributes to a better understanding of how one's sense of control influences voting behavior. Our results provide sufficient evidence to claim that the covariation between these two traits can primarily be attributed to genetic factors. However, this is certainly not the only pathway that explains the heritability of voter turnout.";"Journal Article";2011;"L. Littvay, P. T. Weith and C. T. Dawes";"Sense of control and voting: A genetically‐driven relationship";"Social Science Quarterly";"Hungary";"CPP";"Youth"
1889;"Among the existing studies of political participation, few discuss differences between men and women. Of those published, most have focused upon substantive policy preferences, perhaps noting women's newly dominant electoral presence but not probing its characteristics or limits. In this analysis the authors build on research of this topic by examining the compound effects of closing dates, state National Voter Registration Act implementation delay, and age upon women and men. Using the 1996 Current Population Survey Voter Supplement the authors compare the impact of legal obstacles among different age groups of men and women in the 1996 presidential election. Findings indicate that legal restrictions do have a different impact on men and women, especially the youngest and oldest members of the latter group. The most significant implication is that policy efforts aimed at further reducing legal barriers to political participation may facilitate women's growing electoral dominance.";"Journal Article";2001;"J. A. Parry and T. G. Shields";"Sex, age, and the implementation of the Motor Voter Act: The 1996 Presidential Election";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1890;"Social capital refers to those features of social relationships—such as levels of interpersonal trust and norms of reciprocity and mutual aid—that facilitate collective action for mutual benefit. Social capital is believed to play an important role in the functioning of community life across a variety of domains, ranging from the prevention of juvenile delinquency and crime, the promotion of successful youth development, and the enhancement of schooling and education to the encouragement of political participation. More recently, researchers have begun to apply the concept to explain variations in health status across geographic localities. In preliminary analyses, the higher the stocks of social capital (as indicated by measures of trust and reciprocity in social surveys), the higher appear to be the health achievement of a given area. Strengthening the social capital within communities may provide an important avenue for reducing socioeconomic disparities in health.";"Book Section";1999;"I. Kawachi";"Social capital and community effects on population and individual health";"Socioeconomic status and health in industrial nations: Social, psychological, and biological pathways.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1891;"Although there is increasing evidence supporting the associations between social capital and health, less is known of potential effects in Latin American countries. Our objective was to examine associations of different components of social capital with self-rated health in Colombia. The study had a cross-sectional design, using data of a survey applied to a nationally representative sample of 3025 respondents, conducted in 2004-2005. Stratified random sampling was performed, based on town size, urban/rural origin, age, and sex. Examined indicators of social capital were interpersonal trust, reciprocity, associational membership, non-electoral political participation, civic activities and volunteering. Principal components analysis including different indicators of social capital distinguished three components: structural-formal (associational membership and non-electoral political participation), structural-informal (civic activities and volunteering) and cognitive (interpersonal trust and reciprocity). Multilevel analyses showed no significant variations of self-rated health at the regional level. After adjusting for sociodemographic covariates, interpersonal trust was statistically significantly associated with lower odds of poor/fair health, as well as the cognitive social capital component. Members of farmers/agricultural or gender-related groups had higher odds of poor/fair health, respectively. Excluding these groups, however, associational membership was associated with lower odds of poor/fair health. Likewise, in Colombians with educational attainment higher than high school, reciprocity was associated with lower odds of fair/poor health. Nevertheless, among rural respondents non-electoral political participation was associated with worse health. In conclusion, cognitive social capital and associational membership were related to better health, and could represent important notions for health promotion. Human rights violations related to political violence and gender based discrimination may explain adverse associations with health.";"Journal Article";2011;"D. Hurtado, I. Kawachi and J. Sudarsky";"Social capital and self-rated health in Colombia: The good, the bad and the ugly";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1892;"Recent research on social capital has explored trends in membership in voluntary organizations. However, there is currently little robust evidence on such trends in the UK since the 1970s, nor is there any analysis of whether participation bridges social divisions or accentuates them. This paper explores trends in participation in England and Wales since 1972 using data from the Social Mobility Inquiry of 1972 and the British Household Panel Survey of 1992 and 1999. We are concerned with social exclusion mechanisms in social capital generation in Britain over the three decades. Using binomial and multinomial models to 'unpack' the effects of socio-cultural factors on civic participation and on different types of associational membership, we test the thesis of across-the-board decline in social capital by Putnam (2000) and that of rising levels of middle-class social capital versus consistent low levels of working-class social capital by Hall (1999). The results show significant socio-cultural-gender differences, a relative stability of middle-class participation, and a rapid decline in the working-class access to social capital. We challenge the established accounts of both theses.";"Journal Article";2003;"Y. Li, M. Savage and A. Pickles";"Social capital and social exclusion in England and Wales (1972-1999)";"British Journal of Sociology";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1893;"This article puts the democratic potential of using the Internet into perspective through an analysis of how collective uses of the Internet promote social capital. Research results reveal that social capital online (i.e. trust and reciprocity) is enhanced by involvement in collective use of the Internet such as participation in online communities and use of the Internet among informal groups in everyday life. This process could counter negative aspects of Internet use. Further, accumulated online social capital can be a powerful predictor of online political participation, i.e. online reciprocity has a positive effect on intention to participate in online civic discussion. Finally, the authors' analyses indicate the possibility of a spillover of online social capital into offline arenas. It is concluded that collective use of the Internet can be a lubricant for democracy.";"Journal Article";2006;"T. Kobayashi, K. i. Ikeda and K. Miyata";"Social capital online: Collective use of the Internet and reciprocity as lubricants of democracy";"Information, Communication & Society";"Japan";"CPP";"Youth"
1894;"A web survey of college students was conducted to examine whether online political expression moderates the effects of political media use on political participation. Results showed that online political expression enhanced the effects of political mobile apps, traditional offline and online media, and social media on political participation. Implications are discussed for a mobilizing role of online media in the democratic process for young adults.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Yamamoto, M. J. Kushin and F. Dalisay";"Social media and mobiles as political mobilization forces for young adults: Examining the moderating role of online political expression in political participation";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1895;"This study examines relationships among interpersonal informational trust and openness with Internet-based political activities and attitudes. Conceptually, it proposes the categorization of online spaces and activities as consumption or interaction types, and classifies interpersonal informational trust within inner and outer circles. Interpersonal informational trust was found to be positively associated with perception of online activities as political participation. It also was associated with use of all types of online media for purposes of political communication, but mostly with online spaces that require interaction with others. Interpersonal political openness showed positive association with the use of interactive-type Web sites for purposes of political communication.";"Journal Article";2012;"I. Himelboim, R. W. Lariscy, S. F. Tinkham and K. D. Sweetser";"Social media and online political communication: The role of interpersonal informational trust and openness";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1896;"Models of political participation have begun to incorporate actors who possess 'social preferences.' However, these models have failed to take into account the potentially incongruent political goals of different social preference types. These goals are likely to play an important role in shaping political behavior. To examine the effect of distinct social preferences on political activity we conducted an experiment in which participants played five rounds of a modified dictator game (Andreoni and Miller 2002). We used the decisions in these games to determine their preference type and mapped these types to reported political activity. Our results show that subjects who were most interested in increasing total welfare in the dictator game were more likely to participate in politics than subjects with selfish preferences, whereas subjects most interested in reducing the difference between their own well-being and the well-being of others were no more likely to participate than subjects with selfish preferences.";"Journal Article";2011;"C. T. Dawes, P. J. Loewen and J. H. Fowler";"Social preferences and political participation";"The Journal of Politics";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1897;"The aim of the present work is to analyze individual dimensions (the perception of control) and contextual and relational dimensions (sense of community), in the field of political participation. The active involvement in social action is considered the basis for developing a psychological sense of community and the perception of control. This study was conducted on a sample of 225 subjects: 125 were not involved in any political activity, whereas 100 were members of a political party. Among these last, two different degrees of activism were taken into consideration: a) subjects participating to political parties’ activities with no official responsibility (militants), and b) subjects with a leading role in the party and in the institutions (constituency counselors). Globally, political activists showed higher scores on Sociopolitical Control than non activists. On the contrary, only one dimension of Sense of Community differentiated constituency counselors from non activists.";"Journal Article";2009;"C. Rollero, S. Tartaglia, N. de Piccoli and L. Ceccarini";"Sociopolitical control and sense of community. A study on political participation";"Psicología Política";"Italy";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1898;"Innovations in interactive media have prompted speculation regarding the equality of access to political information (O'Sullivan, 1995; Hollander, 1985), the production of social capital (Putnam, 2000), and effects on the political efficacy and civic participation of users (Johnson, Braima, & Sothirajah, 1999; Bowen 1996), but the implications for opinion expression have yet to be explored as a function of the spiral of silence dynamic. From both practical and theoretical perspectives, there is much to be gained from this line of inquiry, including the opportunity to address a tantalizing question for discursive democracy--does the anonymity provided by some electronic forums liberate citizens to express minority views? We will propose various reasons why the spiral of silence theory might not hold given social psychological processes inherent in interpersonal mediated discussion. However, we will argue that the relative anonymity of mediated discussion is not necessarily conducive to effusive expression of minority views. Granted, interactive media potentially constitute an expanded public sphere in which citizens might feel free to express controversial views in spontaneous interaction. But we will suggest that the dichotomy of opinion suppression versus freewheeling debate fails to account for a more subtle and complex likelihood. Our investigation ultimately leads us to suggest that computer-mediated interaction can trigger a spiral of moderated opinion expression. This study represents the first experimental test of the spiral of silence theory based on observations of actual discussions in a computer-mediated forum. After identifying behaviors implicated in the theory that are likely to change in a mediated context, we report findings from a study that compares opinion expression in face-to-face and computer chatroom settings. A supplemental analysis of the chatroom transcripts then provides insight to clarify the theoretical significance of the initial findings.";"Journal Article";2003;"M. McDevitt, S. Kiousis and K. Wahl-Jorgensen";"Spiral of moderation: Opinion expression in computer-mediated discussion";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1899;"Purpose: Although greater gender equality at the state-level is associated with fewer depressive symptoms in women after controlling for individual-level confounders, the extent to which state-level women’s status is related to psychiatric disorders in women and gender differences in psychopathology has never been examined. We examined these associations in the current report. Methods: We used data from the National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (n = 34,653), a national probability sample of US adults. Respondents completed structured diagnostic assessments of DSM-IV psychiatric disorders. We used generalized estimating equations to examine associations between four state-level indicators of women’s status (political participation, employment/earnings, social/economic autonomy, and reproductive rights) and odds of 12-month mood and anxiety disorders among women. We also tested whether women’s status predicted the magnitude of gender differences in psychiatric disorders. Results: State-level political participation, employment/earnings, and social/economic autonomy were unrelated to odds of 12-month mood and anxiety disorders among women. However, the prevalence of major depression and post-traumatic stress disorder was lower in states where women have greater reproductive rights (OR 0.93–0.95), controlling for individual-level risk factors. None of the women’s status indicators predicted gender differences in mood and anxiety disorder prevalence. Conclusions: State-level women’s status was largely unrelated to mood and anxiety disorders in women or to gender differences in these disorders. Investigation of social factors that play a role in shaping the distribution of individual-level risk factors that are associated with gender disparities in psychiatric disorders represents an important avenue for future research.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. A. McLaughlin, Z. Xuan, S. V. Subramanian and K. C. Koenen";"State-level women’s status and psychiatric disorders among US women";"Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1900;"In China, more and more citizens have been engaging in various political acts since the post-Mao reform. This study examined whether and how individual attitudes toward both 'low-politics' and 'high-politics' issues affect some common political activities, whereas recent empirical studies of mass participation in China tend to focus on attitudes toward only low-politics issues. The study used logistic regression analyses to investigate the roles of both high- and low-politics attitudes. The data are derived from a representative-sample survey of 18–76 yr olds conducted in Beijing, China, late in 1997. The findings clearly indicate that, in general, both low- and high-politics subjective orientations significantly, though variably, affect the public's involvement and noninvolvement in different types of political activities. Specifically, while democratic-value believers and political-reform supporters were less likely to engage in either voting or voicing concerns, regime supporters and those who were satisfied with their personal lives were more likely to participate in voting but less likely to voice concerns.";"Journal Article";2000;"J. Chen";"Subjective motivations for mass political participation in urban China";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1901;"In this paper I analyze the role of subjective well-being in unemployed and employed youth political participation. Research shows that life satisfaction increases participation in voting, but has no effect on protest activities when looking at the overall population. However, in the case of youth, life dissatisfaction fosters the potential for protest activities. Since unemployment is detrimental for the subjective well-being of individuals, especially when long-lasting, I ask whether the reduced subjective well-being of long-term unemployed youth, their life dissatisfaction, fosters their participation in two forms of voice-based participation—contacting and protest activities—that can be used to express their dissatisfaction. I find that life dissatisfaction fosters the participation of employed youth in contacting activities, but not that of unemployed youth. Quite on the contrary, for protest activities, it is life satisfaction that fosters participation of the unemployed youth.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. Lorenzini";"Subjective well-being and political participation: A comparison of unemployed and employed youth";"Journal of Happiness Studies";"Switzerland";"CPP";"Youth"
1902;"It has become a cliché to talk about young people as digital natives whose use of social media is transforming our world. They are and it is. The discourse of youth as digital natives, however, masks a key distinction between qualities of participation. A rare few young people may spontaneously or independently leverage the resources of the internet to call attention to injustice or raise money for a cause. However, a large number of youth benefit from access to and participation in communities with particular values around public work and scaffold opportunities to learn. These communities—in schools, community based organizations, or peer groups—inspire interest in civic issues, deepen understanding of civic issues and civic action, and cultivate expertise in the practices of civic participation. That has been true since long before the time of computers and the Internet. However, if we want this to continue, we need to understand how the practices of civic and political action are changing and the elements of learning environments that are best aligned to supporting powerful practice in the digital age. The chapters in this volume go a long way to documenting and explaining just what those elements are.";"Book Section";2015;"E. Middaugh and B. Kirshner";"Sustaining innovation: Lessons for digitally mediated civic education";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1903;"An experimental study investigated the effect of politicians’ profanity and gender on their perceived and actual persuasiveness. Results showed that a candidate’s use of swear words increased the perception of language informality and improved the general impression about the source. The latter effect was particularly strong for male candidate, as female candidate was already evaluated positively, irrespective of her cursing. In addition, though the manipulation of the politician’s vulgarity did not directly affect participants’ self-reported likelihood of voting for him or her, an indirect effect through language informality and impression about the candidate emerged. On the contrary, profanity use reduced perceived persuasiveness of the message, suggesting that the influence of swearing could be automatic and unaware. Theoretical implications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Cavazza and M. Guidetti";"Swearing in political discourse: Why vulgarity works";"Journal of Language and Social Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1904;"At general elections across Europe, turnout among young people tends to be significantly lower than among older voters. Therefore, this article examines a digital marketing campaign that was targeted at young voters in the 2007 Finnish general election. More specifically, this article aims to provide insights into the creative development process of a political marketing campaign and the nature of the client-agency relationship in political campaigns. The methodology adopted in this article consisted of in-depth interviews with key informants involved in the campaign planning and implementation. The results provide new empirical insights into the challenges that political campaigner may face when they target political marketing at young voters. In addition, the results suggest that there are differences between commercial and political marketing also in a digital marketing context. Finally, the results support the view that marketing professionals have a strong role in a creative development process of a political marketing campaign. The ideas put forth herein can certainly help advertising professionals to plan political marketing campaigns that engage young people in future elections and therefore aid candidates in their quest to achieve electoral success.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Leppäniemi, H. Karjaluoto, H. Lehto and A. Goman";"Targeting young voters in a political campaign: Empirical insights into an interactive digital marketing campaign in the 2007 Finnish general election";"Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing";"Finland";"CPP";"Youth"
1905;"This article argues that youth cultural leisure and consumption practices have the potential to be sites for alternative political participation, an ‘everyday politics’ that involves a personalizing of politics and an ‘aloof ’ stance regarding official institutions. Drawing on the work of Harris (2001) and Maffesoli (1996), the article outlines the lenses that make up ‘everyday politics’, namely ‘sociality and proxemics’, ‘solidarity and belonging’, ‘hedonism’, ‘vitality and puissance’, and ‘sovereignty over one’s own existence’; empirically examining these lenses using qualitative data from a project on participating in electronic dance culture (clubbing, raving, partying). The article suggests that everyday politics is a useful concept in understanding alternative forms of political activism and calls for broader definitions of political participation, including those that do not have a social change agenda. The need for future work in theorizing and empirically examining how everyday and traditional political activities interact is highlighted.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. C. E. Riley, C. Griffin and Y. Morey";"The case for 'everyday politics': Evaluating neo-tribal theory as a way to understand alternative forms of political participation, using electronic dance music culture as an example";"Sociology";"UK";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1906;"The Civil Rights movement was a demonstration of civic-political participation promoting relationships within and across social groups in America. What Americans inherited from the Civil Rights era were laws, practices, and policies that strengthen social ties among citizens. Our inheritance was significantly enriched by the civic values that emerged from this era. In this study, a sample of 55 participants was assigned to focus groups to discuss the civic values of the Civil Rights era. The qualitative responses illustrate that trust and our political voices are very important and identify issues with power and an ability to move freely through society.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. C. Kelly";"The civic legacy of the civil rights era: Exploring the values of a movement";"Smith College Studies in Social Work";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1907;"The aim of this study was to develop two scales aimed to assess the perceived obstacles to a successful political career (WO) and the evaluation of a number of strategies useful to cope with these obstacles (WOC). A sample of three hundred and forty-nine women politicians elected to National and local office was collected. A random half of the dataset was subjected to exploratory factor analyses to detect the number of core factors measured by each list and to identify the simplest markers of each factor. Two and four major core dimensions, labeled External and Internal Obstacles, and Mass Media, Empowerment, Conciliation, and Gate-keeping coping efficacy, accounted for most of the variance in WO and WOC ratings. Confirmatory factor analyses of selected markers carried out on the other half of the dataset yielded two well fitting models: a two-factor model with correlated factors for the WO and a hierarchical factor model positing a general coping factor along with four specific coping efficacy factors for the WOC.";"Journal Article";2008;"D. Francescato, M. Mebane, R. Sorace, M. Glacomantonio and M. Lauriola";"The construction of two short factor-marker scales measuring women's perceived obstacles (WO) and women's coping efficacy (WOC) in politics";"TPM-Testing, Psychometrics, Methodology in Applied Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1908;"Although studies on the association between social capital and subjective well-being have been recently increasing many issues still remain unsolved. The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between various social capital dimensions both at the individual (political participation, network source, trust, and organizational participation) and area level (voting rate, trust, and organizational participation) and subjective well-being (happiness) using multilevel analysis while controlling for various control variables at multiple levels. Survey data was collected from December, 2010 to April, 2011 in Seoul, South Korea. The final sample was comprised of 4,585 respondents within all 25 administrative areas in Seoul. Results from the multilevel analysis revealed that all individual and area level (trust) social capital variables are positively associated with subjective happiness. Our findings also point to the need for more sophisticated studies with longitudinal datasets based on multilevel framework using instrumental variable analysis to clarify our knowledge regarding the effects of social capital on subjective well-being.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Han, H. Kim, E.-S. Lee and H.-S. Lee";"The contextual and compositional associations of social capital and subjective happiness: A multilevel analysis from Seoul, South Korea";"Journal of Happiness Studies";"Korea";"CPP";"Youth"
1909;"A national UK survey (N = 1,017) examined the association between media consumption and three indicators of civic participation—likelihood of voting, interest in politics, and actions taken in response to a public issue of concern to the respondent. Multiple regression analysis was used to test the variance explained by media use variables after first controlling for demographic, social and political predictors of each indicator of participation. Media use significantly added to explaining variance in civic participation as follows. In accounting for voting, demographic and political/social factors mattered, but so too did some media habits (listening to the radio and engagement with the news). Interest in politics was accounted for by political/social factors and by media use, especially higher news engagement and lower media trust. However, taking action on an issue of concern was accounted for only by political/social factors, with the exception that slightly fewer actions were taken by those who watched more television. These findings provided little support for the media malaise thesis, and instead were interpreted as providing qualified support for the cognitive/motivational theory of news as a means of engaging the public.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Livingstone and T. Markham";"The contribution of media consumption to civic participation";"British Journal of Sociology";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1910;"This book examines how explanations of social and moral development inform understandings of morality and culture. A common theme in the latter part of the 20th century has been to lament the moral state of American society and the decline of morality among the youth. A sharp turn toward an extreme form of individualism and a lack of concern for community involvement and civic participation are often blamed for the moral crisis. The author challenges these views, drawing on a large body of research from developmental psychology, anthropology, and sociology. He also draws from social events, political movements, and journalistic accounts of social and political struggles in many places throughout the world. The author shows that generation after generation has lamented the decline of society and blamed young people. Using historical accounts, he persuasively argues that such characterizations of moral decline entail stereotyping, nostalgia for times past, and a failure to recognize the moral viewpoint of those who challenge traditions. He also argues that people's discontent with the unfairness of many aspects of social arrangements, traditions, and established practices are often misinterpreted as a lack of commitment to society or community.";"Book";2002;"E. Turiel";"The culture of morality: Social development, context, and conflict";;"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1911;"A European Social Survey (ESS)—based study of Clark and Lelkes on the European level showed a double positive connection between religion and life-satisfaction: not only did a personal involvement have a positive impact, but there was also a regional externality. Even atheists seemed to be happier in areas with many religious people. However, the regional structure of the ESS can be seen as methodologically doubtful. We therefore replicated the study with more rich German data. In our study we confirm the positive individual effect of religion, but we did find a negative regional externality. However, further analysis revealed, this was an effect of an omitted variable: the degree of urbanization. In a more detailed approach we show that this effect is confined to areas with a protestant majority. We conclude that the positive degree of urbanization influence on life-satisfaction is presumably due to the chance for more political participation in the (protestant) city states in Germany.";"Journal Article";2014;"G. Grözinger and W. Matiaske";"The direct and indirect impact of religion on well-being in Germany";"Social Indicators Research";"Germany";"CPP";"Youth"
1912;"Employing Q methodology, this study examined the attitudinal impact of campaign participation on 37 college students through the use of precampaign and postcampaign Q sorts. By comparing the results with a control group of 20 students it was determined that campaign participation does result in greater attitudinal shift for participants than for nonparticipants; however, the changes that occurred resulted in shifts away from alienation (as democratic theorists predict) and shifts in the direction of greater alienation (contrary to predictions).";"Journal Article";1997;"J. F. Freie";"The effects of campaign participation on political attitudes";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1913;"While the majority of previous research suggests there are positive relationships between digital media use and political participation and knowledge, most studies have relied on cross-sectional surveys and have thus not been able to firmly establish the chain of causality. Also, there is little research investigating use of different forms of digital media and their relative effects on political participation and knowledge. This study examines (a) the effects of digital media use on political participation and knowledge and (b) whether different forms of digital media use affect people differently. Drawing on two representative panel surveys, the study demonstrates that there are only weak effects of digital media use on political learning, but that the use of some digital media forms has appreciable effects on political participation.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. V. Dimitrova, A. Shehata, J. Strömbäck and L. W. Nord";"The effects of digital media on political knowledge and participation in election campaigns: Evidence from panel data";"Communication Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1914;"This chapter aims to enrich the literature on e-government study, specifically regarding the impact of e-government on political participation. It would also bridge the studies on government performance, political trust and political efficacy, which concerns the fields of both public administration and political science. We conclude the chapter by interpreting the findings and proposing policy suggestions for practitioners and scholars in the fields of political science and public administration.";"Book Section";2012;"D.-y. Chen, T.-y. Huang, N. Hsiao and Y.-c. Chien";"The effects of e-government on political trust and efficacy: A case study of Taiwan";"Trust and governance institutions: Asian experiences.";"Taiwan";"CPP";"Youth"
1915;"Much academic debate has centered on the impact of new technologies on democracy. This study examines the effects of social media on political participation and candidate image evaluations in the first-in-the-nation Iowa caucuses. Multivariate analyses show that social media have no effects on likelihood of caucus attendance but influence perceptions of candidate traits among the sample of Iowans drawn here. The study also addresses the role of traditional media as channels for political information during the caucuses.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. V. Dimitrova and D. Bystrom";"The effects of social media on political participation and candidate image evaluations in the 2012 Iowa caucuses";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1916;"This chapter reports the findings of a study that explored the expectations and understandings held by significant others who are in a position to influence young people's political and civic participation. In particular, the study explored the expectations and understandings held by parents, teachers, youth workers, church youth leaders and international hip hop/rap musicians (through their lyrics). All of these individuals are able to affect political and civic participation by young people, as has been revealed by previous research. In this chapter, a conceptual distinction is drawn between political and civic participation. We use the term 'political participation' to refer to behaviors which have the intent or the effect of influencing governance, whether this be through conventional means involving electoral processes or through non-conventional means which occur outside electoral processes. We use the term 'civic participation' to refer to voluntary activity focused on helping others, achieving a public good or solving community problems.";"Book Section";2015;"D. Pachi and M. Barett";"The expectations and understandings of influential others who can mobilise youth participation: Findings from England";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1917;"This study considered the impact of the SERVE Program at Ignatius University upon participating students’ expected political involvement. The SERVE Program is a community service learning program sponsored jointly by Ignatius University’s philosophy and theology departments. Through a mixed methods research design, the authors found that Ignatius University students participating in the SERVE Program demonstrated statistically significant increases in their expected political voice in comparison with peers in a control group. Qualitative interviews with SERVE participants revealed that the program increased students’ awareness of political and social issues; heightened their commitment to philanthropy; fostered their interest in pursuing socially responsible work; and strengthened their commitment to working for social change.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. C. Seider, S. Gillmor and S. Rabinowicz";"The impact of community service learning upon the expected political voice of participating college students";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1918;"Research has examined the relationship between traditional news media use and normatively important political outcomes such as knowledge and participation. However, most research fails to account for variations in the nature of news over time and across communities that could alter the fundamental relationship between exposure and these outcomes. Here two studies are presented—one with variation in news characteristics over time based on the American National Election Studies time series data and another with variation across local communities and newspapers within a single state during a single election year—to assess the hypothesis that the relationship between news use and political outcomes are moderated by natural variations in the nature of the news content and news outlets.";"Journal Article";2013;"Y.-I. Liu, F. Shen, W. P. Eveland, Jr. and I. Dylko";"The impact of news use and news content characteristics on political knowledge and participation";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1919;"Both public opinion and experts who analyse voting statistics contend nowadays that young people are losing interest in politics. But should political participation be confined to electoral participation? Could the expression 'youth participation in political life be confusing? At present, we observe young people mobilizing within organizations meant to influence decision-making and power centres, and we further see growing numbers of demonstrations targeting a wide array of issues--from high school students clamouring for the maintenance of cultural activities, to antiglobalization demonstrations. These movements necessarily suggest broadening the concept of political participation to include activities beyond electoral participation alone. Some authors see a new political generation taking shape in this enthusiastic involvement. This is the central hypothesis of this paper. To illustrate this hypothesis, the limitations of certain participation indicators will be challenged and new forms of involvement described.";"Journal Article";2003;"M. Gauthier";"The inadequacy of concepts: The rise of youth interest in civic participation in Quebec [1]";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Canada";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1920;"In Australia, renewed interest in the principles of youth participation during the last decade has led to an increase in the development of youth participation policies, in both the government and non-government sectors. At the same time, the internet is being increasingly utilised to promote and implement the aims of these youth participation policies. This paper asks, what is the relationship between youth participation policies, the internet and young people's political identities? Is the internet simply a vehicle for participation policies—a mechanism for governments and organisations to extend their reach to otherwise disengaged youth? Or is it a space where young people are authoring new forms of participation and political identities? It is argued in this paper that the internet is significant in shaping the relationship between youth participation policies and new political identities in the following ways: it is a unique and autonomous platform for the realisation of project-based political identities; it is a legitimising space for new political practices of young people; and, though it can address some barriers to participation, there is little evidence to suggest that it challenges the economic structural disadvantage that can exclude certain groups of young people. Drawing on empirical research conducted in Australia, this paper provides insights into Australian young people's experiences of participation, their attitudes to participation policies, and the role of the internet in their participatory activities.";"Journal Article";2008;"P. Collin";"The internet, youth participation policies, and the development of young people's political identities in Australia";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPP";"Youth"
1921;"Political scientists have long been aware of the problem of unequal participation in democratic politics, the phenomenon we can call 'political divide.' The emergence of information and communication technologies over recent years has sparked a discussion on whether this long-standing political divide can now be resolved by 'e-democracy.' This study aims to answer two questions: (i) Can e-democracy, specifically e-petitions, attract traditional nonparticipants to participate in public affairs? (ii) In the context of promoting e-petitions, can 'digital divide' alleviate the problem of 'political divide?' The data used in this study were collected from a national poll on citizen experience of and willingness to participate in the petitioning for referendum. The results indicate that those who recall participating in paper petitions tended to be older, less educated, and with stronger party identification. Also, our results reveal that these people who can be effectively mobilized by traditional social networks are mostly, in fact, the 'digital have-nots.' Furthermore, regarding the potential participants in e-petitions, we find that those 'digital haves,' who had not been mobilized in previous paper-based petition sessions, were more likely to participate in e-petitions if they are implemented in the future. The results demonstrate the existence of a possible negative correlation between the political and the digital divide. This suggests that e-democracy might be potentially beneficial to alleviate the long worried negative effects of the political divide in democratic polity.";"Journal Article";2014;"C.-p. Lee, D.-y. Chen and T.-y. Huang";"The interplay between digital and political divides: The case of e-petitioning in Taiwan";"Social Science Computer Review";"Taiwan";"CPP";"Youth"
1922;"The focus of this paper is young people's participation in the Occupy protest movement that emerged in the early autumn of 2011. Its concern is with the emotional dimensions of this and in particular the significance of emotions to the reasoning of young people who came to commit significant time and energy to the movement. Its starting point is the critique of emotions as narrowly subjective, whereby the passions that events like Occupy arouse are treated as beyond the scope of human reason. The rightful rejection of this reductionist argument has given rise to an interest in understandings of the emotional content of social and political protest as normatively constituted, but this paper seeks a different perspective by arguing that the emotions of Occupy activists can be regarded as a reasonable force. It does so by discussing findings from long‐term qualitative research with a Local Occupy movement somewhere in England and Wales. Using the arguments of social realists, the paper explores this data to examine why things matter sufficiently for young people to care about them and how the emotional force that this involves constitutes an indispensable source of reason in young activists’ decisions to become involved in Local Occupy.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. Mizen";"The madness that is the world: Young activists' emotional reasoning and their participation in a local Occupy movement";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1923;"This study explicates the indirect process through which news media use influences political participation. Specifically, it investigates the role of political knowledge and efficacy as mediators between communication and online/offline political participation within the framework of an O-S-R-O-R (Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response) model of communication effects. Results from structural equation modeling analysis support the idea that political knowledge and efficacy function as significant mediators. In addition, results expound the increasing importance of the Internet in facilitating political participation. Implications of findings, limitations of this study, and suggestions for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2011;"N. Jung, Y. Kim and H. G. de Zúñiga";"The mediating role of knowledge and efficacy in the effects of communication on political participation";"Mass Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1924;"A common interpretation of the low levels of electoral turnout among young voters is that they are apathetic and part of a generation that does not care about political issues—indeed, a selfish and materialistic generation. In this article, the authors question this common perception and test this claim against an important alternative: that the limitations to youth participation in Europe are due not to a lack of interest in the public good but rather to a combination of contextual and psychosocial factors, including the real as well as perceived inadequacy of the existing political offer. The authors assessed young people’s attitudes toward democratic life in the United Kingdom, France, Spain, Austria, Finland, and Hungary. A mixture of a comparative mass survey, stakeholder interviews, an experiment, and focus groups was used. The data suggest that young people are willing to engage politically but are turned off by the focus and nature of existing mainstream political discourse and practice, which many believe excludes them and ignores their needs and interests. Contrary to the assumptions of the disaffected and apathetic citizen approach, there is a strong desire among many young Europeans to participate in democratic life, but this desire is not met by existing democratic institutions and discourses.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. Cammaerts, M. Bruter, S. Banaji, S. Harrison and N. Anstead";"The myth of youth apathy: Young Europeans’ critical attitudes toward democratic life";"American Behavioral Scientist";"UK";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1925;"The article reports on a fourth study on the political participation of social workers based on a methodology developed by Gray and Collett van Rooyen (2000). Thus far studies have been conducted in South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. The present study examined the political activities of social workers in Hong Kong. It begins with a review of the politicisation of Hong Kong's social workers, tracing developments from the 1960s onwards. It then examines the literature on political participation in social work, particularly various typologies of political activity, in order to add to theory relating to this important aspect of social-work practice. Thereafter, it outlines the conceptual framework and methodology used in the study, the results of which provide the basis for the discussion of the political activities of social workers in Hong Kong. It ends with an in-depth discussion of the implications of the findings for the political role of social workers in Hong Kong's changing political context.";"Journal Article";2004;"E. Chul and M. Gray";"The political activities of social workers in the context of changing roles and political transition in Hong Kong";"International Journal of Social Welfare";"China";"CPP";"Youth"
1926;"This study examines clergy across six mainline Protestant denominations in terms of their social characteristics, their theological positions, and their political attitudes and behavior. The analysis is based on data collected through random surveys of clergy in each denomination conducted in 2001 using the same instrument. The predominant focus of the article is on the nature and level of political activities exhibited by mainline Protestant clergy in the election year of 2000. The analysis revealed that mainline Protestant clergy are indeed relatively active politically, but that, despite their commonality of belonging to the same broad religious tradition, the nature and level of such political activities varies across the six denominations. Variation in the level of political activity is related to a number of different variables. And, while multivariate analysis reduces the number of significant factors that account for such differences, the remaining significant factors are associated with each of the major theoretical approaches that have been advanced to account for differences in participation levels.";"Journal Article";2003;"C. Smidt, S. Crawford, M. Deckman, D. Gray, D. Hofrenning, L. Olson, S. Steiner and B. Weston";"The Political Attitudes and Activities of Mainline Protestant Clergy in the Election of 2000: A Study of Six Denominations";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1927;"Examined 3 competing explanations for the political behavior of elderly Black Americans. 157 Black Americans (aged 55+ yrs) served as Ss. Independent variables were SES, group consciousness, and empowerment. Dependent variables were alienation, political interest, and political participation. The socioeconomic model was a good predictor of political behavior; ethnic community theory and the empowerment model were, in varying degrees, predictors of alienation but not of political interest or activity. Some comparisons are made between older Black, younger Black, and older and younger White Americans.";"Journal Article";1992;"S. A. Peterson and A. Somit";"The political behavior of older American Blacks";"The Gerontologist";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1928;"Americans with disabilities have won major legislative victories in the last decade, but little is known about their political opinions and orientations. This study sought to develop and test a set of hypotheses about the political views of people with disabilities. A statewide telephone survey of 302 New-Mexican Ss (aged 18–64 yrs) with disabilities was contrasted with equivalent samples of the general New Mexico population. Respondents with disabilities had a stronger pro-Democratic bias, more egalitarian beliefs, and greater interest in public health care than did the general sample. Respondents with disabilities also reported lower levels of political efficacy, but the findings regarding political activity were mixed. It is concluded that the understanding of people with disabilities will improve dramatically if periodic national surveys begin to include 1 or more questions that identify those respondents who have disabilities. If the findings of this study hold true for the national population, a significant increase in the political involvement of people with disabilities could tip the scales of public opinion and partisan elections.";"Journal Article";2000;"J. Gastil";"The political beliefs and orientations of people with disabilities";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1929;"Consumer-driven labelling schemes such as Fairtrade and the Forest Stewardship Council, are based upon several assumptions of consumer decision making and behaviour. This study aimed to test the validity of some of these assumptions, including the belief that consumers are acting ‘on behalf’ of workers and communities in economically developing countries by supporting fair and ethical trade. It examines the political motivations underlying ethical consumption, such as its relationship to other forms of political activism, reasons behind high purchase frequency and how existing values interact with consumption choices. Drawing upon the results of a series of six focus groups with 58 participants and a nationally representative panel-based survey of 1014 Australian consumers, this paper argues that many of the factors involved in consumer decision making are inconsistent with the assumptions made by private economic governance schemes in attempting to harness consumer power, calling into question the effectiveness and legitimacy of such schemes. However, by tailoring the marketing strategies to different types of consumers, along with suppliers and retailers, these schemes can potentially increase their effectiveness.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Brenton";"The political motivations of ethical consumers";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"Australia";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1930;"This editorial gives an introduction to the articles that appear in this issue of Political Psychology. This symposium brings together six young scholars who demonstrate the unique contributions of political psychology to the study of electoral campaigns and participation. The impetus for the symposium comes from the methodological and substantive transformation that has taken place in the study and understanding of campaigns.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. N. Druckman and J. M. Miller";"The political psychology of electoral campaigns: Introduction to the symposium";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1931;"The article examines the role of collective identification processes in the politicization of Russian migrants in Germany. Building on the assumption that politicized collective identity (PCI) is a dual identity, the authors predicted and found that dual identification as both Russian and German was positively related to politicization among members of the Russian minority in Germany. This relationship held up even when the influences of several sociodemographic variables, past political activity, and other forms of collective identification were statistically controlled. In addition, perceived maltreatment of Russian migrants in Germany moderated the relationship between dual identification and politicization in keeping with the theoretical assumption that the development of PCI presupposes high awareness of shared grievances. Finally, dual identification was unrelated to acceptance of political violence, but positively related to self-restriction to peaceful political means. The constructive role of politicization driven by dual identification in social integration is discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. Simon and O. Grabow";"The politicization of migrants: Further evidence that politicized collective identity is a dual identity";"Political Psychology";"Germany";"CPP";"Youth"
1932;"This article explores the recent concern over young people’s apathy and disengagement from politics. It critically addresses this, first, by examining and contesting some of the literature addressing this alleged apathy and dissociation, revealing a particular, narrow and regulatory model of politics and an accompanying liberal notion of self. In contrast, a relational model of self is posited as more sociologically robust and suited to contemporary social life. Second, the article describes a qualitative Australian study of young people aged 18–30 years, recruited from across the political spectrum. In contrast to the key liberal principles, participants highlight interconnectedness, permeable public/private divides and the important role of friends and family in fostering and sustaining their political engagements. It is argued that the relational interconnected model of self presented by the participants reflects the conditions of contemporary social life.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Manning";"The relational self and the political engagements of young adults";"Journal of Sociology";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1933;"Objectives: To examine the association between state economic, political and health services capacity and state allocations for Title V capacity for Children and Youth with Special Health Care Needs (CSHCN). Methods: Numerous datasets were reviewed to select 13 state capacity measures: per capita Gross State Product (economic); governor’s institutional powers and legislative professionalism (political); percent of Children with Special Health Care Needs, percent of uninsured children, percent of children enrolled in Medicaid, state health funds as a percent of Gross State Product, ratio of Medicaid to Medicare fees, percent of children in Medicaid enrolled in managed care, per capita Medicaid expenditures for children, ratios of pediatricians/family practitioners and pediatric subspecialists per 10,000 children, and categorical versus functional state definition of CSHCN (health). Five measures of Title V capacity were selected from the Title V Information System, four that reflect allocation decisions by states and the fifth a state assessment of the role of families in Title V decision-making: ratio of state/federal Title V spending; per capita state Title V spending; percent of state Title V spending on CSHCN; state per child spending on CSHCN; and, state Title V Family Participation Score. OLS regression was used to model the association between state and Title V capacity measures. Results: The percentage of the state’s gross state product (GSP) accounted for by state health funds and the per capita GSP were positively associated with the per capita expenditures on all children. The percentage of CSHCN in the state was negatively associated with the ratio of state to federal support for Title V and the per child expenditures on CSHCN. Lower family participation scores were associated with having a hybrid legislature; however, higher family participation scores were found in states using a functional definition of special needs. Conclusions: Measures of state economic, political and health services capacity do not demonstrate consistent and significant associations with the Title V capacity measures that we explored. States with greater economic capacity appear to devote more financial resources to Title V. Our finding that per capita CSHCN expenditures are negatively associated with the percentage of CSHCN in the state suggests that there is an upper limit on what states devote to CSHCN. Our current understanding of what state factors influence Title V capacity remains limited.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. H. Margolis, M. Mayer, K. A. Clark and A. M. Farel";"The relationship between state capacity measures and allocations to children and youth with special needs within the MCH Services Block Grant";"Maternal and Child Health Journal";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1934;"Purpose: Social support from different sources is beneficial for health and often helps individuals to cope with stress and illness. The aim of this paper is to simultaneously examine the effects of social support from personal, professional, and community networks and other factors in relation to health. Design/methodology/approach: A cross sectional postal and web-based survey was undertaken to examine these relationships in a random sample of 10,000 households in Wandsworth, London. Social support variables were standardized by calculating Z-scores and the relationship with health was modelled using a series of regression models. Findings: The response rate was 22.8 per cent. This study found that ‘‘social support from family’’, ‘‘social support from friends’’, ‘‘social support at work’’, and ‘‘civic participation’’ were associated with a lower likelihood of poor self-rated health, but that social support from neighbours was associated with a higher likelihood of reporting poor health. The results suggest that most of the health effects of social support are supplementary. However, the finding that the health effects of social support from family disappear after controlling for the other social support variables, suggests that it can be compensated for by support from other sources. Socio-economic variables such as gender, age, being married, employment, and home ownership were also associated with better self-rated health. Originality/value: This paper extends previous analyses by demonstrating a range of interactions between self-rated health, social support (from personal, professional, and community networks), civic participation, and socio-economic variables. These factors have not previously been studied simultaneously.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. C. van Woerden, W. Poortinga, K. Bronstering, A. Garrib and A. Hegazi";"The relationship of different sources of social support and civic participation with self-rated health";"Journal of Public Mental Health";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1935;"This chapter seeks to understand the political participation of African-American social workers and to identify their criteria for analyzing social policy. The findings point to the need to create greater political influence on federal and state levels and to better understand the extent and nature of political participation of social workers of African ancestry. The study further points to the manner in which African-Americans methodically analyze social policy. African-American social workers are taking important steps to use the policy process to create change. This study confirms their solid participation in policy practice, while simultaneously supporting the need for even greater influence.";"Book Section";2003;"T. B. Bent-Goodley";"The role of African-American social workers in social policy";"African-American social workers and social policy.";;"CPP";"Youth"
1936;"As populist nationalism and criticism of government emerge from the Chinese online sphere, the potential influence of public engagement in online communication on Chinese politics has drawn much scholarly and media attention. To illuminate the role of user-generated online communication for political change, this study investigates how online political expression among Chinese Internet users relates to their nationalistic attitudes and support of the status quo. An analysis of survey data demonstrates that online political expression, facilitated by news consumption, enhances support for the existing sociopolitical system both directly and indirectly through nationalism. The results suggest that partial inclusion of the public in the online deliberation process serves to bolster system stability and legitimacy, as the Chinese Communist Party intends.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. D. Hyun and J. Kim";"The role of new media in sustaining the status quo: Online political expression, nationalism, and system support in China";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1937;"Poverty is commonly defined as a lack of economic resources that has negative social consequences, but surprisingly little is known about the importance of economic hardship for social outcomes. This article offers an empirical investigation into this issue. We apply panel data methods on longitudinal data from the Swedish Level-of-Living Survey 2000 and 2010 (n = 3089) to study whether poverty affects four social outcomes—close social relations (social support), other social relations (friends and relatives), political participation, and activity in organizations. We also compare these effects across five different poverty indicators. Our main conclusion is that poverty in general has negative effects on social life. It has more harmful effects for relations with friends and relatives than for social support; and more for political participation than organizational activity. The poverty indicator that shows the greatest impact is material deprivation (lack of cash margin), while the most prevalent poverty indicators—absolute income poverty, and especially relative income poverty—appear to have the least effect on social outcomes.";"Journal Article";2016;"C. Mood and J. O. Jonsson";"The social consequences of poverty: An empirical test on longitudinal data";"Social Indicators Research";"Sweden";"CPP";"Youth"
1938;"Sweden, with a high level of political participation and an avant-garde position regarding internet access, broadband and social media penetration in the population, is a critical case for studying social media in relation to political participation. Three types of users—members of political parties, members of interest organizations, and non-members—are interviewed in focus groups about their attitudes to political content in the social network site Facebook. The discussions show that although practices and attitudes vary, using social network sites alone does not drive previously inactive respondents to political participation. Respondents who are members of interest organizations view social network sites as valuable tools for participation, whereas respondents who are not refrain from sharing political views with their friends. They are exposed to political content and requests for participation, but prefer generally to remain passive.";"Journal Article";2012;"N. Gustafsson";"The subtle nature of facebook politics: Swedish social network site users and political participation";"New Media & Society";"Sweden";"CPP";"Youth"
1939;"This paper details the participatory behaviour of Australian young people through an examination of the relationship between gender, awareness of time constraints and participation. It engages with existing feminist critiques of how participation is conceptualized and recent research that looks at the effects of both structure and agency in the lives of young people. The paper is based on an original survey of 18- through 34-year-old Australians and shows that rather than this age group having homogeneous (or even negligible) participatory experiences, four distinct participatory typologies emerge. These four typologies are labelled as Activist, Communitarian, Party and Individualistic. Two participatory types, Activist and Communitarian, are differentiated by gender, with women being more participatory. I argue that an understanding of the complex relationship between gender and participation is enhanced when parenting commitments, paid work commitments, and the awareness of the relationship between time and participation are included in analysis.";"Journal Article";2003;"A. Vromen";"Traversing time and gender: Australian young people's participation";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1940;"Overconfidence is often regarded as one of the most prevalent judgment biases. Several studies show that overconfidence can lead to suboptimal decisions of investors, managers, or politicians. Recent research, however, questions whether overconfidence should be regarded as a bias and shows that standard 'overconfidence' findings can easily be explained by different degrees of knowledge of agents plus a random error in predictions. We contribute to the current literature and ongoing research by extensively analyzing interval estimates for knowledge questions, for real financial time series, and for artificially generated charts. We thereby suggest a new method to measure overconfidence in interval estimates, which is based on the implied probability mass behind a stated prediction interval. We document overconfidence patterns, which are difficult to reconcile with rationality of agents and which cannot be explained by differences in knowledge as differences in knowledge do not exist in our task. Furthermore, we show that overconfidence measures are reliable in the sense that there exist stable individual differences in the degree of overconfidence in interval estimates, thereby testing an important assumption of behavioral economics and behavioral finance models: stable individual differences in the degree of overconfidence across people. We do this in a 'field experiment,' for different levels of expertise of subjects (students on the one hand and professional traders and investment bankers on the other hand), over time, by using different miscalibration metrics, and for tasks that avoid common weaknesses such as a non-representative selection of trick questions.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Glaser, T. Langer and M. Weber";"True overconfidence in interval estimates: Evidence based on a new measure of miscalibration";"Journal of Behavioral Decision Making";"Germany";"CPP";"Youth"
1941;"When a 30-year decline in the American voters' trust of political office holders and the election process is contrasted to their enduring trust of the democratic form of government, there is strong confirmation of the need to take a multidimensional approach in measuring political trust. To this end, a segmentation scheme based on two well-established political trust measures (i.e., incumbent-based trust and regime-based trust) is proposed. In particular, how two specific trust segments differ in terms of the time they spend on various political and election-related activities is examined. A survey of 503 voters revealed that the dual-trusting segment were substantially more likely than the regime-only trusting segment to watch television debates or speeches and have informal discussions with friends and co-workers on topics related to the election. There were no meaningful differences between the two segments when it came to giving or raising funds, or campaigning for a candidate or political party. However, when it came to voting-related decision making, the results suggest that dual-trusting individuals were significantly more likely to spend more than a little time considering how they were going to vote for President, U.S. Senate, and on particular political issues.";"Journal Article";2002;"L. G. Schiffman, E. Sherman and N. Kirpalani";"Trusting souls: A segmentation of the voting public";"Psychology & Marketing";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1942;"This chapter explores the political potential of social media widely used as a means of communication by Turkish young people and examines how they perceive social media as alternative social environments, where they can manifest their political identities. In addition, the study conducted aims at understanding whether the political situation in Turkey before the 'Resistanbul' events, beginning toward the end of May 2013, created fear among young people that could cause them to hesitate to express their political thoughts or feel the need to veil their political identities. The results of the survey reveals that Turkish young people, despite having a high sense of freedom, tend to be politically disengaged in social media, and they seem to be hesitant to reveal their political identities in this alternative democratic social space, but they do not mind 'others' manifesting their political identities.";"Book Section";2014;"T. T. Gülşen";"Turkish youth’s (re)construction of their political identity in social media, before 'resistanbul'";"Identity and leadership in virtual communities: Establishing credibility and influence.";"Turkey";"CPP";"Youth"
1943;"Those who turn out in American primary elections are a small and unrepresentative subset of the population. Why do citizens forgo participation in nominating contests yet vote in general elections? We argue that limited contact lowers participation in primary elections. We present results from a randomized field experiment with near 150,000 letters in California’s 2014 primary. Each letter went to one of the four million Californians who had participated in recent general elections but not in primaries. We find that a single letter increased turnout by 0.5 points from a base rate of 9.3 percent. This increase is more than twice the average effect calculated in a recent meta-analysis and represents a proportional increase of 5.4 percent. Our experiment shows that registrants who typically abstain from primaries—and who are thus often ignored by campaigns—can be effectively mobilized.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. J. Hill and T. Kousser";"Turning out unlikely voters? A field experiment in the top-two primary";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1944;"Studied the relation of sociodemographic variables, psychosocial factors, and participation in political opposition activities. Ss included 250 university students (accounting, economics, and political science majors) in Mexico. Data on sociodemographic and psychosocial variables and political beliefs and participation in political activities were obtained by questionnaire and analyzed according to political interest, political identity, conservatism, political efficacy, and disposition to participate in political activities. The results indicate that attitudes about social rebellion and political efficacy are closely related to authoritarian solutions. The results are used to construct a model of political dissidence based on conservatism, political interest, ideological identity, authoritarian solutions, and political efficacy. Multiple regression analysis and other statistical tests were used.";"Journal Article";1999;"J. Aguilar Villalobos, M. Martínez Jiménez, A. Valencia Cruz and P. Romero Sánchez";"Un análisis psicosocial de la disidencia política entre estudiantes universitarios. = A psychosocial analysis of political dissidence in university students";"Revista Latina de Pensamiento y Lenguaje";"Mexico";"CPP";"Youth"
1945;"In political debates, migrants’ political involvement in their countries of origin and successful adaptation to receiving countries are often portrayed as incompatible. We address this concern by examining the links between acculturation preferences, perceived discrimination, and migrants’ transnational political involvement in their country of origin. In line with collective action research, a cross-sectional questionnaire study (N =84) among Senegalese migrants in Paris (France) and Geneva (Switzerland) examined three pathways to transnational political involvement (motivations and actual behaviour). Perceived discrimination, the grievances pathway, was positively related to both transnational motivations (but only when desire to adopt the receiving culture was low) and political behaviour in Senegal. Desire to adopt the culture of the receiving society as an acculturation preference, the embeddedness pathway, was also positively linked to transnational motivations and political behaviour. Finally, desire to maintain the culture of origin as an acculturation preference—the collective identification pathway—was unrelated to transnational political involvement. These findings underscore the compatibility of transnational political involvement in countries of origin and adaptation to receiving societies. We discuss the pivotal role of political psychology in bringing together acculturation psychology and transnationalism studies.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. G. T. Green, O. Sarrasin and J. Maggi";"Understanding transnational political involvement among Senegalese migrants: The role of acculturation preferences and perceived discrimination";"International Journal of Intercultural Relations";"Switzerland";"CPP";"Youth"
1946;"Recent studies have shown a positive link between frequency of social media use and political participation. However, there has been no clear elaboration of how using social media translates into increased political activity. The current study examines three explanations for this relationship in the context of citizens’ protest behavior: information (social media as a source for news), opinion expression (using social media to express political opinions), and activism (joining causes and finding mobilizing information through social media). To test these relationships, the study uses survey data collected in Chile in 2011, amid massive demonstrations demanding wholesale changes in education and energy policy. Findings suggest that using social media for opinion expression and activism mediates the relationship between overall social media use and protest behavior. These findings deepen our knowledge of the uses and effects of social media and provide new evidence on the role of digital platforms as facilitators of direct political action.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Valenzuela";"Unpacking the use of social media for protest behavior: The roles of information, opinion expression, and activism";"American Behavioral Scientist";"Chile";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1947;"Social capital is increasingly of interest to researchers and service providers given its relationship to outcomes ranging from wellness to social and civic participation. However, available instruments measuring social capital have insufficient reliability and validity. The current study tests the reliability and validity of the Personal Social Capital scale–English version. This study focuses on people of Mexican descent (N = 322) because this validation was part of a larger study involving this population. Results from the validation indicate acceptable global (α=.85) and subscale (bonding α=.83; bridging α=.85) reliability. In addition, a confirmatory factor analysis revealed a well-fitting model. The scale demonstrates convergent validity with psychological sense of community (r = .44). However, the statistically significant correlation between a person’s irrational values and social capital (r =.17) does not demonstrate discriminant validity. Further, gender is not a statistically significant predictor, thus failing to support the scale’s criterion validity. Relationship status was a statistically significant predictor but did not support the anticipated relationship. We discuss several directions for future research, scale construction, and scale improvement.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. J. Archuleta and C. R. Miller";"Validity evidence for the translated version of the Personal Social Capital Scale among people of Mexican descent";"Journal of the Society for Social Work and Research";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1948;"This article seeks to contribute to the discourse on the politicization of voluntary simplifiers’ consumption patterns. Some scholars argue that voluntary simplifiers’ consumption practices are individualistic and escapist in nature, and therefore cannot be defined as political, and that they are likely to become such only if they organize for collective action. Conversely, we argue that voluntary simplifiers’ lifestyle is an individual political choice that should be analyzed using theories of political consumption. This article, based on interviews with voluntary simplifiers in Israel, identifies four characteristics of voluntary simplifiers that attest to their political nature: (1) multidimensional political discourse, (2) embracement of a holistic and uncompromising lifestyle of simplicity, (3) lifestyle changes as ongoing political process, and (4) the desire to exert influence. We therefore argue that voluntary simplifiers are not only political, but they represent a clear-cut instance of noninstitutionalized political activity realized through individual practices in the private realm.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Zamwel, O. Sasson-Levy and G. Ben-Porat";"Voluntary simplifiers as political consumers: Individuals practicing politics through reduced consumption";"Journal of Consumer Culture";"Israel";"CPP";"Youth"
1949;"Relations between voting choice and similarity in traits between voters and political candidates are examined in two studies. The first study was conducted in Spain, where the personalities of Mariano Rajoy and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero were assessed. The second study was conducted in Italy, where the politicians assessed were Walter Veltroni and Silvio Berlusconi. Results show in both cases a similarity between voters’ self-reported personality and their appraisals of the leaders of the party for which they voted. Similarity is generally higher with respect to traits that are the most distinctive for each platform and its leader. The findings show a higher similarity between voters and their leaders on the markers of agreeableness, such as 'loyal' and 'sincere.' Findings hold across countries and political figures, demonstrating the role that personal characteristics of both voters and candidates play in orienting political preference.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. Vecchione, J. L. González Castro and G. V. Caprara";"Voters and leaders in the mirror of politics: Similarity in personality and voting choice in Italy and Spain";"International Journal of Psychology";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1950;"Objective: In this article, I estimate the conditional effect of racial minorities and women on the relationship between wage reimbursement laws and voter turnout. Scholars have found evidence that voting laws affect demographic segments of the population differently. However, scholars have not considered the theoretical implications of pay incentive structures for different minority groups. Methods: Using pooled cross‐sectional survey data from the November Supplement Current Population Survey 1996–2012, I test whether paid time off to vote laws increase the likelihood of voting for racial and gender minorities. Results: The findings indicate that women and Asian Americans are highly responsive to wage reimbursement, Hispanic Americans are relatively unresponsive, and blacks are highly unresponsive relative to whites. Conclusions: Reimbursing minorities for wages lost while voting decreases the costs of voting and increases turnout for these racial and gender minority groups except for blacks. I suggest the long history of discrimination and mistreatment by economic and political institutions has led to a lower level of blacks willing to engage in wage reimbursement because of mistrust in the delivery system.";"Journal Article";2016;"J. D. Hostetter";"Wage reimbursement and minority voter turnout";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1951;"Radical activist organizations face the complex task of managing their identity so as to draw political attention but also to appear legitimate and thus gain public support. In this article we develop a picture of the identities of Sea Shepherd Conservation Society (SSCS) members, a group mostly known for their direct action against whaling, via a thematic analysis of material from the SSCS website and interviews with SSCS members. In online commentary, founder Captain Paul Watson establishes several deliberately paradoxical notions of who the Sea Shepherds are. We relate these identity statements to interviews with core activists to examine how they manage the identity conflicts resulting from the group identity, such as being seen as 'pirates' and 'hard lined vegans.' We found that SSCS positions themselves as a diverse and unstructured organization, yet distinctively passionate and willing to take action where others will not. The implications of this research are discussed in relation to the importance of understanding the constraints and conflicts around political activist identities.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Stuart, E. F. Thomas, N. Donaghue and A. Russell";"'We may be pirates, but we are not protesters': Identity in the Sea Shepherd Conservation Society";"Political Psychology";"Australia";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1952;"Disability affects resources and other factors associated with political participation. This study examined the relative importance of these factors by analyzing voter turnout among people with disabilities. The study used the Current Population Survey and a survey of 312 people (aged 18–64 yrs) with spinal cord injuries (SCI), with data on 1992 presidential election voter turnout. It compared voting rates and determinants between the general population and people with SCI, and linked voter turnout to disability characteristics. Results show that voter turnout among people with SCI was 10 percentage points lower than among otherwise-similar people in the general population. Employed people with SCI were just as likely as other employed people to vote, while turnout was strongly depressed among the two-thirds of people with SCI who were not employed. Within the SCI sample, turnout was higher among people who are able to drive and who attend religious services, and was not affected by severity of injury. Results highlight the importance of employment and general mobility for voter turnout. It is suggested that further research on the low turnout of nonemployed people with disabilities is warranted.";"Journal Article";2000;"L. A. Schur and D. L. Kruse";"What determines voter turnout?: Lessons from citizens with disabilities";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1953;"This article introduces the concept of citizenship vocabularies and argues that these vocabularies serve as resources for civic and political action. Drawing on interviews with young adults, the author presents a conceptual mapping of citizenship vocabularies. Examples show how citizenship vocabularies play a role in constraining or enabling emerging repertoires of participation such as political consumption. The article concludes by briefly outlining an agenda for exploring the connections among political socialization, citizenship vocabularies, and political participation.";"Journal Article";2012;"K. Thorson";"What does it mean to be a good citizen? Citizenship vocabularies as resources for action";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1954;"The current study explored attributions made by youth work professionals ('workers') in out-of-school time (OST) programs about the social circumstances of and perceived need of program youth. It followed prior research examining impacts of worker-level attributions on decision-making in service delivery. Two types of OST programs were selected as positive developmental settings for youth, support and opportunity programs (SO) and civic participation (CP) programs. Uniquely this study combines the decision-making relevance of attribution theory and research on street level workers with the developmental and lifecourse relevance of the positive youth development perspective and developmental systems theories. This study sought to determine potential variability in attributions made by workers about the determinants of youth circumstances and need. To this end, this qualitative study used participant observation and in depth interview methods with 17 workers from four OST programs serving predominantly African American and Latino/a youth in urban Los Angeles. A majority of attributions were about diminished ecological assets that inhibited positive youth development. For workers in both SO and CP programs, mentorship, youth-friendly spaces and opportunities, or Me-Spots, were critical but absent youth assets. All workers described youth as resilient and positive, but nuanced differences existed among workers in their descriptions of specific asset pathways. Implications for professional development, practice and research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"R. Travis, Jr.";"What they think: Attributions made by youth workers about youth circumstances and the implications for service-delivery in out-of-school time programs";"Child & Youth Care Forum";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1955;"This article proposes that campaigns can serve a social function by drawing citizens into thinking about politics. Through an analysis of experimental data, the article reports that when subtle reminders of citizen duty appear in campaign discourse, citizens respond. Individuals who are reminded of citizen duty are more likely to learn where the candidates stand on issues, to think more about the candidates, and to search for information in an open-minded way. The results suggest that how citizens think about politics is flexible, rather than fixed, and can be shaped in consequential ways by the nature of elite appeals during election campaigns.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. D. Kam";"When duty calls, do citizens answer?";"The Journal of Politics";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1956;"Discussing politics in everyday life is quite common but it is not clear how talking politics should prompt the desire to become politically active. We compared two ideas: information gain, i.e., political talk translates into action when people receive information about activities and organizations; and social influence, i.e., political talk translates into action when people perceive their friends as politically active. Our main goal was to address the role played by two personality traits – Openness to Experience and Agreeableness – within these processes. Adopting a longitudinal design (N=895, sample of youths surveyed twice), we found that political talk promotes political participation over time when people perceive their discussion partners as politically active and that this effect is especially pronounced for agreeable people. Findings from this study provided support to the idea that political talk translates into political action under the condition of social influence and for people who are particularly susceptible to social conformity.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Russo and E. Amnå";"When political talk translates into political action: The role of personality traits";"Personality and Individual Differences";;"CPP";"Youth"
1957;"Scholars continue to find that political participation, especially beyond voting, is in limited supply in the United States. However, the rise of the Internet provides possibilities to mitigate such circumstances. Some scholars suggest that the Internet disconnects citizens from public life, while other studies note that it provides a venue for further participation in public life. The question remains as to whether the Internet mobilizes or demobilizes citizens. The article explores this question using Survey2000, a comprehensive, Internet-based, social scientific survey conducted in 1998 by scholars at Northwestern University in conjunction with the National Geographic Society. A positive relationship is found between engagement on the Internet and civic and political participation. However, the article also finds that the Internet appears to exacerbate the socioeconomic bias already exhibited by civic and political participation prior to the rise of the Internet.";"Journal Article";2003;"L. M. Weber, A. Loumakis and J. Bergman";"Who Participates and Why?: An Analysis of Citizens on the Internet and the Mass Public";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1958;"Twitter has been lauded for its potential political value by academics, journalists, and politicians; yet, we know little about the citizenry’s use of Twitter to engage in politics. Under the backdrop of the 2011 gubernatorial elections, we observed Twitter users’ direct engagement in the electoral process by collecting usernames and tweets of anyone who mentioned a candidate. After the elections were called, we employed an original survey via Twitter of these political tweeters to answer the question, who tweets about politics? Unsurprisingly, the results of our logit analysis demonstrate that strong partisans and those exhibiting high levels of traditional political participation activity tweet about politics most often which supports those who argue that we can expect to find the same political activists online as offline. However, we also find evidence that racial minorities and secularists are engaged in the electoral conversation on Twitter suggesting that some marginalized groups may have found a political outlet.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. A. Bekafigo and A. McBride";"Who tweets about politics?: Political participation of twitter users during the 2011gubernatorial elections";"Social Science Computer Review";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1959;"Despite the impact that influential American political bloggers have had on public policies and the mainstream media agenda in recent years, very little research is currently available on the most widely read political bloggers.Through a survey of 66 top American political bloggers, the present study examines this elite group by analyzing their initial and current motivations for blogging as well as their online and offline behaviors. The findings demonstrate that nearly all motivations for blogging have increased over time, with the most substantial increases occurring in extrinsic motivations. The results also reveal a significant association between extrinsic motivations and blogger online and offline political participation. This study demonstrates that future research on political blogs needs to look beyond blog readers and blog content and investigate the influential political bloggers themselves.";"Journal Article";2010;"B. Ekdale, K. Namkoong, T. K. F. Fung and D. D. Perlmutter";"Why blog? (then and now): Exploring the motivations for blogging by popular American political bloggers";"New Media & Society";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1960;"Notes that turnout in the 2001 UK general election sunk to a post-war low of just 59%. It is clear that, at this election, even fewer young, first-time voters participated. Over the past decade, journalists and youth-oriented interest groups have highlighted an apparent growth in young people's non-interest in politics. There are many explanations that have been offered to account for this phenomenon. Drawing from both political science and youth studies, this article identifies 4 broad explanations to understanding young people's non-participation: youth focused, politics focused, 'alternative value' and generational approaches. It is recommended that popular explanations based on young people's apathy or their alternative interest in environmental and identity politics cannot by themselves explain non-participation. Instead, it is argued that more consideration should be given to young people's changing transition journeys to adult statuses and, in particular, the extent to which the cues to encourage participation have disappeared.";"Journal Article";2002;"R. H. Kimberlee";"Why don't British young people vote at general elections?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1961;"Recent scholarship has documented the effect of online social networking on political participation, a relationship hypothesized to be due to the generation of social capital. This paper tests the hypothesis that impersonal get-out-the-vote messages delivered via an online social network can increase voter turnout. Specifically, this study uses a field experiment of randomly assigned students from a large southern public university to test the effect of exposure to political messages via Facebook on the likelihood of them voting in the November 2010 election. The results indicate that encouragements to vote delivered through a social networking site can have substantively large effects on political behavior.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Teresi and M. R. Michelson";"Wired to mobilize: The effect of social networking messages on voter turnout";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1962;"This paper presents an introduction for the articles featured in this issue of American Behavioral Scientist. It is noted that this and the next issue of American Behavioral Scientist (ABS) are titled 'Young Citizens, Media, and Political Participation Revisited.' An issue of ABS was published in May 2007 devoted to this same topic. Since then, two presidential elections have taken place, and African American Barack Obama was elected to serve as president twice. Population trends have shifted as the country becomes more multicultural. This first ABS issue presents recent survey research results, and the second issue will present a theoretical model of youth consumerism, a collection of experimental reports and a case study.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. H. Wicks";"Young citizens, media, and political participation revisited, part 1";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1963;"Do young people participate in politics? Some claim that young people are not as much involved in politics as their parents were, others argue that young people are interested in politics but in a different way than previous generations. The Internet is said to play an important role in ‘new politics’. This raises the question whether the Internet triggers new forms of political participation by young people. We use the results of a large scale web questionnaire, among 2,163 students in three countries (Italy, Spain and the Netherlands) to answer this question. We conclude that the Internet reinvigorates political participation but does not trigger a shift from ‘old’ to ‘new’ politics. Traditional politics has managed to rethink its communication formats and therefore plays an important role in political participation by young people on the Internet.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. Calenda and A. Meijer";"Young people, the Internet and political participation: Findings of a web survey in Italy, Spain and The Netherlands";"Information, Communication & Society";"Italy";"CPP";"Youth"
1964;"Young v. Old' [paints] a comprehensive picture of the 'aging of America' and what that will mean for politics and for policy questions regarding such issues as Social Security, health care, crime, jobs, social welfare, defense, and foreign affairs. Differences between older and younger citizens are examined in light of voting and registration patterns, ideological and party preferences and varieties of political activism. Contemporary media and new technologies are highlighted both as sources of disparities and as bridges between the generations—how they 'watch politics,' how they prefer to solve social problems, and how intergenerational understanding could be improved through communication and education. Throughout the book, Florida is viewed as a microcosm of America's future—there the ratio between young and old already resembles the probable makeup of the nation if current age trends continue through the year 2000. These changes may have powerful effects on gender and multicultural politics.";"Book";1996;"S. A. MacManus and P. A. Turner";"Young v. old: Generational combat in the 21st century";"Transforming American politics series";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1965;"Objective: We investigate whether the Iraq War might be a catalyzing event for this generation, like Vietnam was for baby boomers or World War II for the 'greatest generation,' through testing how opinions about the war influence patterns of political participation. Methods: Using data from an Internet‐based survey of randomly sampled college students at a midwestern state university and the 2008 National Election Studies, we investigate the relationship between disapproval of Bush's handling of the Iraq War and a variety of forms of political participation, including two that are new in this generation: 'friending' or joining an online political group or expressing one's political views online. Results: We discover that young voters who expressed opposition to Bush's handling of the war in Iraq are more likely to be civically engaged. Conclusion: While it is too early to determine how long the effect will last or how it will change over the course of young voters’ life cycles, at least in the short term, it appears opposition to the Iraq War has catalyzed greater levels of political participation.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. W. Moffett, L. L. Rice and R. Madupalli";"Young voters and war: The Iraq War as a catalyst for political participation";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Youth"
1966;"New technologies are often perceived as important resources in attracting young people to formal politics, but less is known about how young people use them to create participatory practice on their own terms. This article examines young women's less conventional technology-enabled political and social activity in order to understand how these are operating as emergent modes of participation in a new political environment. It explores young women's use of online DIY culture, blogs, social networking sites and related technologies to open up questions about what counts as politics, and what is possible as politics for young people, and young women in particular, at the present moment. It suggests that these activities represent new directions in activism, the construction of new participatory communities, and the development of new kinds of public selves, while also telling us important things about the limits of the kinds of conventional citizen subject positions offered to young women at this time.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. Harris";"Young women, late modern politics, and the participatory possibilities of online cultures";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1967;"This introduction discusses the ways in which young people growing up in post-socialist Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union negotiate a range of identities and transitions in their personal lives against a backdrop of thoroughgoing transformation in their societies. In addition, while ‘social change’ is a central theme of the issue, all of the articles in the collection indicate that the new opportunities and risks faced by young people—in spheres as diverse as consumption, migration, political participation, volunteering, employment and family formation—continue both to underpin and to be shaped by familiar social and spatial divisions, not only within and between the countries addressed, but also between ‘East’ and ‘West’. As a whole, then, the articles contained in the special issue point to the multifarious ways in which young people have negotiated different aspects of their lives through a period of prolonged social transformation.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Walker and S. Stephenson";"Youth and social change in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"Youth"
1968;"The relationship between social media use and youth’s political participation has been extensively studied. However, explanations for youth’s online collective political activism have been less explored. Previous studies have used the concept of internal political efficacy to examine the relationship between social media and political participation. However, this concept only explains individual political participation, while many political actions are performed collectively. Based on Social Cognitive theory this study propounds the concepts of online political self- and collective efficacy and explores their relationship to online collective political activism. Findings of a survey of members of three activist groups of a US Mid-Western university (n = 222) suggest that a correspondence exists between efficacy perceptions and the level of agency at which the political activities are performed online. Also, online collective efficacy perceptions influence individuals’ participation in online collective actions, but this relationship is moderated by the perceived interdependence of the actions.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Velasquez and R. LaRose";"Youth collective activism through social media: The role of collective efficacy";"New Media & Society";"Colombia";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1969;"Effective youth participation in social development and civic life can enhance young peoples’ health and well-being. Yet many obstacles stand in the way of such involvement. Drawing on 105 interviews, 52 focus groups and fieldworker diaries, this paper reports on a study of a rural South African project which sought to promote effective youth participation in HIV/AIDS management. The paper highlights three major obstacles which might be tackled more explicitly in future projects: (i) reluctance by community adults to recognise the potential value of youth inputs, and an unwillingness to regard youth as equals in project structures; (ii) lack of support for meaningful youth participation by external health and welfare agencies involved in the project; and (iii) the failure of the project to provide meaningful incentives to encourage youth involvement. The paper highlights five psycho-social preconditions for participation in AIDS projects (knowledge, social spaces for critical thinking, a sense of ownership, confidence and appropriate bridging relationships). We believe this framework provides a useful and generalisable way of conceptualising the preconditions for effective 'participatory competence' in youth projects beyond the specialist HIV/AIDS arena.";"Journal Article";2009;"C. Campbell, A. Gibbs, S. Maimane, Y. Nair and Z. Sibiya";"Youth participation in the fight against AIDS in South Africa: From policy to practice";"Journal of Youth Studies";"South Africa";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1970;"Youth political participation in Hong Kong has drawn much public and scholarly attention in recent years. However, most of the studies focus on giving a general picture of youth political attitudes and behaviours through surveys or studying young activists engaged in protests and social movements. There is little research on young people engaging in institutionalized forms of participation such as party activism. To help fill this research gap, this paper offers a brief overview of youth party membership in Hong Kong through document studies, a small-scale survey, and in-depth interviews with a sample of young party members. Specifically, this paper explores four research questions: (1) How many young party members are there in Hong Kong? (2) What are their social characteristics? (3) How do they become party members? (4) What do they do in their parties?";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Y. Ng";"Youth party members in Hong Kong: An overview";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1971;"In recent decades, a series of transformations have occurred that have changed young people's relationships with politics. In most Western countries, young people vote less and protest more. Survey research has detected this two-fold process in participation behaviour, but has failed to detect this same process in the field of political attitudes. In particular, the emergence of a specific dimension of psychological political involvement with a special impact on youth has gone unnoticed in survey-based research. Based on some recent qualitative studies, this research tries to identify and measure a specific dimension of interest in politics using a new question in a survey carried out in Catalonia in 2011. An interest directly oriented to political issues and causes – particularly those relevant in young people's everyday lives – is identified. The article also evaluates how traditional survey indicators of political involvement do capture, or not, this particular dimension of interest in politics. Finally, the new cause-oriented interest indicator is tested to analyse its impact on different types of participation in order to better understand patterns of activism in young people.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Soler-i-Martí";"Youth political involvement update: Measuring the role of cause-oriented political interest in young people's activism";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Spain";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1972;"What is the relationship between social movements and electoral politics? Although the empirical reality of American politics has increasingly blurred the lines between activism and electoral politics, sociology has yet to explore these changes and provide theoretical and methodological tools to understand them. Focusing on the experience of young Americans, this review explores this relationship and outlines opportunities for future research. It is broken down into three sections. First, I review the main themes in the study of youth political participation in America. Second, using examples from the 2008 election, the article examines recent increases in youth participation. Third and finally, this article discusses the case of the Obama campaign, its transition into the Democratic National Committee’s Organizing for America, and aspects of the 2012 election to highlight the complex relationship between movements and electoral politics in America today. The paper concludes by highlighting opportunities for sociologists to bridge the connections between activism and electoral politics in new and meaningful ways.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. R. Fisher";"Youth political participation: Bridging activism and electoral politics";"Annual Review of Sociology";"US";"CPPAct";"Youth"
1974;"Zambia has a population of about 11 million people, and as other Sub-Saharan .African countries, has been trying to democratize since the early 1990s. Clearly, though, the promise of political reform did not fulfill the expectations of the public, and with about 60 percent of the population living below the poverty line, many Zambians are no longer confident that more open political systems can improve their lives. But the problem may not be inherent in the political process itself, and could be found more in the apparent disconnection between people's needs and the way the country's affairs are run. it is with respect to these and related issues that this book emphasizes the crucial relationship between education and political participation, and specifically highlights citizenship education as essential for Zambia's social development. Social development, which should comprise the economic, political, and cultural wellbeing of societies can be enhanced citizenship education, which focuses on elevating people's understanding of their rights and responsibilities vis-á-vis government institutions, structures and functions. Indeed, it is the centrality of the political component in people's lives, especially its relationship with public policy and public programs that should underline the important role of citizenship education. In describing these issues, the book analyzes the role of the media, women's groups, and youth in enhancing the political, educational, and by extension, the economic lives of the Zambian people. The book should interest students and scholars of Zambian education, politics, and social development. It should also be useful for policy makers, institutional managers, and both public and para-public leaders in Zambia and elsewhere in the continent.";"Book";2010;"A. A. Abdi, E. Shizha and L. Ellis";"Citizenship education and social development in Zambia";;"Canada";"CPP";"YT"
1975;"Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.";"Journal Article";2008;"P. Adman";"Does workplace experience enhance political participation? A critical test of a venerable hypothesis";"Political Behavior";"Sweden";"CPP";"YT"
1976;"Using IEA Civic Education Study data on 14-year-olds in 24 countries, this chapter aims to contribute new theoretical and empirical insights about the trajectories of political involvement as well as about the impact of contextual and individual factors on young people's attitudes toward political participation. Since our point of departure is the map of participation among adults, which illuminates a distinguished Nordic civic activism, our first task is to examine whether a similar pattern is found among adolescents' attitudes toward political participation. In other words, are Nordic youth more inclined to expect to engage in extensive political activism when becoming adults than youth in other societies? Secondly, how appropriate are the theories that account for country variance in political behavior among adults in understanding differences in adolescents' participatory anticipations? As for the first question, our focus is on anticipated political behavior with regard to four modes of political participation—voting, representing (joining a political party or running for local office), legal protesting, and illegal protesting. To answer the second question, we elaborate hypotheses by drawing on political science theories that address cross-national differences in adult political behavior. These theories are partly competing and partly complementary, and incorporate various relevant macro, meso, and micro characteristics of the countries.";"Book Section";2010;"E. Amnå and P. Zetterberg";"A political science perspective on socialization research: Young Nordic citizens in a comparative light";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"Sweden";"CPPAct";"YT"
1977;"Inspired by the recent wave of global protests, this paper seeks to empirically investigate the role and interaction of a burgeoning young population and the penetration of information and communications technology (ICT) in explaining the onset and diffusion of anti-government demonstrations. Employing a cross-national global analysis between the years 1995 and 2011, we find that youth bulges and ICT affect protest activities in a more complicated and nuanced manner than the conventional wisdom suggests. The proliferation of anti-government protests is multiplicatively heightened when the enhanced technological means of protest are fused with the structural and opportunity-based conditions often witnessed in countries with large youth bulges. In contrast, we do not find that either of our variables of interest affects the probability of the outbreak of protests, which is rather explained by more contextual factors. A nuance in our results pertaining to the prevalence of protests suggests that it is the proliferation of technology that is more important than demographic factors. This suggests that those communication mediums, more likely to be used by younger generations, have worked to successfully amplify calls for mobilization even when those cohorts are otherwise smaller in size.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. U. Ang, S. Dinar and R. E. Lucas";"Protests by the young and digitally restless: The means, motives, and opportunities of anti-government demonstrations";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1978;"Civic identity is presented as a key construct for understanding adolescent development. We argue that high-poverty, urban neighborhoods make it difficult for youth to develop civic identities. Hypotheses regarding the effects of poverty and urbanicity on the development of civic identity are tested in analyses of the National Household Education Survey of 1999. Results from the analyses demonstrate that youth from urban neighborhoods are less likely than their suburban and rural counterparts to participate in community service. In addition, youth in poor neighborhoods have lower levels of civic knowledge and are less politically tolerant than youth in affluent neighborhoods.";"Journal Article";2003;"R. Atkins and D. Hart";"Neighborhoods, adults, and the development of civic identity in urban youth";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1979;"This study explored political attitudes, awareness and values among 1753 Israeli-Jewish and Israeli-Palestinian adolescents aged 15 to 17 from different localities. The findings show that Palestinian adolescents reported more trust in the political system, were more aware and had a more formulated opinion of the political system than their Jewish colleagues. In addition, it was found that more religious adolescents showed more political awareness and involvement. In general, gender gaps in political participation measures were larger among Arab adolescents compared with Jewish adolescents. The researchers suggest that some of the findings can be explained by the potential role of participation in political activities by minority adolescents in the development of adolescents' political perception and attitudes.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. Attar-Schwartz and A. Ben-Arieh";"Political knowledge, attitudes and values among Palestinian and Jewish youth in Israel: The role of nationality, gender and religiosity";"Children and Youth Services Review";"Israel";"CPP";"YT"
1980;"This chapter discusses the processes and impacts of media on children's political socialization. The author argues that despite commonly expressed concerns that young people are apathetic and cynical about public affairs, evidence shows instead that they find the world around them to be of interest, even if they do not find traditional-style news coverage compelling. Indeed, as civic participation among young people has been increasing steadily, we learn that they tend to engage especially when participation is convenient and they believe their efforts will be fruitful. Furthermore, youth seek information independently and in doing so learn from an ever widening variety of media platforms and genres. For example, entertainment news and satire can motivate additional information-seeking and discussion. In turn, this helps youth contextualize what they learn and helps them develop media literacy skills. Finally, while parental influence often takes place through role modeling and communication style, rather than through the explicit discussion of public affairs, politically-oriented discussion has been found to be especially valuable when solicited by youth themselves.";"Book Section";2015;"E. W. Austin";"Processes and impacts of political socialization";"The Routledge international handbook of children, adolescents and media.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1981;"The role of traditional media and the Internet in relation to young people’s political participation has attracted a great deal of scholarly attention. Starting from a notion of differential media use and an encompassing notion of political participation, this article tests the relationships between media use (newspaper, television, and Internet) and offline and online forms of political participation. Findings from a national survey (n = 2,409, age 16 to 24) reveal that a variety of Internet uses are positively related with different forms of political participation, whereas the relationship between most uses of traditional media and participation are weak, albeit positive. The study rejects the predictive power of duration of media use but finds support for the type of media use. Positive relationships between online communication and noninformational uses of the Internet vis-à-vis participation are found. The research demonstrates how a wider and more contemporary conception of political participation, together with more detailed measures of media use, can help to gain better insight in the roles media can play in affecting participatory behavior among the Internet generation.";"Journal Article";2011;"T. P. Bakker and C. H. de Vreese";"Good news for the future? Young people, internet use, and political participation";"Communication Research";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
1982;"Participating in civic life is an important developmental task of adolescence and a central tenet of democracy. What motivates diverse youth in the United States to become involved in civic life? Using a mixed-method and person-centered approach, the authors (1) identified subgroups of participants based on their motivations for political and nonpolitical volunteering and (2) explored differences in civic motivations by ethnic and immigration backgrounds among Asian and Latino adolescents. Using latent class analysis, the authors identified four classes of motivation for political (n = 414) and nonpolitical volunteer (n = 1,066) activities: helping identity, instrumental, personal issue, and weak motivation. Overall, first- and second-generation Latino and Asian youth and nonimmigrants showed more similarities than differences in civic motivations. Survey and interview data revealed that youth from immigrant backgrounds were more motivated to volunteer by instrumental reasons compared to nonimmigrants. Qualitative analyses also revealed that immigrant youth from Mexican backgrounds were mobilized around issues of immigration reform whereas youth from Asian backgrounds were concerned with issues in their local communities.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. J. Ballard, H. Malin, T. J. Porter, A. Colby and W. Damon";"Motivations for civic participation among diverse youth: More similarities than differences";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1983;"Civic participation is a cornerstone of civil societies and a part of positive and productive individual development. Much is known about individual predictors of civic participation among ethnic majority Western adolescent and young adult samples. In this special issue, the authors aim to uncover the predictors of civic participation in less studied populations to better understand diverse routes to civic participation across ages and cultures. Framed by life-span and ecological perspectives, this special issue draws together studies that target different age groups, from adolescents to the old–old, as well as minority and immigrant populations and residents of diverse countries, including the United States, Australia, Eastern and Western European countries, and Turkey.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. J. Ballard, M. K. Pavlova, R. K. Silbereisen and W. Damon";"Diverse routes to civic participation across ages and cultures: An introduction";"Research in Human Development";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1984;"This article employs a national sample of almost 400 bisexual and lesbian Latinas to examine the impact of community-level support/ comfort, as well as the importance of sexual orientation and racial identity, on sociopolitical involvement. Results indicate that feelings of connectedness to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) community are the most important predictor of sociopolitical involvement within both LGBT and people of color (POC) communities. While comfort within the LGBT community had no impact on LGBT sociopolitical involvement, it had a negative impact on POC sociopolitical involvement.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Battle and A. Harris";"Belonging and acceptance: Examining the correlates of sociopolitical involvement among bisexual and lesbian Latinas";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: The Quarterly Journal of Community & Clinical Practice";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1985;"Studied levels of participation in social and civic community life in an Australian suburban metropolitan region, and examined differential levels of participation according to demographic, socioeconomic and health status (physical and mental). Ss were 2542 adult postal survey respondents. Six indices of participation, on a range of social and civic activities, were assessed: (1) informal social activities, (2) public social activities, (3) group hobby and sporting activities, (4) individual civic activities, (5) collective civic participation, and (6) community group activities. Levels of participation were highest in the informal social activities index, and lowest in the index of civic activities of a collective nature. Low levels of involvement in social and civic activities were reported more frequently by people of low income and low education levels. The authors conclude that levels of participation in social and civic community life in this setting are significantly influenced by individual SES, health and other demographic characteristics. Implications for health and social policy are discussed.";"Journal Article";2000;"F. E. Baum, R. A. Bush, C. C. Modra, C. J. Murray, E. M. Cox, K. M. Alexander and R. C. Potter";"Epidemiology of participation: An Australian community study";"Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
1986;"In this chapter, we make the case for why and how young people should be a part of the planning, strategy, implementation, and evaluation of a comprehensive community initiatives (CCI) that is focused on supporting them. This chapter will discuss the theoretical and practical rationale for youth engagement within CCIs and provide examples of promising and effective youth engagement strategies, such as building civically nurturing ecosystems, investing in youth-adult partnerships, and creating environments and systems that provide rich civic opportunities for youth. By civic, we mean citizen actions and participation, as well as relationships, networks, and information flow between organizations and citizens.";"Book Section";2016;"J. Benenson, K. Kawashima-Ginsberg, P. Levine and F. M. Sullivan";"Youth as part of the solution: Youth engagement as a core strategy of comprehensive community initiative";"Comprehensive community initiatives for positive youth development.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1987;"Objectives: To examine the extent to which individual and ecological-level cognitive and structural social capital are associated with common mental disorder (CMD), the role played by physical characteristics of the neighbourhood in moderating this association, and the longitudinal change of the association between ecological level cognitive and structural social capital and CMD. Design: Cross-sectional and longitudinal study of 40 disadvantaged London neighbourhoods. We used a contextual measure of the physical characteristics of each neighbourhood to examine how the neighbourhood moderates the association between types of social capital and mental disorder. We analysed the association between ecological-level measures of social capital and CMD longitudinally. Participants: 4,214 adults aged 16-97 (44.4% men) were randomly selected from 40 disadvantaged London neighbourhoods. Main Outcome Measures: General Health Questionnaire (GHQ-12). Results: Structural rather than cognitive social capital was significantly associated with CMD after controlling for socio-demographic variables. However, the two measures of structural social capital used, social networks and civic participation, were negatively and positively associated with CMD respectively. ‘Social networks’ was negatively associated with CMD at both the individual and ecological levels. This result was maintained when contextual aspects of the physical environment (neighbourhood incivilities) were introduced into the model, suggesting that ‘social networks’ was independent from characteristics of the physical environment. When ecological-level longitudinal analysis was conducted, ‘social networks’ was not statistically significant after controlling for individual-level social capital at follow up. Conclusions: If we conceptually distinguish between cognitive and structural components as the quality and quantity of social capital respectively, the conclusion of this study is that the quantity rather than quality of social capital is important in relation to CMD at both the individual and ecological levels in disadvantaged urban areas. Thus, policy should support interventions that create and sustain social networks. One of these is explored in this article.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Bertotti, P. Watts, G. Netuveli, G. Yu, E. Schmidt, P. Tobi, S. Lais and A. Renton";"Types of social capital and mental disorder in deprived urban areas: A multilevel study of 40 disadvantaged London neighbourhoods";"PLoS ONE";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
1988;"This study explores conceptualizations of citizenship and civic participation in adolescents and young adults from Bratislava (N = 58), focusing on the relationship between these conceptualizations and the perceived locus of control. Q methodology was used to identify four factors that represent different beliefs about citizenship. The first factor (individual responsibility, minimal state) was formed exclusively by university students; the second (passive negativism) was formed by high school students, and the remaining two factors (civic solidarity and our state, our lord) had a mixed composition. Statistically significant differences were identified in perceived locus of control, with only the participants forming the first factor manifesting a tendency towards internality.";"Journal Article";2009;"E. Bianchi and B. Lášticová";"Q metodologická analýza občianstva u mladých l'udí na slovensku. = Q methodological analysis of citizenship in young people in Slovakia";"Československá Psychologie: Časopis Pro Psychologickou Teorii a Praxi";"Hungary";"CPP";"YT"
1989;"The following research questions were identified for this study: (a) To what extent are college students cynical and or apathetic about politics and the political process and participation? (b) To what extent do college students feel a sense of political efficacy, or the sense that their participation in the political process can make a difference? (c) What is the level of political participation among college students? (d) To what extent did students' apathy, cynicism, political efficacy, and political participation increase or decrease during the latter half of the 1990s? and (e) What is the relationship between students' attitudes about politics and their political commitment and participation. Two samples of students (aged 17-29 and 16-28 yrs) at 3 midwestern universities completed questionnaires assessing their political attitudes and participation levels. The results suggest that college students may not be as cynical about politicians and the political process as conventional wisdom suggests. The results suggest that fears about the potentially negative effects of political scandals, partisanship, and deceitful campaign tactics on student attitudes may be unfounded and that apathy among college students may be decreasing while political efficacy remains relatively high.";"Journal Article";2002;"A. Blackhurst";"A comparison of college students' political attitudes and participation rates in 1996 and 2000";"Journal of College Student Development";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1990;"Examined the relationship between voting inequality at the US state level and individual self-rated health among 279,066 respondents to the Current Population Survey. State-level inequality in voting turnout by SES (family income and educational attainment) was derived from November survey data for 1990, 1992, 1994, and 1996. Results show that individuals living in the states with the highest voting inequality had an odds ratio of fair/poor self-rated health of 1.43 compared with individuals living in the states with the lowest voting inequality. This odds ratio decreased to 1.34 when state income inequality was added and to 1.27 when state median income was included. The deleterious effect of low individual household income on self-rated health was most pronounced among states with the greatest voting and income inequality. It is concluded that socioeconomic inequality in political participation (as measured by voter turnout) is associated with poor self-rated health, independently of both income inequality and state median household income.";"Journal Article";2001;"T. A. Blakely, B. P. Kennedy and I. Kawachi";"Socioeconomic inequality in voting participation and self-rated health";"American Journal of Public Health";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1991;"Social networking sites (SNS) currently boast more than half a billion active users worldwide, the majority of which are young people. With notable exceptions, few studies have ventured into the growing political realm that exists on these sites. This study expands research on SNS by examining both what encourages people to express themselves politically in this realm, and what effects such expression may have on classic questions of political participation. We test the proposition that political use of SNS among teens offers a new pathway to their political participation using hierarchical linear regression and panel data analysis. Results demonstrate that political SNS use strongly impacted both levels of and growth in traditional political participation during the 2008 election.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. Bode, E. K. Vraga, P. Borah and D. V. Shah";"A new space for political behavior: Political social networking and its democratic consequences";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1992;"This article documents results of an ongoing 20-year, 6-wave longitudinal study of 201 German peace movement sympathizers, first surveyed in 1985 at an average age of 14 1/2. The aim of the part of the study reported in this article is to predict current political involvement on the grounds of knowledge about earlier cognitive, emotional, and conative political involvement. Regression analyses show that it is not so much early engagement in political activities, like going to demonstrations, that let's one predict middle adulthood political mobilization but early cognitive and emotional involvement with politics, like being alarmed about ongoing stressful macrosocial conditions. With regard to cognitive involvement, factual knowledge about politics plays a more important role than early self-actualization values in the Inglehartian sense do. Altogether, approximately 12% of the variance in current political involvement of individuals in their mid-30s can be explained on the grounds of information about life circumstances and attitudes in adolescence.";"Journal Article";2005;"K. Boehnke and M. Boehnke";"Once a Peacenik--Always a Peacenik? Results From a German Six-Wave, Twenty-Year Longitudinal Study";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
1993;"Democratic deliberative theory has long emphasized the importance of citizen deliberation as a form of political participation and a centrally important component of any vital democracy. Public deliberation and discourse among citizens has been less frequently investigated as a form of political participation than more standard indicators such as voting or volunteering for political organizations. This research examines the extent to which internalized beliefs about deliberation are associated with deliberation outcome measures among a national sample of high school students participating in a year-long deliberation forum, Project 540. Using a multilevel analysis, the research specifically tested the extent to which scales of personal and normative deliberation beliefs, independently and moderated by Project 540 participation, predict key deliberative outcomes (e.g., civic skills, intention to participate in civic affairs). We find that predeliberation endorsement of both personal and normative beliefs predicts increases in certain positive deliberative outcomes, and that these effects are not moderated by participation in Project 540. The implications of these findings for deliberative democracy theory and for developing effective citizen deliberation forums are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. Borgida, K. A. Worth, B. Lippmann, D. Ergun and J. Farr";"Beliefs about deliberation: Personal and normative dimensions";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPP";"YT"
1994;"In this article we propose looking into some factors for Civic Participation and the intention to continue to participate among local (Study I) and immigrant (Study II) young people living in Belgium and Germany. In Study I, 1,079 young people (Mage = 19.23, 44.9% males) completed a self-report questionnaire asking about their Civic Participation. Multiple linear regressions reveal (a) evidence of a pool of variables significantly linked to Civic Participation: Institutional Trust, Collective-Efficacy, Parents’ and Peers’ Support, Political Interest, Motivations and (b) that Civic Participation, along with the mediation of the Participation's Efficacy, explains the Intention to Continue to Participate. An explanatory model was constructed on participation and the Intention to Continue to Participate on behalf of the native youth. This model is invariant between the two countries. In Study II, 276 young Turkish immigrants (Mage = 20.80, 49.3% males) recruited in Belgium and Germany filled out the same questionnaire as in Study I. The same analysis was conducted as for Study I, and they provided the same results as the native group, highlighting the invariance of the model between natives and immigrants. Applicative repercussions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Born, D. Marzana, S. Alfieri and C. Gavray";"'If it helps, I’ll carry on': Factors supporting the participation of native and immigrant youth in Belgium and Germany";"The Journal of Psychology: Interdisciplinary and Applied";"Belgium";"CPP";"YT"
1995;"While the living conditions of children and young people in the European Union have gained increasing recognition across the EU, the well-being of children is not monitored on the European level. Based on a rights-based, multi-dimensional understanding of child wellbeing we analyse data already available for the EU 25, using series data as well as comparative surveys of children and young people. We compare the performance of EU Member States on eight clusters with 23 domains and 51 indicators and give a picture of children's overall wellbeing in the European Union. The clusters are children's material situation, housing, health, subjective well-being, education, children's relationships, civic participation and risk and safety.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Bradshaw, P. Hoelscher and D. Richardson";"An index of child well-being in the European Union";"Social Indicators Research";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
1997;"Building upon the literature that examines young people and politics, this article examines the extent to which young women are interested in politics. The hypothesis is that young women might not necessarily be interested in mainstream party politics but that, when questioned, they are actually interested in political issues. This ties in with the findings of the burgeoning literature on young people and politics, whereby a similar conclusion is reached here that young people may have turned away from the ballot box and from parliamentary politics but that, when questioned, they are actually interested in political issues. The focus is primarily upon young women as opposed to looking at young people as a generic grouping. Based upon in-depth interviews with young women (18-24 year olds) in focus groups, this research seeks to find answers to the vexed question of why politics appears to be a turn-off for the majority of young women.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. E. Briggs";"Young women and politics: An oxymoron?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
1998;"Croatian youth live with the legacy of violence. The regional violence has had lasting impacts, including low political participation and voting, high unemployment, high levels of violence (according to official crime statistics), increasing violence among youth (according to current scientific research), high levels of xenophobia (according to recent research on discrimination), attacks on the rights of national minorities and returnees, high citizens' support of war criminals, and failing support to the accession to European Union. These consequences of the conflict continue to influence current institutional roles, citizens' rights, and social development on the economic and political levels. Croatians want social recovery, and young people advocate for a democratization process with openly designed spaces for citizen and youth participation. Young people want to address the legacy of violence and move beyond traditional patterns to create a new, safer, and inclusive environment. This chapter tells the story of how the Croatian Youth Network became established. By creating a loose network of youth organizations throughout Croatia, several critical youth policies were created and enacted. These policies have provided some support for young people to become engaged in local and national civic work in a country recovering from decades of conflict.";"Book Section";2013;"E. Bužinkić";"Croatian youth corner: Youth participation and civic education from practitioners' eyes";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"Croatia";"CPP";"YT"
1999;"Studied political disaffection in Britain's young people, using a regression analysis of longitudinal data collected in the Economic and Social Research Council's 16–29 Initiative. The analysis relates 'lack of interest in politics,' 'intention not to vote,' and 'political activity,' to attitudes, personality characteristics, experience, and circumstances. Ss were a sample of 5,000 young people in 2 cohorts (aged 15–16 and 17–28 yrs) in 4 localities in Britain. It is concluded that political disaffection, including lack of interest and intention not to vote, is strongly associated with a growing cynicism about politics rooted in poor educational performance and a working class family background. The connections with activism are negative but much weaker, suggesting the potential for protest activity across a wider spectrum of youth.";"Journal Article";1994;"J. Bynner and S. Ashford";"Politics and participation: Some antecedents of young people's attitudes to the political system and political activity";"European Journal of Social Psychology";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2001;"Few would disagree that 'social context' shapes the effectiveness of HIV-prevention programmes. However much work remains to be done in developing systematic conceptualisations of HIV/AIDS-relevant aspects of social environments in vulnerable communities. This paper contributes to this challenge through a case study (44 interviews, 11 focus groups with 55 people and fieldworker diaries) of the impact of social context on a participatory peer education programme involving young people in a peri-urban community in South Africa. Three interacting dimensions of context undermine the likelihood of effective HIV-prevention. Symbolic context includes stigma, the pathologisation of youth sexuality (especially that of girls) and negative images of young people. Organisational/network context includes patchy networking amongst NGOs, health, welfare and education representatives and local community leaders and groups. This is exacerbated by different understandings of the causes of HIV/AIDS and how to manage it. These challenges are exacerbated in a material-political context of poverty, unemployment and crime, coupled with the exclusion of young people from local and national decision-making and politics. HIV-prevention initiatives seeking to promote health-supporting social environments should work closely with social development programmes--to promote young peoples' social and political participation, increase opportunities for their economic empowerment, challenge negative social representations of youth, and fight for greater recognition of their sexuality and their right to protect their sexual health.";"Journal Article";2005;"C. Campbell, C. A. Foulis, S. Maimane and Z. Sibiya";"The impact of social environments on the effectiveness of youth HIV prevention: A South African case study";"AIDS Care";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2002;"Does the presence of female political role models inspire interest in political activism among young women? We find that over time, the more that women politicians are made visible by national news coverage, the more likely adolescent girls are to indicate an intention to be politically active. Similarly, in cross-sectional analysis, we find that where female candidates are visible due to viable campaigns for high-profile offices girls report increased anticipated political involvement. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this effect does not appear to be mediated through beliefs about the appropriateness of politics for women, nor through perceptions of government responsiveness. Instead, an increased propensity for political discussion, particularly within families, appears to explain the role model effect.";"Journal Article";2006;"D. E. Campbell and C. Wolbrecht";"See Jane Run: Women Politicians as Role Models for Adolescents";"The Journal of Politics";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2003;"Young people should participate in public policy at the municipal level. But because mass media, social science, and professional practice tend to emphasize the deficiencies and disengagement of young people, there is need for more knowledge of their resources and roles as active participants in the policy process. This paper examines the San Francisco Youth Commission as an example of youth participation, including its origins, objectives, activities, facilitating and limiting forces, multilevel effects, and lessons learned from empirically-based practice. The authors--a university professor, commission director, and youth leader--argue that more knowledge of youth participation as a subject of study will contribute to its growth as a field of practice.";"Journal Article";2005;"B. Checkoway, T. Allison and C. Montoya";"Youth participation in public policy at the municipal level";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2004;"The effects of state-level women's status and autonomy on individual-level women's depressive symptoms were examined. We conducted a multi-level analysis of the 1991 longitudinal follow up of the 1988 National Maternal Infant Health Survey (NMIHS), with 7789 women nested within the fifty American states. State-level women's status was assessed by four composite indices measuring women's political participation, economic autonomy, employment & earnings, and reproductive rights. The main outcome measure was symptoms of depression (Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale, CES-D). The participants were a nationally representative stratified random sample of women in the USA aged between 17 and 40 years old who gave birth to live babies in 1988, were successfully contacted again in 1991 and provided complete information on depressive symptoms. Women who were younger, non-white, not currently married, less educated or had lower household income tended to report higher levels of depressive symptoms. Compared with states ranking low on the employment & earnings index, women residing in states that were high on the same index scored 0.85 points lower on the CES-D (p<0.01). Women who lived in states that were high on the economic autonomy index scored 0.83 points lower in depressive symptoms (p<0.01), compared with women who lived in states low on the same index. Finally, women who resided in states with high reproductive rights scored 0.62 points lower on the CES-D (p<0.05) compared with women who lived in states with lower reproductive rights. Gender inequality appears to contribute to depressive symptoms in women.";"Journal Article";2005;"Y.-Y. Chen, S. V. Subramanian, D. Acevedo-Garcia and I. Kawachi";"Women's status and depressive symptoms: A multilevel analysis";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2005;"Cross‐national studies examining human rights outcomes have seldom considered the role of the news media. This is unfortunate, as a large body of work in media studies suggests that the news industry effectively educates citizens, shapes public attitudes, and stimulates political action. I juxtapose these two literatures in a cross‐national context to examine the print media’s impact on a state’s human rights performance. First, examining micro‐level evidence from the World Values Survey, I show that an individual’s level of media consumption, including newspaper readership, is positively associated with participation in human rights organizations. Next, I present macro‐level evidence regarding the aggregate effect of a society’s newspaper readership on its human rights record. Analyzing an unbalanced dataset with a maximum of 459 observations across 138 countries covering four waves during the 1980–2000 period, I use ordered probit regression to examine the relationship between a state’s newspaper readership and its Amnesty International rating. I find that newspaper readership exerts strong, positive effects on a state’s human rights practices net of other standard predictors and temporal/regional controls. Moreover, the effect of readership is robust to a number of alternative specifications that address concerns with ceiling effects, measurement bias, influential observations, sample composition, mediation, endogeneity, and the impact of alternative forms of media consumption (i.e., the Internet and television).";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Clark";"Bringing the media in: Newspaper readership and human rights";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2006;"We investigate gender gaps in political participation with 2004 ISSP data for 18 advanced Western democracies (N: 20,359) using linear and logistic regression models. Controlling for socio-economic characteristics and political attitudes reveals that women are more likely than men to have voted and engaged in ‘private’ activism, while men are more likely to have engaged in direct contact, collective types of actions and be (more active) members of political parties. Our analysis indicates that demographic and attitudinal characteristics influence participation differently among men and among women, as well as across types of participation. These results highlight the need to move toward a view of women engaging in differing types of participation and based on different characteristics.";"Journal Article";2010;"H. Coffé and C. Bolzendahl";"Same game, different rules? Gender differences in political participation";"Sex Roles";"Netherlands";"CPPAct";"YT"
2007;"People who attach personal meaning to social and political events or are high in Personal Political Salience (PPS) are more likely to engage in political activism ( Duncan & Stewart, 2007). Although research suggests that PPS is consequential for activism, we know little about its origins or, more generally, about indirect effects of personality on activism. In this study we examined the possibility that the personality trait of Openness to Experience may be one source of PPS and an indirect predictor of activism. In addition, we proposed that Openness would also be directly related to political activism in young adults but not in middle-aged and older adults. Analyses confirmed these predictions in cross-sectional and over-time data from six samples. We argue that Openness may predispose some individuals both to find personal meaning in distant political events and to engage in social activism in their youth.";"Journal Article";2010;"N. Curtin, A. J. Stewart and L. E. Duncan";"What makes the political personal? Openness, personal political salience, and activism";"Journal of Personality";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2008;"Using Dutch social survey data on 197 16–40 yr olds, it was found that although young urban professionals (yuppies) held more liberal political attitudes than non-yuppies, there was no evidence that yuppies were more conservative on economic matters, less politically involved, or more concerned with individual prosperity. An additional analysis found no differences in attitudinal patterns between yuppies and non-yuppies. It is argued that yuppies are part of a much broader category of young, left-of-center professionals who, in line with 'new class' theories, hold liberal political attitudes.";"Journal Article";1990;"P. Dekker and P. Ester";"The political distinctiveness of young professionals: 'Yuppies' or 'new class?'";"Political Psychology";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2009;"This study examines the roles of parental political socialization and the moral commitment to change social inequalities in predicting marginalized youths’ (defined here as lower-SES youth of color) political participation. These issues are examined by applying structural equation modeling to a longitudinal panel of youth. Because tests of measurement invariance suggested racial/ethnic heterogeneity, the structural model was fit separately for three racial/ethnic groups. For each group, parental political socialization: discussion predicted youths’ commitment to produce social change and for two groups, longitudinally predicted political participation. This study contributes to the literature by examining civic/political participation among disparate racial/ethnic groups, addresses an open scholarly question (whether youths’ commitment to create social change predicts their 'traditional' participation), and emphasizes parents’ role in fostering marginalized youths’ civic and political participation.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. A. Diemer";"Fostering marginalized youths’ political participation: Longitudinal roles of parental political socialization and youth sociopolitical development";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2010;"Given associations between critical consciousness and positive developmental outcomes, and given racial, socioeconomic, and generational disparities in political participation, this article examined contextual antecedents of critical consciousness (composed of sociopolitical control and social action) and its consequences for 665 marginalized youth’s (ages 15–25) voting behavior. A multiple indicator and multiple causes (MIMIC) model examined racial, ethnic, and age differences in the measurement and means of latent constructs. The structural model suggested that parental and peer sociopolitical support predicts sociopolitical control and social action, which in turn predicts voting behavior, while controlling for civic and political knowledge, race/ethnicity, and age. This illuminates how micro‐level actors foster critical consciousness and how the perceived capacity to effect social change and social action participation may redress voting disparities.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. A. Diemer and C. H. Li";"Critical consciousness development and political participation among marginalized youth";"Child Development";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2011;"Personal political salience (PPS) is proposed as a personality characteristic that assesses individuals' linkage of political events with their personal identities. Its role in facilitating the development of politicized collective identity and action is examined. In four samples of midlife and activist women, we show that PPS was consistently related both to politicized gender identity and political participation. Further analyses show similar results for PPS, politicized racial identity, and political participation. Politicized gender identity mediated the relationship between PPS and women's rights activism, and politicized racial identity mediated the relationship between PPS and civil rights activism. PPS is demonstrated to independently predict political action and also to provide a personality link between group memberships, politicized collective identity, and political participation.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. E. Duncan and A. J. Stewart";"Personal Political Salience: The Role of Personality in Collective Identity and Action";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2013;"Drawing on data from a three-wave longitudinal study, the present research examined predictors of young adults’ intentions to participate in politics and their actual political activities while referring to the broader assumptions of the theory of planned behavior. The analyses were based on a sample of university students from the federal state of Thuringia, Germany. The results showed that attitudes toward political behaviors and internal political efficacy beliefs explained changes in students’ intentions to participate in politics. However, the perceived meaning that political participation has for important others had no additional effect. Furthermore, students’ intentions to participate in politics and their internal political efficacy beliefs predicted changes in their actual behaviors. Together, the findings supported the theory of planned behaviors as a useful framework helping to predict young adults’ intentions and actual involvement in political activities.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. Eckstein, P. Noack and B. Gniewosz";"Predictors of intentions to participate in politics and actual political behaviors in young adulthood";"International Journal of Behavioral Development";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2014;"Low youth electoral turnouts are considered problematic in many democracies. Here I explore youth electoral engagement in the Australian context where the policy literature attributes low youth electoral enrolments to apathetic and disassociated youth, and the response is Civics and Citizenship education. This construction of youth and advocacy of education prevails despite recent challenges by researchers describing young people as interested in politics and committed to democracy, as well as evidence that education is limited in its capacity to effect change. Here, I ask why, if young people have access to education and express interest in politics, do many still not enrol and vote? With reference to data collected as part of the Australian Youth Electoral Study I argue for a reframing of both the problem and the solution. Instead of focusing on the deficiencies of individual youth, I shift the focus to barriers that can precipitate young people's disenfranchisement. In doing so I examine not 'deficient youth', but the capacity of Australia's democracy to facilitate youth electoral engagement. In this context I examine the role that the state plays in constructing these barriers and causing the disenfranchisement of many young Australians.";"Journal Article";2007;"K. Edwards";"From deficit to disenfranchisement: Reframing youth electoral participation";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2015;"The identification of the strategic content of a specific message argument is a well-established and important step in the development of effective advertising campaigns to promote the purchasing of products or other forms of behavior (such as health care practices, political participation, person perception, etc.). The strategic quality of advertising messages is promoted by considered contrasting of a range of possible message arguments that have the capacity to associate the action to be advocated in the advertising (such as a product purchase, a heath-related behavior, or a view about a politician) with specific audience member beliefs concerning the outcome or benefit to be obtained from the action. In this way, the content of advertising campaigns can be productively focused on the issues and concerns that are of greatest relevance to the members of the intended audiences. To assist in this development and evaluation process, consumer surveys are commonly used to acquire information about the related interests of the target population. During such surveys, members of the target market serving as study participants are often asked to think about specific questions concerning the importance of a range of goals (or desired outcomes) that are important to them, and this information is studied in relation to specific attitudes and intentions concerning product use. This chapter examined a case study demonstrating how a dramatic series of events can affect consumer viewpoints related to a product category and the value of employing several theoretical perspectives to provide a more complete analysis of the case at hand. Four theoretical perspectives were used to explore the interrelationships among a grouping of beliefs related to youth interest in military service and their implications in the development of advertising message strategies. The availability of a complete set of the variables of interest in two national surveys provided for a broader view of the relationships among the theoretical perspectives, and the results demonstrated the importance of triangulating theoretical perspectives in the development of more effective advertising message strategies. For example, the data analyzed for this article showed that it would be a mistake to rely solely on mean belief values from the Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA) model of attitude change to develop advertising message strategies. The mean values of the outcome evaluations and behavioral beliefs must be viewed in the light of the correlations of these variables with the attitude object in question. These correlations appear to be reflective of the salience of the beliefs in a 'mental network' of belief and intention associations that point to the areas of greatest potential for elaboration or central processing on the part of message recipients who are at differing stages in a consideration process. It is the concept of association (correlation) between beliefs and attitudes that appears to be the linkage among the four theoretical perspectives and the area in which each theory might be productively developed. Moreover, the timing of the two national surveys demonstrate how dramatic events can reshape the critical information environment of the audiences of interest and underscore the value of systematic yearly assessment of the relationships among beliefs and intentions.";"Book Section";2005;"J. Eighmey and W. Siu";"Complementary Roles of Dual-Process Models, Theory of Reasoned Action, Media Priming, and the Concept of Consideration in the Development of Advertising Message Strategies: A Case Study Concerning Youth Views of Military Service Amidst September 11, 2001";"Applying social cognition to consumer-focused strategy.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2016;"This study examines the effects of informational, interactional, and creative forms of Internet use on behavioral and cognitive indicators of youth democratic engagement. Data from an extensive two-wave panel survey of Swedish adolescents (N = 1,520) were examined. Results show that the effects of informational and interactional Internet use on political participation are indirect, with online political interactions acting as an intervening variable. In addition, creative production was found to be a direct positive predictor of online and offline political participation but negatively related to political knowledge. The effects were statistically significant even when accounting for self-selection and previous levels of democratic engagement. Taken together, these findings contribute novel theoretical insights into the mechanisms by which Internet use may encourage or hinder youths’ democratic engagement.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Ekström and J. Östman";"Information, interaction, and creative production: The effects of three forms of internet use on youth democratic engagement";"Communication Research";"Sweden";"CPP";"YT"
2017;"A human rights perspective suggests that we are all responsible for ensuring the human rights of others, which in turn ensures that our own human rights are respected and protected. A convenience sample of 108 young people (41 males and 67 females) aged between 16 and 25 completed a questionnaire that asked about: (a) levels of involvement in political activity, and (b) sense of personal responsibility for ensuring that the human rights of marginalised groups (e.g. ethnic minorities, immigrants, lesbians and gay men) are protected. Findings showed that most respondents supported (in principle) the notion of human rights for all, but tended to engage in low-key political activity (e.g. signing petitions, donating money or goods to charity) rather than actively working towards positive social change. Qualitative data collected in the questionnaire suggested three main barriers to respondents viewing themselves as agents of positive social change: (1) 'It's not my problem', (2) 'It's not my responsibility', and (3) a sense of helplessness. Suggestions for how political action might best be mobilised among young people are also discussed.";"Journal Article";2004;"S. J. Ellis";"Young people and political action: Who is taking responsibility for positive social change?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2018;"In this study, we critically examine whether contextual social capital (CSC) is associated with self-rated health, with an emphasis on the problem of confounding. We also examine different components of CSC and their association with self-rated health. Finally, we look at differences in susceptibility between different socio-demographic groups. We use the cross-sectional base line study of the Stockholm Public Health Cohort, conducted in 2002. A postal questionnaire was answered by 31,182 randomly selected citizens, 18-84 years old, in Stockholm County. We used four measures of social capital: horizontal (civic trust and participation), vertical (political trust and participation), cognitive (civic and political trust) and structural (civic and political participation). CSC was measured at parish level from aggregated individual data, and multilevel regression procedures were employed. We show a twofold greater risk of poor self-rated health in areas with very low CSC compared with areas with very high CSC. Adjustments for individual socio-demographic factors, contextual economic factors and individual social capital lowered the excess risk. Simultaneous adjustment for all three forms of confounding further weakened the association and rendered it insignificant. Cognitive and structural social capital show relatively similar associations with self-rated health, while horizontal CSC seems to be more strongly related to self-rated health than vertical CSC. In conclusion, whether there is none or a moderate association between CSC and self-rated health, depends on the extent to which individual social capital is seen as a mediator or confounder. The association with self-rated health is similar independent of the measure of CSC used. It is also similar in different socio-demographic groups.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Engström, F. Mattsson, A. Järleborg and J. Hallqvist";"Contextual social capital as a risk factor for poor self-rated health: A multilevel analysis";"Social Science & Medicine";"Sweden";"CPP";"YT"
2019;"This paper examines how the use of social media affects participation in offline demonstrations. Using individual web survey data from Norway, we ask whether social media usage serves to re-affirm or transcend socioeconomic divides in participation. In addition to data on demonstration participation in general, we also use the data on the Rose Marches that were organized after the 22/7 terror events as a critical case. Our results show that the type of participant mobilized via the social media is characterized by lower socioeconomic status and younger age than those mobilized via other channels. We also show that connections to information structures through social media exert a strong and independent effect on mobilization. Our findings thus appear to corroborate the mobilization thesis: social media represent an alternative structure alongside mainstream media and well-established political organizations and civil society that recruit in different ways and reach different segments of the population.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. Enjolras, K. Steen-Johnsen and D. Wollebæk";"Social media and mobilization to offline demonstrations: Transcending participatory divides?";"New Media & Society";"Norway";"CPP";"YT"
2020;"The £3 million ESRC (Economic and Social Research Council) Research Programme on Youth Citizenship and Social Change was launched in 1998, with 15 projects commissioned to explore different dimensions of young people's lives in the changing social landscapes of Britain and Europe. Three of the projects were international in scope. One of them has recently been completed and this article conveys some of its major findings. This international research has explored how far young adults (aged 18-25 yrs) feel in control of their lives in higher education, unemployment and work settings in England and the new Germany. The 900 young adults came from 3 cities, each of which represented a labour market undergoing structural change in England, eastern Germany and western Germany, respectively. The research found that young adults experience a sense of control or 'agency' as they plan for and move through a number of life experiences. This independence of action, however, has boundaries. The project provided unique insights into where these boundaries are and what forms they take, in the perceptions of these young adults.";"Journal Article";2002;"K. Evans";"Taking control? Agency in young adult transitions in England and the new Germany";"Education & Training";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2022;"Young people’s relationship with contemporary politics is complex and often problematized. They are often chastised as the apolitical harbingers of an incipient ‘crisis of democracy’ while simultaneously heralded as the authors of sophisticated new forms of politics, most notably within electronic realms. Previous literature examining young people’s political participation falls into either extreme of this binary; either a disengaged paradigm—which sees young people as passive and devoid of political interest—or engaged paradigm—which sees young people as actively political in new forms. Both models are limited because they fail to comprehensively explain youthful political participation. Instead, this paper argues that a more helpful conceptualization requires moving beyond the claim that young people are either politically engaged or disengaged, to acknowledge that both engagement and disengagement are simultaneously occurring. Reframing young people’s political participation this way would empower young people’s aversion to politics without condemnation—it would see them as radically unpolitical. The current response to the ‘problem of youth participation’—which typically entails enticing and assimilating young people into stale political processes and/or translating these stale processes into interactive websites—is inadequate for unpolitical young people. Rather a change in the very substance of the political agenda, its spheres and forms, is required. This article explores the disengaged and engaged paradigm and the policy responses, and explores the proposed radically unpolitical model.";"Journal Article";2010;"R. Farthing";"The politics of youthful antipolitics: Representing the 'issue' of youth participation in politics";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2023;"This article draws on material from a case study of a group of young people involved in ongoing public decision-making in a local authority. The group of young people is compared to a political interest group and insights from the literature applied. It is argued that two of the strongest resources the group had to offer adult decision-makers were their ability to speak on behalf of other young people and to do this in acceptable ways. Looking in more depth at these two resources, it can be seen that both were actively constructed and contested by the adults and young people over time. Both resources can be seen as holding advantages for the young people while at the same time being continuously problematic for them.";"Journal Article";2009;"K. M. Faulkner";"Presentation and representation: Youth participation in ongoing public decision-making projects";"Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2024;"School-based civic education is increasingly recognized as an effective means for increasing political awareness and participation in American youth. This study examines the Student Voices curriculum, implemented in 22 Philadelphia high schools, to assess program activities that mediate gains in outcomes linked to future political participation (following of politics, political knowledge, and political efficacy). The results indicate that class deliberative discussions, community projects, and informational use of the Internet produce favorable outcomes that build over the course of two semesters. Effects were comparable for both white and nonwhite students.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. Feldman, J. Pasek, D. Romer and K. H. Jamieson";"Identifying best practices in civic education: Lessons from the student voices program";"American Journal of Education";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2025;"Despite the proliferation of civic education programs in the emerging democracies of Latin America, Africa, and Eastern Europe, there have been few recent evaluations of the effectiveness of civics instruction in achieving changes in democratic orientations among student populations. We present findings from a study conducted in 1998 that examined the impact of democratic civic education among South African high school students. Using a battery of items to gauge democratic orientations, including measures of political knowledge, civic duty, tolerance, institutional trust, civic skills, and approval of legal forms of political participation, we find that civic education had the largest effects on political knowledge, with the magnitude of the effect being approximately twice as large as the recent Niemi and Junn (1998) finding for the United States. Exposure to civic education per se had weaker effects on democratic values and skills; for these orientations, what matters are specific factors related to the quality of instruction and the use of active pedagogical methods employed by civics instructors. Further, we find that civic education changed the structure of students' orientations: a 'democratic values' dimension coalesces more strongly, and in greater distinction, from a 'political competence' dimension among students exposed to civic education than among those with no such training. We discuss the implications of the findings for our theoretical understanding of the role of civic education in fostering democratic attitudes, norms, and values, as well as the practical implications of the results for the implementation and funding of civic education programs in developing democracies in the future.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. E. Finkel and H. R. Ernst";"Civic Education in Post-Apartheid South Africa: Alternative Paths to the Development of Political Knowledge and Democratic Values";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2026;"This chapter investigates the meaning of higher education for the development of values and character generally, with particular emphasis on the development of an appreciation for civil liberties, human rights, and political participation and responsibility. The author is concerned specifically with changes in political and moral beliefs and values that occurred during the college years for a particular cohort of youth: those attending college in the politically charged era of the 1960s. The data are drawn from a three-wave study conducted by Allen Berger in 1969 and 1970. Berger followed youths from the end of their senior year in high school (Wave 1) through their first 2 semesters at the University of Illinois (Waves 2 and 3). Measures are based on students' self-reports. The data suggest that college attendance in 1969 may have increased students' tolerance and commitment to broad-based human rights. Because the transition from adolescence to adulthood is a period for reflecting on the direction of one's life, it is a prime time for raising questions of personal character and civic virtue.";"Book Section";1998;"C. Flanagan";"Exploring American character in the sixties generation";"Competence and character through life.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2027;"Research on political socialization during the 1950s focused on early precursors of political attitudes and treated children as rather passive participants in the process. A 2nd wave of research in the 1960s considered youth a force creating social change and held that the transition between adolescence and adulthood was a period uniquely suited to examining political issues. Developmental research during the past 2 decades has emphasized lifelong plasticity and the importance of the sociohistorical contexts in which children grow up. This change in views of development has occurred at a time when populations in all societies are becoming more diverse and when there have been dramatic economic and sociopolitical upheavals throughout the world. Thus there is a renewed importance for research on the political development of young people and the potential for examining this topic in increasingly meaningful ways. This special issue highlights a new generation of research in this domain, paying particular attention to international and comparative work and to those studies that bring a fresh and developmental approach.";"Journal Article";1998;"C. A. Flanagan and L. R. Sherrod";"Youth political development: An introduction";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2028;"Objective: We investigate adolescent membership in voluntary associations and whether participation in these activities influences voting behavior during early adulthood. Methods: Weighted logistic regression models predicting membership in voluntary associations and voting behavior were estimated using data from the National Educational Longitudinal Study of 1988-1994 (NELS). Results: Our findings suggest that membership in voluntary associations varies by race and socioeconomic status (SES). In addition, membership in organizations historically rooted in moral development and civic socialization positively predict voter-registration status and whether or not young adults participated in the first national election that they were eligible to vote in, but this relationship is moderated by both race and SES. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that a large proportion of U.S. teenagers still participate in community-based programs, many of which foster later civic participation, but that all youth do not equally benefit from participation.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. L. Frisco, C. Muller and K. Dodson";"Participation in Voluntary Youth-Serving Associations and Early Adult Voting Behavior";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2029;"Politicians, academia and media are concerned about young people’s apparent disengagement from institutional politics. To address this malaise, politicians have invited young citizens to join the public sphere through civic websites—with mixed results. Among young people in Britain, young women from low socioeconomic status backgrounds are among the least politically engaged. They use new media differently than other groups of young people. This article addresses the responses of these young women to public sector, Internet-based content, and analyses their media use and political participation. It reveals a communicative disjunction between politicians and the young women. The findings suggest that current public sector civic website approaches aimed at young people in general are ineffective in reaching these young women. It is concluded that four factors need to be considered if aiming at creating a public environment that is conducive to voluntary participation and the contribution of these young women. These factors are: (1) technology; (2) public representation; (3) education; (4) media genres and language.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. Geniets";"Lost in translation: Why civic online efforts in Britain have failed to engage young women from low socioeconomic backgrounds";"European Journal of Communication";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2031;"Recent debates concerning the age of electoral majority in the UK have focused on the levels of knowledge and maturity of young people. However, little research has explored the ways in which adolescents orient to these concerns themselves. In this article, we present analyses from a qualitative interview investigation in Northern England, and explore the ways in which our adolescent participants treated voting as a responsibility which should be exercised on the basis of a rational, autonomous and informed decision. Such arguments were frequently used to argue against a reduction in the age of electoral majority. These findings are discussed in relation to policy and educational debates in the UK.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Gibson and L. Hamilton";"Knowledge, autonomy and maturity: Developmental and educational concerns as rhetorical resources in adolescents' discussions regarding the age of electoral majority in England";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2032;"Comments on the article by Hart et al (see record [rid]2004-17794-004[/rid]) that reported an investigation of the 'youth-bulge' phenomenon: the historical link between communities highly saturated with children and political upheaval. The data that the authors presented are interesting and the topic important. Although it is true that political rebels distrust the social institutions against which they are rebelling, this distrust tends to be deeply thought out, reflecting the psychological difficulty, inherent in opposing extant systems and ideologies. As Hart et al correctly observed, youth bulges can be important precursors of radical political transformations. However, the relationship between child saturation of communities and political upheaval is probably quite straightforward. For insurgent movements to survive, let alone prosper in the face of opposing legal authorities, they need to mobilize a sufficient number of supporters. Because such supporters are generally relatively young (Laqueur, 1999), and because community child saturation positively predicts the willingness of individual youth to volunteer for civic action (Hart et al., 2004), communities with youth bulges will provide revolutionary movements with a valuable opportunity for mass mobilization.";"Journal Article";2005;"J. Ginges";"Youth Bulges, Civic Knowledge, and Political Upheaval";"Psychological Science";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2033;"This chapter briefly outlines recent research investigating the role of sacred values in shaping political life. Much of it was conducted in contexts of extreme conflict, principally because these provide good test cases for the idea that sacred values restrict our choices, binding us together in large groups of committed non-kin. The facts of war and martyrdom for imagined entities like God and nation might be seen by some as sufficient proof of the binding power of such values. Yet the studies described here provide empirical demonstrations that dispute claims that sacred values are pseudo-sacred. This research shows that people partition some values off from everyday values of the marketplace, refusing to consider them fungible with economic goods. This refusal is so strong that even well-meaning attempts to offer material incentives to compromise often backfire.";"Book Section";2015;"J. Ginges";"Sacred values and political life";"Social psychology and politics.";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2034;"In unprecedented numbers, young people throughout the country are joining together to demand a voice in the decisions that affect their lives and their communities. In the process, they are transforming policies and making institutions more accountable through consciousness raising, organizing, and political action. This chapter examines recent examples of youth political action and uses them to illustrate themes of youth political development and empowerment. It broadens the traditionally individual focus of youth development by using a social ecology approach to provide a brief overview of the political, economic, and cultural contexts in which youth development and political participation occur. It also examines frameworks for political participation and identifies commonalities and divergences between them. As well, it explicates the conditions for successfully engaging youth in political empowerment and examines the individual, community, and institutional impacts of youth participation in political organizing.";"Book Section";2002;"S. Ginwright and T. James";"From assets to agents of change: Social justice, organizing, and youth development";"Youth participation: Improving institutions and communities.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2035;"Individual aspects of social capital have been shown to have significant associations with health outcomes. However, research has seldom tested different elements of social capital simultaneously, whilst also adjusting for other well-known health determinants over time. This longitudinal individual-level study investigates how temporal changes in social capital, together with changes in material conditions and other health determinants affect associations with self-rated health over a six year period. We use data from the British Household Panel Survey, a randomly selected cohort which is considered representative of the United Kingdom's population, with the same individuals (N =9303) providing responses to identical questions in 1999 and 2005. Four measures of social capital were used: interpersonal trust, social participation, civic participation and informal social networks. Material conditions were measured by total income (both individual and weighted household income), net of taxation. Other health determinants included age, gender, smoking, marital status and social class. After the baseline sample was stratified by health status, associations were examined between changes in health status and changes in all other considered variables. Simultaneous adjustment revealed that inability to trust demonstrated a significant association with deteriorating self-rated health, whereas increased levels of social participation were significantly associated with improved health status over time. Low levels of household and individual income also demonstrated significant associations with deteriorating self-rated health. In conclusion, it seems that interpersonal trust and social participation, considered valid indicators of social capital, appear to be independent predictors of self-rated health, even after adjusting for other well-known health determinants. Understandably, how trust and social participation influence health outcomes may help resolve the debate surrounding the role of social capital within the field of public health.";"Journal Article";2010;"G. N. Giordano and M. Lindstrom";"The impact of changes in different aspects of social capital and material conditions on self-rated health over time: A longitudinal cohort study";"Social Science & Medicine";"Sweden";"CPP";"YT"
2036;"A quantitative content analysis of the National Standards for Civics and Government revealed that concepts associated with traditional liberalism--citizens' rights and freedoms--far outnumber concepts associated with classical republicanism or communitarianism (e.g., civic virtue, the reciprocal relation between citizens' rights and their responsibilities to the public good). Moreover, this focus on rights and freedoms to the relative exclusion of duties and obligations may be at odds with a more collectivistic value orientation held by many members of ethnic and racial minority groups. Consistent with previous studies of civics texts, our analysis indicates that the concept of political participation plays a very small role in the National Civics Standards. Finally, the 'subtext' of the National Civics Standards does little by way of reflecting the contributions of women and minorities to public life, implications for civic instruction in increasingly heterogeneous public school classrooms are discussed.";"Journal Article";2001;"M. H. Gonzales, E. Riedel, P. G. Avery and J. L. Sullivan";"Rights and Obligations in Civic Education: A Content Analysis of the National Standards for Civics and Government";"Theory and Research in Social Education";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2037;"In this article, Roberto G. Gonzales, Luisa L. Heredia, and Genevieve Negron-Gonzales present a nuanced assessment of how undocumented immigrant students in the United States experience the public educational system. Though the landmark 1982 Supreme Court ruling Plyler v. Doe has resulted in hundreds of thousands of undocumented children being educated in US K-12 schools, much of Plyler's promise still eludes them. Drawing data from multiple studies conducted with undocumented youth in California, the authors argue that schools perform three critical social functions—as integrators, as constructors of citizenship, and as facilitators of public and community engagement—that shape the educational experiences and political and civic participation of undocumented immigrant youth. They suggest that while schools hold the potential to engender a sense of belonging and membership for undocumented immigrant students, they often fall short of this promise. The authors argue that constrained resources in school districts that serve large concentrations of students of color, school structures that sort and deprioritize students in lower academic tracks, and modes of civic education that do not allow undocumented students to participate equally in society or view themselves as equal members of the citizenry limit the potential for schools to create positive educational and civic experiences for undocumented youth. In addition to inequalities in the educational system, undocumented students' immigration status constrains their interaction in each school function, limiting the realization of Plyler’s promise.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. G. Gonzales, L. L. Heredia and G. Negrón-Gonzales";"Untangling Plyler’s legacy: Undocumented students, schools, and citizenship";"Harvard Educational Review";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2038;"This article examines how gender shapes the development, involvement, and visibility of teenagers as political actors within their communities. Based on ethnographic research with two high school student movement organizations on the West Coast, the author argues that gender impacts the potential for young people's political consciousness to translate into public, social movement participation. Specifically, the gendered ways in which youth conceptualize and negotiate parental power influences whether or not, and in what ways, youth can emerge as visible agents of social change in their communities. For girl activists, there is more of a marked discontinuity between their political ideals and their political action because of their conflicts with parental power than for boys. This article considers the consequences of teens' relationships to parental power on their sociopolitical development, as well as the counter-effects posed by the feminist interventions of adult allies within youth movements.";"Journal Article";2008;"H. R. Gordon";"Gendered paths to teenage political participation: Parental power, civic mobility, and youth activism";"Gender & Society";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2039;"Across the world, women remain seriously underrepresented in governmental politics. Moreover, limited opportunities for political participation and decision-making reflect a widespread societal problem substantiated and perpetuated through gender inequities that operate at numerous levels of society. Challenging and ending systemic gender-based power imbalances is critical to understanding the potential for women’s political participation worldwide. The current study uses a liberation psychology approach to test a model that examines how the dynamics of structure, power, and agency enable (or limit) women’s political participation. In particular, the study examines how women’s landownership influences the dynamics of relational power and individual agency that enable political participation among Maasai women in Tanzania. Surveys conducted among 225 women in northern Tanzania revealed that landownership was related to relationship power which predicted individual agency and, in turn, higher levels of women’s participation at political meetings. The findings suggest that when women have access to structural resources, they gain power within their marital relationships and are thereby more likely to become engaged in political participation and decision-making. Implications for the discussion of women’s political participation worldwide are addressed.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Grabe";"Participation: Structural and relational power and Maasai women’s political subjectivity in Tanzania";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2040;"This article identifies the benefits of political party membership and which of these benefits also operate as incentives for participation. This exploration is conducted in the context of competing relationship marketing hypotheses, and frameworks from other relevant academic disciplines. Exploratory empirical research identifies two purposive and three solidary benefits of membership. Values functional motivations, socialization and job satisfaction are identified as having statistically significant relationships with participation. Frequency of agreement with party policies and enhancement functional motivations do not appear to have any relationship with participation. The article concludes that members using their membership as a vehicle for realizing solidary benefits are more likely to respond to incentives for participation, whilst those merely seeking a relationship with their party are more likely be inactive.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. Granik";"Membership Benefits, Membership Action: Why Incentives for Activism Are What Members Want";"Journal of Nonprofit & Public Sector Marketing";"UK";"CPPAct";"YT"
2041;"Objectives: We examined the role of social cohesion as a component of vulnerability and resilience to the psychological distress of flooding. Methods: A survey collected data from 2238 individuals living in flood-affected areas of England (South Yorkshire and Worcestershire) in 2007. We used Bayesian structural equation modeling to assess factors relating to the latent variables of resilience (years in area, family nearby, and social cohesion) and vulnerability (disruption of essential services, flood risk, and previous flood experience). Results: Flooding was strongly associated with poor mental health; however, resilience factors (associated with the ability to cope with natural disasters), but not vulnerability, were strongly associated with a reduction in psychological distress. Conclusions: Resilience and social cohesion were important influences on the risk of developing poor mental health following flooding. Increasing resilience of communities by strengthening social cohesion through measures that increase civic participation and changing land use should be considered as potentially inexpensive and effective defenses against avoidable mental harm that will result from increased climate instability.";"Journal Article";2015;"G. Greene, S. Paranjothy and S. R. Palmer";"Resilience and vulnerability to the psychological harm from flooding: The role of social cohesion";"American Journal of Public Health";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2042;"This article considers negative or critical views towards democracy and politics among young people, including supporters of ultra‐patriotic or populist radical right movements, in the UK, eastern Germany and Russia. These countries represent a range of political heritages and current constitutions of democracy but, in all three contexts, it is suggested, young people experience some degree of the closing down of ‘legitimate’ political discourse as a result of the social distance between ‘politicians’ and ‘people like us’ and the legal and cultural circumscriptions on ‘acceptable’ issues for discussion. The article draws on survey data, semi‐structured interviews and ethnographic case studies from the MYPLACE project to show variation between young people in these three countries in their experience of formal politics as a ‘politics of silencing’. Moreover, the article explores the relationship between perceived ‘silencing’, the expression of dissatisfaction with democracy and receptivity to populist radical right ideology.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Grimm and H. Pilkington";"‘Loud and proud’: Youth and the politics of silencing";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPPAct";"YT"
2043;"In this study we analyze data from Statistics Canada’s General Social Survey, a cross-sectional and nationally representative survey of Canada’s population, to assess the impact of three dimensions of social capital on self-rated health. We measure these dimensions, which consist of social networks and social support, civic participation and social participation, with a comprehensive set of 5 indicators. To avoid reverse causality due to the cross-sectional nature of the data, we employ an instrumental variable simultaneous equations bivariate probit regression model. Our findings indicate that all of the tested dimensions of social capital have a positive and significant impact on self-rated health. These findings suggest that social capital plays an important role in enhancing the health of Canada’s population. Endogeneity was detected in all of our estimations. Consequently, this study also has important methodological implications in that we demonstrate that relying solely on naive estimations leads to biased results.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Habibov and R. Weaver";"Endogenous social capital and self-rated health: Results from Canada’s General Social Survey";"Health Sociology Review";"Canada";"CPP";"YT"
2044;"This chapter discusses some of the arguments surrounding young people's apparent lack of participation in constitutional politics in the context of the changes that social policy has made to the lives of young people today. The chapter focuses on the participation of young people in the community and voluntary sector—a sector, it is argued, which is increasingly relevant to the lives of young people. The author argues that participation is a learned activity in whatever context it takes place. She examines the dynamics of young people's participation and explores the contribution they make, drawing on examples from her own work context.";"Book Section";1997;"C. Hackett";"Young people and political participation";"Youth in society: Contemporary theory, policy and practice.";;"CPP";"YT"
2045;"Civic competence and obstacles to its development are explored in urban youth. Our review suggests that urban youth lag behind suburban adolescents in civic knowledge and civic participation. These lags may be attributable to low levels of political participation among urban adults, educational failures, and a lack of childhood opportunities to join clubs and teams. A comparison of a small city and a neighboring suburban town illustrates both the intertwined obstacles that confront urban youth on the path to civic development and the difficulty that most urban centers face in improving opportunities for civic development. We conclude that urban youth's genuine interest in acquiring civic competence is frustrated by demographic factors largely outside the control of those living in America's cities.";"Journal Article";2002;"D. Hart and R. Atkins";"Civic competence in urban youth";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2046;"Youth bulges, cohorts of 16- to 25-year-olds disproportionately large relative to the adult population, are linked with social upheaval in historical research. Limited civic knowledge and heightened civic participation in adolescence, resulting from socialization in communities with large populations of children, are hypothesized to be developmental precursors to the political activism characteristic of youth constituting bulges. In two studies with nationally representative samples, adolescents in communities with disproportionately large populations of children were found to have less civic knowledge than equivalent adolescents in communities without large populations of children. In both studies, civic participation was predicted by the interaction of a community's proportion of children and its poverty level. Similar patterns were identified in a third study using country-level data. Together, the findings demonstrate that the youthfulness of communities and countries influences civic development.";"Journal Article";2004;"D. Hart, R. Atkins, P. Markey and J. Youniss";"Youth bulges in communities: The effects of age structure on adolescent civic knowledge and civic participation";"Psychological Science";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2047;"Replies to comments made by Jeremy Ginges (see record [rid]2005-09189-013[/rid]) on the authors' original article (see record [rid]2004-17794-004[/rid]) that reported an investigation of the 'youth-bulge' phenomenon: the historical link between communities highly saturated with children and political upheaval. Ginges found the data to be interesting and the topic important, and reports no criticisms of the methods, analyses, or theoretical mechanisms posited to account for the findings. However, he disagrees strongly with our speculation that a lack of civic knowledge and high civic participation might increase the likelihood that young adults can be recruited into rebellion. In short, Ginges' aim is to demonstrate that members of the elite classes of society are at the forefront of revolutionary change, whereas we have suggested that the foot soldiers of such change are recruited from large cohorts of young adults with little civic knowledge.";"Journal Article";2005;"D. Hart, R. Atkins and J. Youniss";"Knowledge, Youth Bulges, and Rebellion";"Psychological Science";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2048;"Our goals for this chapter include a review of research on youth activism. Much of this research emerged in response to widespread youth activism evident throughout the Western world in the 1960s and 1970s. This work contributes to an understanding of the nature of youth activism and its psychological, political, and social roots. We supplement this review with analyses of survey data collected from adolescents both within the United States and around the world. These data are also used to explore the influence of demographic factors on youth activism. Finally, information from interviews with minority adolescents living in an inner-city, impoverished neighborhood is used to illustrate how the present research can inform policy and practice in youth activism. We offer three conclusions. The first of these is that political activism is a set of overlapping activities and motivations. The second conclusion is that political activism is deeply embedded in psychological, social, and political contexts. Third, we conclude that efforts to increase youth political activism can benefit from an understanding of the origins and development of activism.";"Book Section";2010;"D. Hart and R. L. Gullan";"The sources of adolescent activism: Historical and contemporary findings";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2049;"Recent policy frameworks for addressing the well-being of young people have increasingly adopted a prevention framework that emphasises age-relevant support, a social inclusion approach, targeted assistance for the most disadvantaged, and more avenues for the voices of young people. However, despite the increased policy commitments to youth consultation and participation, there is confusion about the operational implications of such commitments, and implementation across different program areas has been patchy. This paper provides a conceptual framework for understanding the various forms of youth participation, ranging from information exchange to more open and self-managed participation; and the associated rationales for various forms of participation. It is argued that there are three main rationales for greater voice and participation of young people across a variety of institutional settings and policy areas. First is the argument that young people have the right to be nurtured, protected and treated with respect, and where appropriate be involved and consulted. Secondly, it is argued that improvement of services for young people requires their views and interests to be well articulated and represented. Thirdly, it is asserted that there are developmental benefits arising from participation, for both the individuals themselves and for civil society as a whole.";"Journal Article";2011;"B. W. Head";"Why not ask them? Mapping and promoting youth participation";"Children and Youth Services Review";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2050;"[argue that] the trends toward individualization lead to uncertainties that can engender problems of social integration or disintegration / the ambivalence of the framing conditions of socialization for today's youth results from the parallel growth of individual freedoms of action and choice through the decline in social controls on the one side and the threats and risks arising from the need to cope with increasingly more complex life tasks without the support of stable forms of socialization on the other / ascertain a destabilization of political certainties among the young that can trigger socially and politically violent orientations and actions / collate the central phenomena currently shaping the political orientation behavior of the young generation / confirm that these phenomena are the outlet for subjective ways of processing everyday economic and social experiences and perceived political problem states / these mechanisms produce both opportunities for and risks to the development of an autonomous life-style and responsible political judgment and activity in the individual / [present] considerations on youth policy [which] emphasize the need to decisively strengthen the opportunity side of these social ambivalences by influencing the functional mechanisms of society that shape political socialization in a way that leads to more problem-adequate subjective processing among the young and increases their opportunities for political orientation and participation";"Book Section";1995;"W. Heitmeyer, K. Möller, G. Siller and J. Harrow";"Youth and politics: Destabilization of political orientations";"Individualization in childhood and adolescence.";;"CPP";"YT"
2051;"This research applied social domain theory to illuminate reasoning about the perceived legitimacy and limits of group decision making (majority rule) among adolescents from urban and rural China (N = 160). Study 1 revealed that adolescents from both urban and rural China judged group decision making as acceptable for both social conventional and prudential issues, but not for personal issues or those that entailed possible harmful coercion of others. Study 2 revealed that personal jurisdiction develops later for rural than urban adolescents for certain issues (democratic rights to political participation and choice of friends). Results indicate that reasoning about group and personal jurisdiction in a non-Western society (China) is influenced by social domain, age, and environmental setting (modern vs. traditional).";"Journal Article";2011;"C. C. Helwig, S. Yang, D. Tan, C. Liu and T. Shao";"Urban and rural Chinese adolescents’ judgments and reasoning about personal and group jurisdiction";"Child Development";"Canada";"CPP";"YT"
2052;"Background/Context: By the year 2030, when the baby boom generation born between 1946 and 1964 will be in the retirement ages, 72% of the elderly will be non-Hispanic Whites, compared with 56% for working-age adults, and 50% for children. As the predominantly White baby boomers reach retirement, they will increasingly depend for economic support on the productive activities and civic participation of working-age adults who are members of racial and ethnic minorities and, in many cases, children of immigrants. To prepare these young people for lives as productive workers and engaged citizens, we need to pay more attention to creating conditions that will foster their educational success. The profound shift taking place in the composition of the school-age population has implications for schools. Purpose/Objective/Research Questions/Focus of Study: This article presents a demographic overview of school-age children in immigrant families and compares them with their peers in native-born families. After tracing the shift in the national origins of children of immigrants that has taken place over the past century, we consider the new challenges and opportunities presented to the education system by the socioeconomic, cultural, and religious diversity of this new and growing population of students and by their presence in a growing number of suburban and rural, as well as urban, communities. Population/Participants/Subjects: This research uses data from Census 2000 to study children in immigrant families who have at least one foreign-born parent compared with children in native-born families who were born in the United States to U.S.-born parents. Research Design: This research is a secondary analysis of data from Census 2000. Conclusions/Recommendations: Immigration is transforming the demography of America. In less than three decades, a majority of children are likely to belong to race-ethnic minorities who are Hispanic, Black, Asian, or another non-White race, mainly because of immigration and births to immigrants and their descendants. The educational success achieved by immigrant groups, and their subsequent economic productivity, is important not only to the groups themselves but also to the broad American population because these groups will compose an increasingly important segment of the U.S. labor force during the next few decades; this labor force will be supporting the predominantly White baby boom generation throughout their retirement years. As we increasingly become a nation of minorities, with no single race-ethnic group in the majority, the educational success of all children, especially the rapidly growing population of children in immigrant families, merits increasing attention from teachers, school administrators, and public officials.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. J. Hernandez, N. A. Denton and S. Macartney";"School-age children in immigrant families: Challenges and opportunities for America's schools";"Teachers College Record";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2053;"This chapter reviews the body of academic literature about young people’s online civic participation. The authors first sketch how this literature has developed historically in the context of old and changing scholarly discussions about what civic participation and democratic citizenship more generally do or should envelop. The second section outlines how extant empirical studies on young people’s civic participation online may be subdivided into four strands of research, each focusing on different questions and relying on different methods. The closing section provides a number of directions for further research, mostly calling for innovative and more pressing context-specific and people-centered research approaches.";"Book Section";2012;"F. Hirzalla and S. Banaji";"Young people’s online civic participation";"Encyclopedia of cyber behavior, Vols. I - III.";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2054;"In this article, the authors investigate whether and how young people combine online and offline civic activities in modes of participation. The authors discuss four participation modes in which online and offline activities may converge: Politics, Activism, Consumption, and Sharing. Applying confirmatory factor analysis to survey data about the civic participation among Dutch youth (aged 15−25 years; N = 808), the authors find that online and offline activities are combined in the Politics, Activism, and Sharing modes, and that these three modes correlate significantly with each other. Conversely, the Consumption mode can only be validated as a separate offline participation mode. The results confirm the conclusion of previous studies that youth’s participation patterns are relatively dependent of mode, and add that their participation is concurrently relatively independent of place (offline vs. online).";"Journal Article";2011;"F. Hirzalla and L. van Zoonen";"Beyond the online/offline divide: How youth’s online and offline civic activities converge";"Social Science Computer Review";"Netherlands";"CPPAct";"YT"
2055;"Pundits, parents, and scholars express concern about youth attention to late- night political comedy shows, such as The Daily Show, suggesting that such viewing is deleterious for an active, efficacious citizenry. Yet as civic participation declines among adults, it appears to be growing among adolescents. This study assessed the effects of television viewing on high school students’ civic participation. Results demonstrate that viewing late-night TV and local TV news had a positive, significant effect on civic participation, and this relationship was mediated by political efficacy. Implications for the study of late-night TV and applications to research on political socialization are discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. H. Hoffman and T. L. Thomson";"The effect of television viewing on adolescents’ civic participation: Political efficacy as a mediating mechanism";"Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2056;"Objectives: This study aims to evaluate the adolescent political socialization processes that predict political participation in young adulthood, and whether these processes are different for children of immigrants compared to white third‐plus‐generation adolescents. We focus on socialization agents based in the family, community, and school. Methods: We use a nationally representative longitudinal survey of adolescents to evaluate the predictors of three measures of political participation—voter registration, voting, and political party identification—and whether the process leading to political participation varies by immigrant status and race/ethnic group. Results: We find that the parental education level of adolescents is not as predictive for many minority children of immigrants compared to white children of native‐born parents for registration. Additionally, the academic rigor of the courses taken in high school has a greater positive estimated effect on the likelihood of registration and party identification for Latino children of immigrants compared to white third‐plus‐generation young adults. Conclusions: The process of general integration into U.S. society for adolescent children of immigrants may lead to differing pathways to political participation in young adulthood, with certain aspects of their schooling experience having particular importance in developing political participation behaviors.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Humphries, C. Muller and K. S. Schiller";"The political socialization of adolescent children of immigrants";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2058;"The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze different adolescence contexts in Salvador: a public school, a social project (NGO) and a socio-educational center for adolescents, in conflict with the law, as far as (a) participation possibilities, (b) inclusion mechanisms offered/constructed and (c) the position taken/assumed by the adolescents in the different contexts. Each context was analyzed as signification nets where processes of co-construction meanings were taking place, while each subject took different positioning. The coordinator and the educators were interviewed and focal groups were organized with 7 to 16 adolescents. The three contexts were described metaphorically as continent net, hollow net, imprisoning net and pointed to different ways of participation and social insertion, among the adolescents. The permeability of the contexts was taken as a mediation category to social inclusion-exclusion. The research points out to the youths demands for social and political participation, enlarging their possibilities of social insertion, considering the differences and iniquities of this group.";"Journal Article";2007;"M. F. S. Iriart and A. C. de Sousa Bastos";"Uma análise semiótico-sistêmica de diferentes ecologias desenvolvimentais da juventude. = A semiotic-systemic analyze of different youth developmental ecologies";"Psicologia em Estudo";"Brazil";"CPP";"YT"
2059;"This study examines patterns of civic participation through volunteerism among youth across immigrant generations using the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002. This study asks the following question: Does the association between volunteerism and immigrant generational status vary by race and ethnicity, and are differences in volunteerism by race/ethnic immigrant generation status mediated by acculturation, cumulative resources during youth, and institutional opportunities? The results show that the first and second generation Hispanic youth are less likely to volunteer than third+ generation whites. The findings demonstrate that the lower levels of family socioeconomic status, parents’ civic participation, engagement in extracurricular activities, and enrollment in postsecondary institutions account for this pattern. Contrary to classical assimilation theory, having non-English-language-speaking parents is associated with a higher likelihood of volunteerism. Furthermore, an immigrant advantage is found for first generation Hispanic youth for regular volunteerism, and a second generation advantage is found for Asians for all volunteer frequencies.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. Ishizawa";"Civic participation through volunteerism among youth across immigrant generations";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2060;"National identity, how one sees oneself as a member of a given nation, is an important form of social identity. Feelings toward one’s country are a matter of both individual and collective concern. In an increasingly diverse world, the issue of identifying with a nation is complex and consequential for individual identity formation as well as collective political identity. How do young people think about what it means to be an American in the United States of America today? Using an in-depth interview approach, I investigate youth experiences in micro-contexts, the local contexts in which young people have concrete experiences that inform their developing identities, to illuminate important elements of the multiple pathways to American identity. Results point toward specific experiences that affect how young people form American identity: attachments to the ideals of America, the mismatch between American ideals and reality, experiences with diversity, opportunities for civic and political participation, and ideas about concepts such as the American dream.";"Journal Article";2011;"P. Jahromi";"American identity in the USA: Youth perspectives";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2061;"This article explores the effect of tracked education in upper secondary on voting behaviour. It discusses two causal mechanisms that link tracked education to greater disparities of political participation: the curriculum and peer socialization. Data of Waves 1, 2, 5 and 7 of the Longitudinal Study of Young People in England (LSYPE) is used to assess the hypothesis that educational track has an independent effect on voting. Controlling for several pre- and post-track influences, the paper shows that students who have taken vocational courses in less prestigious schools indeed have lower reported voting levels at age 20 than those who have pursued an academic qualification (A levels) in prestigious schools. It is proposed that the effect of tracked education on political participation is likely to vary across Europe and that this variation may well be explained by differences across Europe in the extent to which the academic and vocational tracks are integrated, both in terms of the curriculum and in their social intake. © 2014 The Foundation for Professionals in Services for Adolescents. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. G. Janmaat, T. Mostafa and B. Hoskins";"Widening the participation gap: The effect of educational track on reported voting in England";"Journal of Adolescence";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2062;"Utilized a 3-wave political socialization panel to study the evolution and development of connections between education and political attitudes in young adults. 1,669 high school seniors were surveyed initially in 1965 and again in 1973 and 1982 (1,348 and 1,135 respondents, respectively). College graduates were found to have undergone more individual-level attitudinal changes than nongraduates. Despite the unique character of this cohort of 'Vietnam generation' Ss, education displayed the same political corollaries seen in other generations. Political involvement relationships were found to be established prior to ultimate education attainments. Profound differences were seen according to college major; these differences are suggested to be the result of socialization and funneling processes.";"Journal Article";1993;"M. K. Jennings";"Education and political development among young adults";"Politics & the Individual";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2063;"Immigrant youth constitute a vital, diverse, and distinct population whose understandings of and experiences in the civic realm are important in their own right. Their views and actions will also substantially impact the future of the United States—and potentially even our future world with its increasingly interconnected countries and cultures. We begin this chapter by listening to Anita, a 17-year-old second generation immigrant whose parents came to the United States from India. She took part in one of our interview studies with immigrant families that included a focus on civic involvement. As we will see in the course of this chapter, Anita's account of how she is and is not civically involved, and why, captures in an authentic way the vitality, diversity, and distinctiveness that is characteristic of the civic lives of immigrant youth.";"Book Section";2015;"L. A. Jensen and J. Laplante";"Civic involvement";"Transitions: The development of children of immigrants.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2064;"Can a more collaborative form of public management correct for the historical link between social and economic status (SES) and political participation? New initiatives to involve the citizen directly in public decision making—citizen governance—aim to include a wider representation of groups in society because they draw from service users and seek to recruit hard-to-reach groups. To test the claim that citizen governance may be more representative than other acts of political participation, this essay reports data from the 2005 English and Welsh Citizenship Survey. Using descriptive statistics and regression analysis, it finds evidence that citizen governance is more representative than civic activities, especially for young people and ethnic minority communities. Policy makers can fine-tune their interventions to reach underrepresented groups without believing the citizen governance is a panacea for long-running biases in civic participation.";"Journal Article";2009;"P. John";"Can citizen governance redress the representative bias of political participation?";"Public Administration Review";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2065;"Americans who came of age during and immediately following World War II have recently become a central feature for more broadly understanding volunteerism, as well as civic participation, in the United States. Using data from the Stanford-Terman Study, we examine women's community service participation and leadership over the period 1940-1960. The women studied moved in and out of community service over time, with patterns of participation showing a great deal of variability. Both the likelihood of involvement in community service and community service leadership peaked during midlife. Age-related patterns were largely accounted for by changes in correlated resources. Beyond age patterns, the marks of history are apparent in an increasing investment in volunteerism between 1940 and 1960 for this generation of American women. The findings of this study both support and extend a resource perspective on volunteering.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. K. Johnson, K. L. Foley and G. H. Elder, Jr.";"Women's Community Service, 1940-1960: Insights from a Cohort of Gifted American Women";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2066;"Many adolescents living in contexts characterized by adversity achieve positive outcomes. We adopt a protection–risk conceptual framework to examine resilience (academic achievement, civic participation, and avoidance of risk behaviors) among 1,722 never-married 12–19 year olds living in two Kenyan urban slums. We find stronger associations between explanatory factors and resilience among older (15–19 years) than younger (12–14 years) adolescents. Models for prosocial behavior and models for antisocial behavior emerge as key predictors of resilience. Further accumulation of evidence on risk and protective factors is needed to inform interventions to promote positive outcomes among youth situated in an ecology of adversity.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. W. Kabiru, D. Beguy, R. P. Ndugwa, E. M. Zulu and R. Jessor";"'Making it': Understanding adolescent resilience in two informal settlements (slums) in Nairobi, Kenya";"Child & Youth Services";"Kenya";"CPP";"YT"
2067;"Theoretically informed models of the relationship between stigmatized personal identities and participation in collective social action (participation in political action organizations) were tested. Data from a longitudinal study of 4,169 participants followed between adolescence (7th grade) and the 4th decade of life (aged 35-39 yrs) were used to estimate structural equation models. The data support hypotheses that perceived rejection during adolescence anticipates participation in social action under conditions when respondents reported during adolescence (1) that many of the kids at school participated in social movements and (2) that they perceived themselves as having personal control over adverse outcomes, but not under mutually exclusive conditions. In all models, gender, mother's education, and minority status were specified as control variables. It is concluded that early experiences of rejection and failure dispose people to engage in collective social action if they perceive social support for such action and anticipate that action will be effective.";"Journal Article";2001;"H. B. Kaplan and X. Liu";"Adolescent self-rejection and adult social action: A conditional relationship";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2068;"One of the defining characteristics of the increasingly essential social networking sites is the network structure of the new medium. Opinion leaders are essential for the flow of communication in networks and consequently should be crucial for the flow of communication on social networking sites. Hence, to assess the political role and impact of social networking sites in electoral politics, we must find out more about the followers of parties and politicians. The aim of this article is therefore to investigate to what extent opinion leaders are more likely than others to follow parties and politicians on Facebook and whether opinion leaders are especially active in their online and offline networks, using a unique national representative web survey with more than 5700 respondents. The findings show that followers of parties and politicians on Facebook to a great extent are opinion leaders and that these opinion leaders are especially active in online and offline networks. This increases the significance of social networking sites and increases the role of opinion leaders in the flow of political communication in the society.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Karlsen";"Followers are opinion leaders: The role of people in the flow of political communication on and beyond social networking sites";"European Journal of Communication";"Norway";"CPP";"YT"
2069;"Background: Youth participation (or lack thereof) has been a subject of continued concern over the past 20 years. This decline has prompted huge interest in understanding how young people practice citizenship and in identifying measures that can help increase participation and interest. Purpose: The aim of this article is to examine how young people’s citizenship practices change over the course of their adolescence, and to consider the implications for researching citizenship and citizenship education. Citizenship education has been identified as an important vehicle for shaping citizenship, but it is not the only variable shaping young people’s practices and outcomes. In order to maximise the potential of citizenship education, it is therefore important to understand the ways in which age and lifestage can influence how young citizens engage with citizenship. Sources of evidence: This article is based on analysis of the longitudinal survey data from the Citizenship Education Longitudinal Survey in England (CELS), which ran from 2001 to 2009. Main findings: Trend analysis of the CELS data revealed notable increases in the cohort’s participation in civic and political activities, marked changes in their attitudes, and an increase in levels of interest in and awareness of politics. This analysis also highlighted a ‘dip’ in some of the cohort’s citizenship practices as they progressed through Key Stage 4 of their compulsory secondary education (i.e. when the cohort were aged 14–16). Conclusions: Adolescence is a formative period in citizenship and educational development and young people’s citizenship practices change markedly during this period. Age/life-stage is not the only variable shaping young people’s citizenship practices but it has a clear impact, and can affect how young people engage with citizenship and, by extension, citizenship education.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. Keating, T. Benton and D. Kerr";"Tracing the trends and transitions in young people's citizenship practices: What are the implications for researching citizenship and citizenship education?";"Educational Research";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2071;"The inclusion of minorities in the civic affairs of society is critical. Research indicates many of today’s youth are less likely to engage in meaningful civic activities and more likely to experience social exclusion because of disparities in educational settings, economic disadvantages, and health disparities. This phenomenon is more likely to occur in communities overcome by crime, drug dealing, and other indicators of diminished quality of life, where there is greater anonymity and suspicion among neighbors and less trust. Social trust is a significant trait for adulthood because social trust promotes individuals’ actively engaging in society and seeing themselves as valued members of their communities. Secondary data from the CIRCLE National Youth Survey, comprising 1,000 youths between ages 15 and 25 years, show that youth who trust in others and trust in government are more likely to participate in community service, voting, and political volunteerism, even among young minorities.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. C. Kelly";"In preparation for adulthood: Exploring civic participation and social trust among young minorities";"Youth & Society";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2072;"This study examines the role of agenda setting in affecting voter turnout using panel data of adolescents in Arizona, Florida, and Colorado from 2002 and 2004. Specifically, a model is developed probing the multiple influences of interactive civic instruction, media attention, and discussion on the following sequence of outcomes: perceived issue importance, opinion strength, political ideology, and finally voter turnout. The results suggest that agenda setting serves as a critical intrinsic process in political socialization contributing to the crystallization of political predispositions, which lead to electoral participation. The implications of the findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Kiousis and M. McDevitt";"Agenda setting in civic development: Effects of curricula and issue importance on youth voter turnout";"Communication Research";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2073;"The Integrated Thematic Instruction (ITI) model for curriculum and instruction reflects that authors' belief that humans will use the strengths inherent in their diversity to discover and address common needs and goals. Thus, responsible citizenship is a critical need common to countries across the global village. They are accountable for their behavior and understand their vested role in the productive functioning of the town, village, state, nation, and world. But responsible citizenship in the sense that the authors describe here is frequently not what today's schools teach our young (grades kindergarten–12th). The needed transformation of the educational system is much broader and deeper than the usual proposals for curricular reform, instructional improvement, or innovative management structures. Four questions that a viable curriculum model must be able to answer are stated. Underlying values made explicit; overview of the ITI model and the biology of learning; the ITI bodybrain-compatible elements; curriculum development that works with the bodybrain partnership; yearlong theme (organizing concept); outreach: political action and community service; and assessment in ITI are discussed.";"Book Section";1999;"S. J. Kovalik and J. R. McGeehan";"Integrated Thematic Instruction: From brain research to application";"Instructional-design theories and models: A new paradigm of instructional theory, Vol. II.";;"CPP";"YT"
2074;"Presented findings of a longitudinal study of the political behavior and choices of individuals during the transition from adolescence to early adulthood. Human Ss: 139 normal male and female German adults (aged 21–23 yrs). Ss were previously tested in 1987 and 1988; this test was conducted in 1994. The Ss were asked questions concerning their own political competence, their general political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics and the frequency of political activity. The results were compared and analyzed across time to help predict political participation and voting behavior in early adulthood. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1998;"G. Krampen";"Vorhersage politischer Partizipation und Entwicklung politischer Handlungsorientierungen im Übergang vom Jugend- zum frühen Erwachsenenalter: Befunde einer Nacherhebung sieben Jahre später. = Prediction of political participation and development of political action orientations in the transition from adolescence to early adulthood: Results of a follow-up after seven years";"Zeitschrift für Entwicklungspsychologie und Pädagogische Psychologie";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2075;"The political activity and voting behavior of 136 young German adults in 1994 were predicted by their political action orientations measured 7 yrs before at ages 14–16. Ss belonging to cohorts born in 1971, 1972, and 1973 were surveyed in 1987, 1988, and 1994 regarding variables relevant to the social-cognitive action theory model of personality: self-concept of political competence, beliefs about political locus of control, political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics, and political activity in everyday life. Correlative and absolute stability vs plasticity and the predictive value of the action theory personality variables for political activities and for voting behavior were analyzed. Longitudinal results indicate a high predictive value of self-concept of political competence and political knowledge for political activity and voting in early adulthood. Because only these 2 variables showed relatively high positional stability coefficients from adolescence to early adulthood, results suggest the need for early developmental interventions to prevent extreme types of politically uninterested and passive adults. The social-cognitive action theory personality model of political participation is extended to political socialization in the life span.";"Journal Article";2000;"G. Krampen";"Transition of adolescent political action orientations to voting behavior in early adulthood in view of a social-cognitive action theory model of personality";"Political Psychology";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2076;"Three studies examined non-Aboriginal Australians' guilt and anger about their ingroup's advantage over structurally disadvantaged Aborigines. Study 1 showed that participants who perceived their ingroup as relatively advantaged perceived this inequality as unfair and felt guilt and anger about it. Anger, and to a lesser degree guilt, predicted the willingness to engage in political action regarding ingroup advantage. Study 2 showed both guilt and anger to be relatively self-focused because both were associated with appraising the ingroup's (rather than the government's) discrimination as responsible for ingroup advantage. Study 3 examined on participants especially willing to engage in political action to bring about systemic compensation to Aborigines. Anger about ingroup advantage was a potent predictor. Although guilt was associated with the abstract goal of systemic compensation, guilt did not explain willingness for political action. Results underline the importance of examining specific group-based emotions in intergroup relations.";"Journal Article";2006;"C. W. Leach, A. Iyer and A. Pedersen";"Anger and Guilt About Ingroup Advantage Explain the Willingness for Political Action";"Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2077;"Public opinion studies have conventionally treated political efficacy as a two-dimensional concept involving internal and external efficacy. The former refers to people's beliefs about their individual abilities to understand politics, and the latter refers to people's beliefs about government responsiveness. The present study reexamines and goes beyond this two-dimensional view. It proposes that collective efficacy, defined as a citizen's belief in the capabilities of the public as a collective actor to achieve social and political outcomes, can be considered as a third dimension of political efficacy. Based on this three-dimensional view, the relationship between political efficacy, support for democratization, and political participation in Hong Kong is examined. Analysis of a representative survey (N = 800) shows that both support for democratization and political participation are positively related to collective efficacy and negatively related to external efficacy. Internal efficacy, on the other hand, has only a limited relationship with the dependent variables, though high levels of internal efficacy are found to be a condition for collective and external efficacy to exert stronger impact on political attitudes and behavior. It is argued that two characteristics of the Hong Kong society--as a transitional society and a collectivist culture--contribute to the significance of collective efficacy in the public opinion process. But the relevance of collective efficacy to other contexts is also discussed.";"Journal Article";2006;"F. L. F. Lee";"Collective Efficacy, Support for Democratization, and Political Participation in Hong Kong";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"YT"
2078;"Political participation and citizens’ perceptions of the legitimacy and fairness of government are central components of democracy. In this article, we examine one possible threat to these markers of a just political system: family member incarceration. We offer a unique glimpse into the broader social consequences of punishment that are brought on by a partner’s or parent’s incarceration. We argue that the criminal justice system serves as an important institution for political socialization for the families of those imprisoned, affecting their attitudes and orientations toward the government and their will and capacity to become involved in political life. We draw from ethnographic data collected by one of the authors, quantitative data from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, and interviews with recently released male prisoners and their female partners. Our findings suggest that experiences of a family member’s incarceration complicate perceptions of government legitimacy and fairness and serve as a barrier to civic participation.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. Lee, L. C. Porter and M. Comfort";"Consequences of family member incarceration: Impacts on civic participation and perceptions of the legitimacy and fairness of government";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2079;"This analysis extends prior macro-level homicide research by examining the links between civic participation, regional subcultures of violence, and age-specific homicide rates. To this end, an integrated community resource perspective was developed and this approach was contrasted with community deficit perspectives. To lend greater specificity, the distinctive effects of religious and secular participation on community levels of juvenile and adult homicide were also considered. Analyses of county-level adult and juvenile homicide offending patterns suggest that regional subcultures as well as religious and secular forms of civic participation play important--yet age-graded--roles in reducing interpersonal violence.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. R. Lee and J. P. Bartkowski";"Civic Participation, Regional Subcultures, and Violence: The Differential Effects of Secular and Religious Participation on Adult and Juvenile Homicide";"Homicide Studies: An Interdisciplinary & International Journal";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2080;"In this book Roger Levesque focuses on the impact of media on adolescents. As he notes in his introductory chapter, today's adolescents are inundated with a wide variety of media, more so than any prior generation. Television, video games, movies, Internet, and MP3 players play an increasing dominant role in the lives of many youth. Unlike prior generations, adolescents are considerably more autonomous, typically interacting with the media with little or no adult supervision. Media clearly play an important role in shaping adolescent identity, behavior, and health. Levesque's perspective is that the media can have both positive and negative effects on adolescent behavior and he is interested in understanding these effects in the context of adolescent development. He cautions us to not view the relationship of media and adolescent development in a narrow and simplistic manner. Indeed, while he acknowledges that the research on media effects has provided useful information about its impact, he is clear that the research falls short in aiding our understanding of the multiple factors that shape adolescent development. Professor Levesque notes that the media's impact on prosocial behavior may be more powerful than its negative impact. Unfortunately, a substantial amount of the research focuses on the negative effects. He presents concise, clear summaries of what the research tells us about the impact of the media in four areas: violence, body images, smoking, and sexuality. He identifies gaps in our knowledge and provides directions for future research. He points to many contradictory findings and notes that we have insufficient information about long-term effects. His conclusion that there is evidence of negative effects in each of these areas will not be surprising to most. This review of research is important in that it supports the conclusion that society should be concerned about the impact of media on adolescent development. It provides the basis for his analysis of how society should respond to this concern. He notes that the dominant response has been censorship to restrict access of adolescents to certain media. Parents are, of course, expected to be the primary mechanism for restricting access. As Levesque points out, this may be viable with young children but generally fails with adolescents. Following a stimulating and thoughtful discussion of free speech rights, he concludes that the current legal approaches to limit adolescent rights also fail to address the concerns, and he concludes that the legal system's adult-centered approach has negatively impacted the constitutional rights of adolescents. Levesque proposes a creative alternative, one that would not restrict adolescent access but rather would foster self-governance and increased civic participation. Rather than focusing on media as a source of negative influence, his approach seeks to promote the development of competency through access to information. His analysis and recommendations will be of interest to adolescents, parents, teachers, school administrators, community leaders, and policy makers, and I expect they will provide the foundation for stimulating and valuable discussion about the role of media in our society.";"Book";2007;"R. J. R. Levesque";"Adolescents, media, and the law: What developmental science reveals and free speech requires";"American Psychology-Law Society series";;"CPP";"YT"
2081;"Asserts that over the last generation, research has documented a trend toward increasing disengagement of Americans from civic life, whether in political involvement (e.g., voting), membership in voluntary associations, or a sense of collective efficacy. This disconnection and alienation appears to be particularly pronounced among youth. These trends point to a need to better understand the participation of youth in a civil society. The chapter states that critical to this understanding is an analysis of key indicators of participation by children and youth in civic life. The chapter briefly explores efforts to define and measure youth participation in the areas of (1) civic and community awareness, (2) civic and community values, (3) civic and community activities, and (4) opportunities for civic and community activities. Relevant data from several recent studies are also reviewed.";"Book Section";2002;"S. P. Limber and N. H. Kaufman";"Civic participation by children and youth";"Globalization and children: Exploring potentials for enhancing opportunities in the lives of children and youth.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2082;"Reviewing the state of the academic literature in 2003, I noted with some regret, ‘The most that can be said is that a few studies are charting interesting initiatives involving young people’s participation using the internet, holding out the promise of new opportunities through instances of 'best practice', although it remains unclear how and by whom these could be evaluated or more widely implemented’. The five articles selected for this special issue of the Journal of Youth Studies offer some encouraging signs, although they are equally clear that creating and using new websites is hardly sufficient to right the wrongs of youth disillusion with politics. In keeping with the tacit ideals underlying this special issue, it is surely the task of us all to work with practitioners and young people to ensure that this does not happen.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Livingstone";"Learning the lessons of research on youth participation and the internet";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2083;"Given increasing calls for children and young people to participate via the Internet in civic and political activities, this article examines how far, and with what success, such participation is occurring among UK teenagers. Findings from a national survey conducted by the UK Children Go Online project show that young people are using the Internet for a wide range of activities that could be considered 'participation', including communicating, peer-to-peer connection, seeking information, interactivity, webpage/content creation and visiting civic/political websites. The findings are closely examined using path analysis techniques to identify the direct and indirect relations among different factors that may explain how and why some young people participate more than others. The results suggest that interactive and creative uses of the Internet are encouraged by the very experience of using the Internet (gaining in interest, skills, confidence, etc.) but that visiting civic websites depends primarily on demographic factors (with older, middle-class girls being most likely to visit these sites). Finally, cluster analysis is used to identify three groups of young people--interactors, the civic-minded and the disengaged--each of which is distinctive in its social context and approach to the Internet.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. Livingstone, M. Bober and E. J. Helsper";"Active participation or just more information? Young people's take-up of opportunities to act and interact on the Internet";"Information, Communication & Society";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2085;"Deals with the working-through of countertransference in a group of psychoanalysts and members of a family treated in a family therapy group. Psychotherapists and patients are survivors of the time (between 1976 and 1983), when Argentina was under the military rule that created the problem of the 'desapararecidos.' The patients are a family where the father was one of the military executioners and the beautiful mother, perhaps, an accomplice, while the 2 grown daughters have apparently forgotten that tragic period. The only one who admits to remembering, a 15-yr old youth, is the 'designated patient' with vague symptoms. Analysts and patients face the difficulty of recovering their own history, which they were forced to live in silence at the time of the 'desaparecidos.'";"Journal Article";1998;"A. Mariona and A. M. Muchnik";"Violencia de estado y compromiso contratransferencial: Un ejemplo en la clínica de familia con adolescentes. = Violence perpetrated by the state and countertransferential involvement: A clinical vignette of a family with teenagers";"Revista de Psicoanálisis";"Argentina";"CPP";"YT"
2086;"Through a qualitative approach this study documents life experiences that youth with a history of sustained social and political participation judge as significant in the development of their civic commitment. Data is drawn from in-depth interviews to 6 Chilean youth (3 ages 16–19; 3 ages 20–24 years) of diverse socioeconomic condition, with a history of 3–7 years of active participation in prosocial and political organizations. Grounded theory was used to generate inductive knowledge of the processes that led to commitment and further sustained civic participation. Participants’ trajectories of commitment illustrate both individual and contextual sources that motivate their sustained action. Participants identify with social and political causes and integrate them to their personal identities. Their sustained social action is related to identification with the goals of the organizations they belong to. Their accounts convey a collective sense of we developed through working toward shared goals with other organization members. Findings speak to the role that youth can play in advancing social and political ideologies and are discussed in light of identity theory and sociopolitical development.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. L. Martínez, P. Peñaloza and C. Valenzuela";"Civic commitment in young activists: Emergent processes in the development of personal and collective identity";"Journal of Adolescence";"Chile";"CPPAct";"YT"
2087;"Research on the political mobilization of ethnic minorities has shown that dual ethno‐national identification facilitates involvement in political action on behalf of the ethnic group. This study extends this research by proposing that a dual identity can impede political mobilization on behalf of another relevant in‐group — the religious community — especially if this in‐group is not accepted by the wider society. Using a sample of 641 Muslims of Turkish origin living in Germany and the Netherlands, dual ethno‐national identity (Turkish‐German/Turkish‐Dutch) was examined in relation to religious Muslim identification and religious political mobilization. Dual identity was expected to be indirectly related to lower mobilization via decreased religious group identification. Further, this mediating process was predicted to be stronger for Turkish Muslims who perceived relatively high religious group discrimination. In both countries we found support for the mediating hypothesis, however, the moderating role of discrimination was confirmed only for the Netherlands. Turkish‐Dutch identification was associated with lower support for religious political mobilization because of lower Muslim identification only for Turkish‐Dutch participants who perceived high levels of discrimination. These findings indicate that a strong dual (ethno‐national) identity can undermine minority members’ support for political rights and actions on behalf of a third relevant in‐group, and therefore qualify the social psychological benefits of the dual identity model.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. Martinovic and M. Verkuyten";"The political downside of dual identity: Group identifications and religious political mobilization of Muslim minorities";"British Journal of Social Psychology";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2088;"Background: For millions of people with disabilities in the United States, exercising the fundamental right to vote remains a challenge. Over the last few decades, the U.S. government has enacted several pieces of legislation to make voting accessible to individuals with disabilities. Objective: We examine trends in self-reported voting rates among people with and without disabilities to uncover evidence for the effects of these policies on political participation. We also explore what policy change is necessary to encourage people with disabilities to vote by investigating whether the participation rates vary by the types of disabilities. Methods: We analyze the Current Population Survey (CPS) data in the years of presidential elections for the period of 1980–2008. Results: Our analysis shows that the population aged 18–64 with work-preventing disabilities has been persistently less likely to vote compared to the corresponding population without such disabilities. In addition, individuals with cognitive and mobility impairments have the lowest rates of electoral participation. The gap in the likelihood of voting in-person between people with and without disabilities is considerably larger than the gap in the likelihood of voting by-mail, regardless of the types of impairments that they have. Conclusions: The participation gap between people with and without disabilities did not decrease over the last three decades despite the presence of federal laws that aimed at removing barriers for voting.";"Journal Article";2014;"T. Matsubayashi and M. Ueda";"Disability and voting";"Disability and Health Journal";"Japan";"CPP";"YT"
2089;"This article attempts to reevaluate the democratic implications of opinion diversity by showing that politically hostile social networks do not necessarily discourage political participation. It is theorized that generalized social trust, as an individual differences variable, can explain how individuals expect others to behave when deviating opinions are voiced. In contrast to high social trust individuals, low trust individuals believe others will react negatively to such dissent. Thus, it is hypothesized that low trust individuals refrain from participation when confronted with a hostile social network. Using U.S. representative survey data, Study 1 confirms that a demobilizing effect of hostile networks can only be observed for lower levels of social trust. Study 2 replicates this finding with an online survey addressing the underlying mechanism in a mediated moderation analysis. It is shown that social trust fuels behavioral expectations about how others will react to dissent. These expectations, in turn, explain how hostile networks dampen participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Matthes";"Do hostile opinion environments harm political participation? The moderating role of generalized social trust";"International Journal of Public Opinion Research";"Austria";"CPP";"YT"
2090;"This study explores the relative importance of everyday racism, empathic concern, communalism, and religiosity as predictors of pro-social involvement (i.e., volunteerism and membership in political/social justice organizations) among a sample of African American men (N=151). Church involvement emerged as a positive predictor of the likelihood that these men were involved in volunteer work as well as the number of hours that men dedicated to volunteer work. Communalism positively predicted the amount of time (in hours per year) that men were involved in volunteer work. Subjective religiosity and the stress of everyday racism were associated with a greater likelihood of being a member of a political-social justice organization. Implications of these findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. S. Mattis, W. P. Beckham, B. A. Saunders, J. E. Williams, D. Y. McAllister, V. Myers, D. Knight, D. Rencher and C. Dixon";"Who Will Volunteer? Religiosity, Everyday Racism, and Social Participation Among African American Men";"Journal of Adult Development";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2091;"Although opportunities for exposure to content and activities that promote civic socialization in the classroom and via traditional mass media have diminished, innovations in civic socialization focused on building citizenship through discussion of controversial issues in the classroom, and Web-based communication and mobilization strategies show promise. It is these opportunities that are the focus of this chapter. Our special focus is on the democracy divide in the United States with respect to the civic and political participation of young people. This democracy divide concerns the gap in participatory engagement between those with high and low levels of educational attainment. We present a dynamic model of citizenship development in which interdependent communication processes located in the family, schools, media, and peer networks combine to produce communication competence in youth. This model reflects an interdisciplinary approach to theory generation about youth socialization.";"Book Section";2010;"J. McLeod, D. Shah, D. Hess and N.-J. Lee";"Communication and education: Creating competence for socialization into public life";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2092;"Social media and digital tools permeate the everyday lives of young people. In the early stages of commentary about the impact of the digital age on civic life, debates revolved around whether the Internet enhanced or discouraged civic and political action. Since then we have seen new media move to center stage in politics and activism—from the 2008 U.S. election to the 2011 Arab Spring to the Occupy movement. We have also seen new patterns in how different sub-groups make use of digital media. These developments have pushed people to move beyond questions about whether new media are good or bad for civic life, to ask instead: how, under what conditions, and for whom, do new digital tools become resources for political critique and action by the young? #Youthaction: Becoming Political in the Digital Age will provide a platform for a new wave of scholarship about young people's political participation in the digital age. We define 'youth' or 'young people' as roughly between the ages of 12 and 25. We include perspectives from political science, education, cultural studies, learning sciences, and youth development. We draw on the framework developed by the MacArthur Research Network on Youth and Participatory Politics, which defines participatory politics as, 'interactive, peer-based acts through which individuals and groups seek to exert both voice and influence on issues of public concern.";"Book";2015;"E. Middaugh and B. Kirshner";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age";"Adolescence and education";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2093;"European countries were economically and politically separated during the Cold War, but since its end processes of globalization and the formation of the European Union have contributed to blur the borders. Previous studies suggest that the social transformations have affected differently civic participation of youths, but shortage of more recent data has precluded researchers from examining the differences in a country-comparative fashion. Along these lines, this paper has two main objectives: to explore the differences in the levels of expected civic participation across Europe, and to evaluate the fit of a theoretical model of civic participation in regard to the different points in time their democracies were established. To achieve these goals, data from 22 European educational systems (9 post-communist and 13 established democracies) participating in the International Civic and Citizenship Study (2009) conducted by International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement is used. The results, in accordance with the literature, suggest differentiated patterns of future civic participation between the new and established democracies, but they are not that clear, suggesting that convergence between the two groups is ongoing. However, the tested empirical model of civic participation functions in a better way in the established than in the new democracies. In contrast with previous findings, differences in levels of expected civic participation seem to be related not only with the countries’ experience with democracy, but also with their cultural similarities and common history.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. Mirazchiyski, D. H. Caro and A. Sandoval-Hernández";"Youth future civic participation in Europe: Differences between the east and the rest";"Social Indicators Research";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2094;"News media play a key role in informing young citizens about politics and cultivating a sense of political efficacy. Online news media, in particular, are expected to have a positive impact due to their interactivity and new opportunities to share and discuss information. This study analyzes the impact of online and offline news media use on the growth in internal efficacy among adolescents, based on data we collected in a three-wave panel survey in the Netherlands (N = 729). Additionally, we test the impact of internal efficacy on turnout using a fourth wave of the same sample (N = 612). The results show that while newspaper reading has the strongest effects among traditional news sources, actively participating in the communication process of political information online has the strongest impact on internal efficacy. Internal efficacy in turn is found to be a significant predictor of first-time voters. The article concludes with a discussion of media use as a pathway to political participation through internal political efficacy.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Moeller, C. de Vreese, F. Esser and R. Kunz";"Pathway to political participation: The influence of online and offline news media on internal efficacy and turnout of first-time voters";"American Behavioral Scientist";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2096;"This article presents and discusses the meanings constructed by adolescents and young people in institutional contexts various in Barreiro (BH) and Betim (MG) about their experiences of social and political participation, through the inclusion in groups. The participants of this research answered a questionnaire composed of closed and open-ended questions about your background familial and participated in semi-structured interviews about their experiences of participation and community group. The content of the interviews was treated by means of content analysis. The participation of the subjects of this study in the various groups of motivated by a sense of belonging, and the ties of friendship between the members of the group, usually the schoolmates or friends from the neighborhood. These experiences mean for these young people an exercise in social participation and community understood by them as a collective activity that aims to transform the immediate reality in which they live.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. I. C. Moreira, L. C. C. B. Rena and M. d. C. Sousa";"Os sentidos construídos por adolescentes e jovens em contextos institucionais no Barreiro (BH) e Betim (MG) para a participação social e política. = The meanings constructed by adolescents and young people in institutional contexts in Barreiro (BH) and Betim (MG) for the social and political participation";"Estudos de Psicologia";"Brazil";"CPP";"YT"
2097;"In this article, I claim that at least some young people have the requisite capacity for political participation, and that the exclusion of these young people is in breach of the reasonable expectation that all capable citizens are included in democratic processes. I suggest implementing a capacity test for those under the current age of majority. I outline a system of capacity testing for the youth, distinguish this proposal from prior attempts to justify capacity testing and argue that a suitably constrained capacity testing regime is not simply defensible, but superior to the current system, which arbitrarily excludes some capable members of society from participation. Finally, I explain why only this limited capacity testing regime is acceptable.";"Journal Article";2012;"N. J. Munn";"Capacity testing the youth: A proposal for broader enfranchisement";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2098;"Background: Hazardous alcohol consumption is a leading cause of mortality in the former Soviet Union (fSU), but little is known about the social factors associated with this behaviour. We set out to estimate the association between individual- and community-level social capital and hazardous alcohol consumption in the fSU. Methods: Data were obtained from Health in Times of Transition 2010, a household survey of nine fSU countries (n = 18 000 within 2027 communities). Individual-level indicators of social isolation, civic participation, help in a crisis and interpersonal trust were aggregated to the community level. Adjusting for demographic factors, the association of individual- and community-level indicators with problem drinking (CAGE) and episodic heavy drinking was estimated using a population average model for the analysis of multi-level data. Results: Among men, individual social isolation [odds ratio (OR) = 1.20], community social isolation (OR = 1.18) and community civic participation (OR = 4.08) were associated with increased odds of CAGE. Community civic participation (OR = 2.91) increased the odds of episodic heavy drinking, while community interpersonal trust (OR = 0.89) decreased these odds. Among women, individual social isolation (OR = 1.30) and community civic participation (OR = 2.94) increased odds of CAGE. Conclusion: Our results provide evidence of the role of some elements of social capital in problem drinking in the fSU, and highlight the importance of community effects. The nature of civic organizations in the fSU, and the communities in which civic participation is high, should be further investigated to inform alcohol policy in the region.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Murphy, B. Roberts, M. G. Kenward, B. L. De Stavola, A. Stickley and M. McKee";"Using multi-level data to estimate the effect of social capital on hazardous alcohol consumption in the former Soviet Union";"European Journal of Public Health";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2099;"This case study examines how traditional and Internet news use, as well as face-to-face and online political discussion, contributed to political participation during the period leading up to the Iraq War. A Web-based survey of political dissenters (N=307) conducted at the start of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq provides the data used to examine the relationships among informational media use, online and face-to-face political discussion, and political participation among the respondents, who were recruited through blogs, discussion boards, and listservs opposing the Iraq war. Analyses reveal that among these respondents, Internet news use contributed to both face-to-face and online discussion about the situation in Iraq. Online and face-to-face political discussion mediated certain news media effects on anti-war political participation. The study stresses the complementary role of Web news use and online political discussion relative to traditional modes of political communication in spurring political participation.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. Nah, A. S. Veenstra and D. V. Shah";"The Internet and Anti-War Activism: A Case Study of Information, Expression, and Action";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2101;"In response to changing needs and problems of young people, China, as well as other countries, has a need to invite youth's participation in the formulation of youth policy. Contemporary China's youth policy is primarily ideological and penetrating to develop young people as faithful and moral patriots. However, the 2 decades of economic reforms and opening policy have driven the new generation of young people to seek for greater participation in policy-making which can both serve the purposes of absorbing the opinions of the policy recipients and providing an outlet of youth grievance. In line with such new development, a research of 53 Chinese youth policy makers, youth work theorists, youth workers, working youth, university undergraduates, and secondary school students in Beijing and Guangzhou indicates youth's desire for policy participation and the perceived insufficiency of channels for youth's participation in formulation of youth policy.";"Journal Article";2001;"N.-P. Ngai, C.-K. Cheung and C.-K. Li";"China's youth policy formulation and youth participation";"Children and Youth Services Review";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"YT"
2102;"This qualitative study explores the construct of resilience by Palestinian youth in the 10th to 12th grades at school living in and around Ramallah in the West Bank. We look at how adolescents themselves interpret and give meaning to the concept of resilience in dehumanising and abnormal conditions. The aim is to 'problematise' the construct to go beyond quantitative research and objective inquiry. Focus groups were conducted with 321 male and female Palestinian students in 15 schools in Ramallah and the surrounding villages. This study presents findings that are consistent with previous research on the value of supportive relationships such as families and friends. Political participation and education are vital to a sense of identity and political resistance. However, a key finding reveals the normalisation of everyday life in fostering resiliency within abnormal living conditions. Palestinian youth, nonetheless, paint a picture of resilience that reveals contradictions and tensions. This study underlines the fluid and dynamic nature of resilience. Despite the desire for order, Palestinian young people complain of emotional distress and boredom. Feelings of desperation are intermingled with optimism. We also argue that the concept of resilience developed in predominantly Western settings ignores a local idiom of communal care and support. International and local organisations providing psychosocial care rely on trauma programmes based on a Western style of counselling. An over-emphasis on individualised intervention overlooks the notion of collective resiliency and fails to build on existing social capital within communities. Policy-makers should do more than 'tweak' preconceived projects to fit the cultural context or to replicate them from one conflict area to another. We should also keep in mind that the search for psychological well-being and justice are not mutually exclusive.";"Journal Article";2008;"V. Nguyen-Gillham, R. Giacama, G. Naser and W. Boyc";"Normalising the abnormal: Palestinian youth and the contradictions of resilience in protracted conflict";"Health & Social Care in the Community";"Palestine";"CPP";"YT"
2103;"In this article, we address how the social networks of Norwegian teenagers influence their formation of social and political resources. We distinguish between youth networks that are adult-managed and networks managed by the youth involved. The analysis is based on two representative surveys, Young in Norway 1992 and 2002. Based on a theoretical framework related to Putnam's theory of social capital, we discuss how young people's declining trust in the authority of adult society and their increased willingness to vote in general elections during the past decade might be understood. The findings imply that the adult-managed networks (generation-bridging) generate trust among the young participators. However, they are no more willing to vote than youth existing outside such networks. On the contrary, youth-managed networks (youth-bonding) in which adults do not have any natural positions or access seem to mobilize young people into participating through elections, even though they show a lower level of trust than their peers outside such networks. The findings imply that the generation gap produces mistrust and an oppositional attitude to the adult world, which has a positive influence on young people's political participation and integration.";"Journal Article";2008;"G. Ødegård and F. Berglund";"Opposition and integration in Norwegian youth networks: The significance of social and political resources, 1992-2002";"Acta Sociologica";"Norway";"CPP";"YT"
2104;"Past research has established socioeconomic status as a major determinant of political participation. This explanation has been challenged by sociologists such as Giddens and Beck, who claim that politics in late modernity has become influenced by social class and family tradition to a lesser degree than politics in the traditional industrial society. The authors discuss whether it is reasonable to claim that the youth of today demonstrate an individualized mode of political action: Do we see a shift in young people's political repertoire from a formal towards a cause-oriented participation? Do cause-oriented activities to a higher degree than formal activities recruit participants from a broader social field? The analysis is based on a representative survey of Norwegians aged 16-19. It is argued that the new pattern of political participation is influenced by an ongoing process of individualization, whereas socioeconomic class plays a minor role in comparison with cultural resources in family and individual resources. However, the structural and cultural conditions influence the new political activities to a higher degree than the traditional forms. Long historical traditions involving Norwegian youth in ideological mass movements are presented as an explanation of this contradictory picture.";"Journal Article";2008;"G. Ødegård and F. Berglund";"Political participation in late modernity among Norwegian youth: An individual choice or a statement of social class?";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Norway";"CPP";"YT"
2105;"This panel study examines whether educational, work, and family roles promote volunteerism during late adolescence and early adulthood, as they do later in adulthood. The findings reveal substantial continuity in volunteerism from adolescence through the transition to adulthood and highlight the importance of values expressed in adolescence for volunteerism in the years following. Controlling these processes, attending school during this little stage promotes volunteerism, In contrast, full-time work investments in the early life course are found to hinder volunteer participation, as does the presence of young children in the family, especially at earlier parental ages. The results support a life course perspective for understanding civic participation.";"Journal Article";2004;"S. Oesterle, M. K. Johnson and J. T. Mortimer";"Volunteerism during the Transition to Adulthood: A Life Course Perspective";"Social Forces";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2106;"Objective: I hypothesize that individuals with depression lack the motivation and physical capacity required to participate in politics due to somatic problems and feelings of hopelessness and apathy. Furthermore, I hypothesize that depression in adolescence can have negative downstream consequences for participation in young adulthood. Method: Using the 1998 General Social Survey and the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, I employ logistic regression and mediation analysis to test the relationship between depression and voting as well as adolescent depression and political participation. Results: The results show that both depression and adolescent depression reduce the probability of political participation. The effect of adolescent depression on political participation is mediated by educational attainment and partisan affiliation. Conclusion: Depression reduces participation and merits further attention as a political phenomenon. The possibility of depression as a disability is discussed, including potential efforts to boost participation among this group.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Ojeda";"Depression and political participation";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2107;"Prior to completing volunteer orientation and training, new volunteers in two AIDS-service organizations in the Midwest were invited to participate in a study of how community service impacts volunteers and their social networks. Those 197 volunteers (aged 17-78 years; 62% female) who agreed to be in the study completed a pretraining questionnaire which, among other measures, included indicators of psychological sense of community, social support, and social identity. Six months later, these now-active volunteers completed a Time 2 questionnaire that contained a measure of AIDS activism and participation. In terms of the individual predictors, social identity was unrelated to later AIDS-related activism and civic participation. Although we had anticipated that stronger social identification would be related to continuing efforts to work on behalf of the group, we found no support for this notion. We found a significant positive relationship between social support and later activism. Individuals who claimed that they expected to feel emotionally and psychologically supported by members of their social networks and to feel personally affirmed by their volunteerism were more likely to involve themselves in a range of later AIDS-related activities. The results for psychological sense of community revealed it to be a unique and independent predictor of later AIDS-related activism and civic participation. As expected, AIDS volunteers who reported getting involved to enhance community connections and help meet current community needs, and who also knew more people personally affected by HIV disease, engaged in more AIDS-related activities 6 months later. The effects of psychological sense of community were independent of the influences of social identity and social support. In this chapter, we described psychological sense of community as a broad, inclusive, and diffuse construct. Our perspective departs from traditional, geographically based definitions of community and emphasizes the psychological nature of the communities in question. In fact, we found evidence for the utility of this conceptualization as it applies to the community affected by HIV and AIDS. Members of this community may not personally know one another or have frequent interaction, yet their sense that they belong to this community had important implications for predicting later AIDS-related activism and civic participation.";"Book Section";2005;"A. M. Omoto and A. M. Malsch";"Psychological Sense of Community: Conceptual Issues and Connections to Volunteerism-Related Activism";"Processes of community change and social action.";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2108;"A number of studies have linked citizens’ involvement in user-generated content (UGC) on the internet to democratic engagement. Whereas previous research implies a view of UGC involvement as the processing of political information, this study conceptualizes and operationalizes UGC involvement in terms of a distinct audience experience based on expressivity, performance and collaboration. Analysis of survey data from Swedish adolescents in the 13–17 age range shows that UGC involvement predicts offline as well as online political participation. In contrast to informational media use, however, UGC involvement is negatively related to political knowledge. The findings are compatible with recent theories suggesting that the expressive, performative and collaborative features of UGC involvement can promote political participation. Implications of the findings for youth democratic engagement are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Östman";"Information, expression, participation: How involvement in user- generated content relates to democratic engagement among young people";"New Media & Society";"Sweden";"CPP";"YT"
2109;"The aim of this chapter is to compare adolescents' political attitudes and behavior in the new states (the former German Democratic Republic [GDR]) and the old states (the former Federal Republic of Germany [FRG]) and to relate the current situation to conditions before 1989. Most studies comparing GDR and FRG youth during and after the Wende showed only small differences. Over a wide array of attitudes and behavior, the similarities between youth from the GDR and FRG seem to be of greater importance than the differences. Differences between GDR and FRG youth after the unification can be interpreted with respect to conditions prevalent in the GDR and with respect to peculiarities of the transformation process. GDR youth were more interested in politics than were FRG youth during the first phases of the unification and transformation process because of their immediate involvement in the ongoing changes. After 1990, the interest of GDR youth decreased; it gradually reached the level of the FRG youth in 1992. Today, the extent of political interest among GDR youth is even less than in the FRG. This difference may be the result of GDR youth's disillusionment after the excitements at the beginning of the unification process.";"Book Section";1999;"H. Oswald";"Political socialization in the new states of Germany";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth.";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2110;"Objectives: We examine whether democracy, political participation, and differing systems of democracy influence individual levels of subjective well-being. Methods: We use individual data on life satisfaction and characteristics related to satisfaction for approximately 46 countries. We estimate ordered probit models with country and time dummy variables and cluster-adjusted robust standard errors. Results: Democracy is positively correlated with individual levels of well-being. The opportunity to participate in the political process and whether the democracy is parliamentary or presidential are related to individual well-being. Conclusions: Democratic institutions influence subjective well-being. The well-being of individuals with minority political views decreases in parliamentary systems.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. L. Owen, J. Videras and C. Willemsen";"Democracy, participation, and life satisfaction";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2111;"Although there is much practice of community-based participatory research in economically-developing countries and increasingly in North America, there has been little systematic assessment of empowerment effects. Youth-led participatory research holds particular promise for fostering positive development and civic participation among economically disadvantaged urban youth. The present investigation uses a clustered-randomized, within-school experimental design to test the effects of youth-led participatory research on the psychological empowerment of 401 students attending urban public schools. We find that attending a participatory research elective class during the school day was associated with increases in sociopolitical skills, motivation to influence their schools and communities, and participatory behavior. We found no significant effects for perceived control at school. The implications for participatory research and related youth development interventions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. J. Ozer and L. Douglas";"The impact of participatory research on urban teens: An experimental evaluation";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2112;"Despite a growing consensus that civic education is an important aspect of political socialization, little research has prospectively examined how gains made during civics courses are maintained after high school. This study used a quasi-experimental design to examine longer-term effects of the Student Voices program, which was originally evaluated in Philadelphia public high schools during the 2002-2003 school year. Following the 2004 presidential election, researchers recontacted students who had participated in the program for one or two semesters and students who had been in control civics classrooms. A structural equation model indicated that students who experienced two semesters of the program reported greater self-efficacy for political participation and that this effect carried over to increased political attentiveness as well as to knowledge of candidate positions. In addition, political attentiveness increased knowledge and voting in the election. However, neither knowledge nor efficacy had direct effects on voting once attentiveness was controlled. The results suggest that a supplementary civics education program such as Student Voices can increase subsequent participation in politics by building long-term gains in political self-efficacy and skills in using the news media to follow government and political affairs.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. Pasek, L. Feldman, D. Romer and K. H. Jamieson";"Schools as incubators of democratic participation: Building long-term political efficacy with civic education";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2113;"Are social contexts as important to civic participation in adulthood as they are in adolescence? And does their significance for civic participation vary across adulthood? Using data from a cross-sectional sample of German adults aged 18 to 75 who were surveyed in 2013 by mail, the authors investigated the relationships of perceived family support, perceived support from friends, place attachment, social cohesion, and organizational collective efficacy with three indicators of civic participation. The authors split the sample into four age groups: 18 to 29 (n₁ = 442), 30 to 44 (n₂ = 596), 45 to 59 (n₃ = 1,095), and 60 to 75 (n₄ = 931). Perceived support from family was negatively associated with the breadth (i.e., the number of domains) of civic participation in the youngest group and with future intentions for civic participation in three age groups. Perceived support from friends had positive relationships with the intensity (i.e., frequency) of civic participation and with future intentions at age 30 to 44. Place attachment and organizational collective efficacy were positively related to all indicators of civic participation, and some of these associations held across age groups. In contrast, social cohesion had no significant effects. The authors discuss implications for fostering civic participation across adulthood.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. K. Pavlova, A. Körner and R. K. Silbereisen";"Perceived social support, perceived community functioning, and civic participation across the life span: Evidence from the former East Germany";"Research in Human Development";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2115;"Used panel data to estimate structural models with latent variables that specify temporal relationships between adolescent self-derogating attitudes and adult political participation. 7,618 7th graders were surveyed, and 67.6% reinterviewed as young adults. As hypothesized, the negative association between adolescent self-rejection and adult political participation was mediated by achieved social status: achieved social status was associated positively with political participation. Adolescent and adult self-rejection were associated positively with political participation, net of the effects of achieved social status. Results are congruent with theoretical expectations that adolescent self-rejection leads to political nonparticipation as adults because of the adverse effect of early self-rejection on vertical mobility. Independent of these effects, however, self-rejection leads to political participation, presumably to enhance self-attitudes.";"Journal Article";1995;"B. M. Peck and H. B. Kaplan";"Adolescent self-rejection and adult political activity: The mediating influence of achieved social status";"Social Psychology Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2116;"Generativity (Erikson, 1950) and authoritarianism have recently received increased attention in the personality and social psychology literature. The authors articulate connections and distinctions to test hypotheses concerning personality, politics, and parenting on a sample of adults and their adolescent children. The Big 5 Openness to Experience factor was positively related to generativity and negatively related to authoritarianism. In addition, high scorers on generativity were interested in political issues, whereas those scoring high on authoritarianism were not. High scorers on authoritarianism also used a punitive parenting style that had adverse consequences for parent–child relationships, whereas generative parents used an authoritative style that produced positive outcomes. Although generative and authoritarian individuals may share a focus on passing down traditions, the content of those traditions seems to span a wider range for people who are high in generativity.";"Journal Article";1997;"B. E. Peterson, K. A. Smirles and P. A. Wentworth";"Generativity and authoritarianism: Implications for personality, political involvement, and parenting";"Journal of Personality and Social Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2117;"Forms of populism have long been a component of modern political discourse and systems where democracy relies upon popular legitimacy. There is, however, an uneasy relationship between some widely held views of ‘the people’ and the parties which seek to govern them. Contemporary academic and political discourse on populism often equates these views with right‐wing politics, whilst some radical scholars, suggest that these views, whilst controversial, are nonetheless examples of democratic expression. Using survey evidence from 14 European countries, we show that young people take up a mixture of political positions, some of which are strongly associated with indices of populism—cynicism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia—others of which do not map neatly onto the typical ‘left‐right’ spectrum. We find evidence that some young people hold contradictory, often conflicting political viewpoints, which are reflective of the historical and cultural contexts of each location rather than of a ‘populist’ ideology. Where some theorists might use the term ‘populism’ pejoratively to denote a poorly and emotively grounded political ideology, we argue that this description denies its democratic legitimacy, as evidence suggests that young people draw on populist rhetoric to articulate views that are more reflective of local and regional concerns.";"Journal Article";2015;"G. Pollock, T. Brock and M. Ellison";"Populism, ideology and contradiction: Mapping young people's political views";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2118;"This study assesses impacts of racial/ethnic identification on adolescent civic development to inform interventions to counter civic disconnect on the part of ethnic minority youths. Analyses of 4 years of national Monitoring the Future data find that Black and Latino adolescents hold negative political attitudes and low rates of political behavior. Structural equation models find dissimilarities in paths between political attitudes and behaviors for White, Black, Latino, and Asian adolescents. Findings suggest that political attitudes may operate as precursors to political behavior in different ways across races/ethnicities. Implications for civic interventions and future minority youth civic development research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. Pritzker";"Pathways to adolescent political participation across race and ethnicity";"Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2119;"Starting from a political socialization perspective, this study examined the development of political participation during adolescence and early adulthood. We explore the effect of parents, peers, school media, and voluntary associations on political participation. Self-reported data were collected from 3,025 Belgian adolescents at three points in time: at age 16, age 18, and age 21. Latent growth curve modeling was conducted to analyze the effect of the five agents of socialization on the initial level and development of political participation. As hypothesized, we find that all political socialization agents influence the initial level and development of political participation over time. Peers and voluntary associations have the largest influence on the initial level of political participation and on its development. Parents and school would appear to be of less importance. While watching more television has a negative effect, more news consumption and internet use leads to more political participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. Quintelier";"Engaging adolescents in politics: The longitudinal effect of political socialization agents";"Youth & Society";"Belgium";"CPP";"YT"
2120;"Conflicting claims have been put forward regarding the effects of Internet use on real-life political participation. Some argue that Internet use, and the accompanying political resources, stimulates political participation; others fear that intensive Internet use is associated with a withdrawal from public life. This article’s authors test both claims on a representative sample of 6,330 16-year-olds in Belgium. They investigate young people’s behavior, assuming that young people are the most avid information and communication technologies users and the most susceptible to the influence of various socialization experiences. The authors introduce a distinction between time spent on the Internet (time-replacement hypothesis) and various activities performed online. Results show time on the Internet does not have an effect on the propensity to participate in public life. Although some online activities are clearly and significantly associated with offline political participation, it remains to be investigated whether this relation is a form of causality.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. Quintelier and S. Vissers";"The effect of Internet use on political participation: An analysis of survey results for 16-year-olds in Belgium";"Social Science Computer Review";"Belgium";"CPP";"YT"
2121;"Recent revelations about the scope and severity of past child sexual abuse in German institutions set off a broad public debate on this issue, and led to the establishment of a politically appointed Round Table committee and an Independent Commissioner whose mandates were to reappraise the issue and develop recommendations for future policies. A media campaign was launched to publicize the establishment of a Critical Incident Reporting System (CIRS) whereby now-adult victims of past abuse could anonymously provide testimonials and let policy makers know what issues were important to them. Respondents could either call a hotline number or communicate by mail or email. The information collected was documented and analyzed by a research team, and the results of interim reports were included in the recommendations of the Independent Commissioner and the Round Table committee. Most of the respondents described severe and repeated occurrences of childhood sexual abuse. For many, priorities were improvements in therapy and counseling services, the abolishment of the statute of limitations on prosecuting offenders, and financial compensation. Based on the recommendations of the Round Table and the Independent Commissioner, two new laws were adopted as well as an action plan and some guidelines. In addition to rules for recompensation of victims in an institutional context a fund for victims of sexual abuse in intrafamilial context was established by the Federal Government. Another effect of this process was raising societal sensitivity to the problem of child sexual abuse. The use of a CIRS enabled those directly affected by childhood sexual abuse to have some input into a political process designed to address this issue. Such an approach could have applicability in other countries or in other domains of public health and other forms of societal conflict as well.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Rassenhofer, N. Spröber, T. Schneider and J. M. Fegert";"Listening to victims: Use of a Critical Incident Reporting System to enable adult victims of childhood sexual abuse to participate in a political reappraisal process in Germany";"Child Abuse & Neglect";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2122;"Discusses longitudinal studies of political attitudes and actions of adolescents in Germany after reunification. The studies suggest that the influence of the political system in Germany has declined during adolescence. Nevertheless, the willingness of young people to participate in political processes has continuously risen. This is, at first glance, a contradictory finding, but can be explained by rising political competence and increased cultural knowledge in adolescence. This increasing knowledge of political issues may effect readiness to take part in conventional political actions independent of trust in specific politicians.";"Journal Article";2003;"H. Reinders";"Politische Sozialisation in der Adoleszenz. Eine Re-Interpretation quantitativer Längsschnittuntersuchungen in Deutschland. = Political sozialization in adolescence. A re-interpretation of quantitative longitudinal research in Germany";"Zeitschrift für Entwicklungspsychologie und Pädagogische Psychologie";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2123;"This contribution focuses on the effects of community service on the likelihood of political participation in adolescence. The main assumption is that experiences made during specific kinds of community service help adolescents to face unsolved social problems and to develop their own ideological point of view. When doing service adolescents will experience themselves more readily as active members of their society. Both kinds of experience are supposed to enhance the adolescents prosocial behavior and in turn their likelihood of political participation. The 'theory on community service' is tested with longitudinal data from two US-American high schools with three cohorts totaling 620 participants. Addintionally, two national representive sample of German Youth (N=4074 and N=2515) were analysed with regard to the relationship between community service experience and political involvement Results indicate that service experiences in direct interaction with people in obvious state of need initiates a process of personality development that leads to a higher likelihood of prosocial behaviour as well as to intended political participation.";"Journal Article";2005;"H. Reinders and J. Youniss";"Gemeinnützige Tätigkeit und politische Partizipations-bereitschaft bei amerikanischen und deutschen Jugendlichen. = Community Service and Political Participation of American and German: Adolescents";"Psychologie in Erziehung und Unterricht";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2124;"The industrialized countries of Europe, North America, and Asia are now well into a period of economic transformation that appears to be as profound in its social effects as the Industrial Revolution itself. As strategies of production and distribution change dramatically, and as the movement of people and goods across national borders accelerates, the conditions in which adults live and children are raised are shifting. No groups in society are more profoundly affected by these changes than are adolescents and young adults, who are themselves in a period of personal transition from childhood to adulthood, from appropriate dependence on others to responsibility for the welfare of others, from preparation for future economic and civic participation to actual participation. Although young people are spending more time in education and training institutions, these may not be the only, perhaps not even the most important, agencies of passage from childhood to adulthood. This chapter discusses the child to adult transition of youth in postindustrial societies.";"Book Section";2004;"L. B. Resnick and A.-N. Perret-Clermont";"Prospects for Youth in Postindustrial Societies";"Joining society: Social interaction and learning in adolescence and youth.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2125;"This paper argues that the evidence from research among young people in post-communist countries vindicates and should consolidate confidence in the Western sociology of youth's conventional transitions paradigm which seeks links between social origins, routes and destinations. The relevant evidence also confirms the primacy of education-to-work and family/housing life stage transitions. Other aspects of young people's lives - their uses of leisure, levels and patterns of social and political participation, and socio-political attitudes, and the stages that they have reached, vis-à-vis their school-to-work and family and housing transitions. The paper proceeds to argue that the exceptionally thorough changes that are still in process in East-Central Europe and the former USSR reveal with exceptional clarity the processes whereby young people's life chances are structured in ways that are not of the individuals' own making. Finally, it is argued that the sociological approach being advocated is uniquely able to use the evidence from young people as a window through which to identify the impact of the ongoing macro-changes in former communist countries among different socio-demographic groups in the wider populations.";"Journal Article";2003;"K. Roberts";"Change and continuity in youth transitions in Eastern Europe: Lessons for Western sociology";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2126;"Digital social networks have attracted the attention of a growing number of specialists. The use of digital tools such as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube to express socio-political demands or to perform protest actions has become a central issue for social science today. However, few studies analyse the factors behind this phenomenon using explanatory models based on analytical sociology and rational action. In this article, we take steps in this direction and study the socio-political use of social networks based on a methodological individualism model. Through an analysis of structural equations, we analyse how the individual and social factors involved in the use of the social networks to ‘do’ politics relate to one another. We conclude that attitudes towards the political possibilities of the Internet constitute an essential factor for this kind of political action.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. M. Robles, C. Torres-Albero, M. Antino and S. De Marco";"The use of digital social networks from an analytical sociology perspective: The case of Spain";"Rationality and Society";"Spain";"CPP";"YT"
2128;"In the early twentieth century, American developmental citizenship presumed a gradual extension of rights based upon a naturalized trajectory that would lead individuals toward heterosexuality, gender complimentarity, and increasing social and political investment. Means changed dramatically through which psychological, pedagogical, and political discourses positioned adolescence, sexuality, and gender in relationship to national belonging. Yet compliance with gender and sexual normativity as a marker of successful adjustment into adulthood persisted as a powerful precondition to full citizenship. Figurative 'problem youth' were attacked in part because they threatened to expose exclusionary assumptions undergirding supposedly universal ideals in optimistic modern American democracy.";"Journal Article";2008;"D. Romesburg";"The tightrope of normalcy: Homosexuality, developmental citizenship, and American adolescence, 1890-1940";"Journal of Historical Sociology";;"CPP";"YT"
2129;"How do socialization experiences shape adolescent perceptions of and the performance of gender in political leadership roles? The authors examine a political simulation, Model United Nations, which attracts academically motivated students aspiring to elite roles in politics and government. Using observational and survey data, the authors explore adolescent behavior in the simulation as both a learning experience and as a reflection of students' perceptions of leadership behavior. Three critical observations emerge. First, the Model United Nations is a domain in which young women do not play an equal part. Female delegates take far fewer speaking turns. However, contextual factors, including membership on a committee that deals with less masculine issues and on a committee with a female chair, increase the likelihood of female turn-taking. Second, though participants come to the event with very similar motivations, young women leave less satisfied with their personal effectiveness than do young men. Finally, female delegates are judged less favorably by themselves and others and thus as less successful in the simulation. These findings have normative implications for the recruitment of young women to politics.";"Journal Article";2001;"C. S. Rosenthal, J. A. Rosenthal and J. Jones";"Preparing for elite participation simulations and the political socialization of adolescents";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2130;"Presents the results of a longitudinal study that focused on volunteering and factors throughout individuals' lives that might predict volunteer involvement. 105 participants completed measures of their volunteer involvement at 18 and 21 yrs of age. In addition, cognitive, social, adjustment, stress, and family data were collected from infancy through adolescence. Results indicated that most adolescents are involved in at least 1 volunteer activity. From 18 to 21 yrs of age, the likelihood of volunteering in a political activity increases significantly. In examining predictors of volunteering, results indicate that the strongest relations with volunteering are shown by adolescent factors including cognitive ability, family coherence, and membership in a prosocial organization (such as the Boy Scouts). Results support the notion that the social structure may be modified to provide incentives that increase volunteering.";"Journal Article";1998;"S. Rosenthal, C. Feiring and M. Lewis";"Political volunteering from late adolescence to young adulthood: Patterns and predictors";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2131;"Studied the effects of school experience and peer-group membership on the shaping of attitudes towards formal authority and the political world. Human Ss: 444 normal male and female Italian adolescents and adults (aged 14–19 yrs) (high school students and students at a technical institute and a professional institute). Ss were administered a questionnaire requiring ratings on a 5-point scale. Ss were asked to assess their scholastic performance, their school environment, their attitudes towards institutional authority, their identification with peer groups to which they belonged, and their political attitudes, knowledge, and participation. The results were factor analyzed. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1995;"M. Rubini and A. Palmonari";"Orientamenti verso le autorità formali e partecipazione politica degli adolescenti. = The attitudes of adolescents and young adults towards formal authority and political participation";"Giornale Italiano di Psicologia";"Italy";"CPP";"YT"
2132;"Sexual minority youth face many challenges in their daily lives. This article considers the barriers that hinder their opportunities for citizenship development in 3 key developmental domains: family, faith, and education. Theoretical perspectives on sexuality and citizenship provide a lens through which to view examples of settings in which sexual minority youth have created new spaces within which to explore their identities, develop community, and create social change. These settings include online communities for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth, and high school Gay-Straight Alliances.";"Journal Article";2002;"S. T. Russell";"Queer in America: Citizenship for sexual minority youth";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2133;"In the field of positive youth development programs, 'empowerment' is used interchangeably with youth activism, leadership, civic participation and self-efficacy. However, few studies have captured what empowerment means to young people in diverse contexts. This article explores how youth define and experience empowerment in youth-led organizations characterized by social justice goals: high school Gay-Straight Alliances (GSAs). Through focus group interviews, fifteen youth leaders of GSAs from different regions of California explain what they think empowerment means and how they became empowered through their involvement with the GSA. Youth describe three inter-related dimensions of empowerment: personal empowerment, relational empowerment, and strategic empowerment through having and using knowledge. When these three dimensions are experienced in combination, GSA leaders have the potential for individual and collective empowerment as agents of social change at school. By understanding these youth’s perspectives on the meanings of empowerment, this article clarifies the conceptual arena for future studies of socially marginalized youth and of positive youth development.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. T. Russell, A. Muraco, A. Subramaniam and C. Laub";"Youth empowerment and high school Gay-Straight Alliances";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2134;"This chapter describes the social transformations in young people's lives in the context and life worlds of Southeast Asian (SEA) youth. Examination of young people's experiences in these contexts will allow us to better understand their sense of self, as well as their relations with others. A description will also be given of the impact of social and economic demands on the youth's health, their forms of civic participation, as well as the assistance provided by groups and institutions to address the problems faced by the youth. By presenting an account of the current state of youth life within these contexts. The author hopes to provide a sense of how youth achieve a coordination of cultural dualities that exist in SEA life.";"Book Section";2002;"M. Santa Maria";"Youth in Southeast Asia: Living within the continuity of tradition and the turbulence of change";"The world's youth: Adolescence in eight regions of the globe.";"Philippines";"CPP";"YT"
2135;"Examined the impact of trust on juveniles' political involvement. Specifically, the study investigated the characteristics that trustworthy politicians must have in adolescents' eyes, and whether relevant inter-individual differences exist. Data were obtained from 215 juveniles (aged 16–20 yrs).";"Journal Article";2001;"M. K. W. Schweer and A. Erlemeyer";"Jugend, politik und vertrauen: Ein beitrag zur bedeutung von vertauen für das politische handeln jugendlicher. = Youth, politics and trust: A contribution to the meaning of trust for politically dealing with youth";"Gruppendynamik und Organisationsberatung";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2136;"Research has revealed that many people today are participating less in various kinds of shared endeavors than in the past, from unions and political parties to other sorts of voluntary membership organizations, and that voting rates are also dropping. However, levels of social and political participation also show variation according to nation and life context, with young people and ethnic minorities having been identified as particular groups that are at risk of social and political disengagement. While there has been a great deal of research on youth and minority participation in North America and some European countries, relatively little research on participation by young people and ethnic minorities has been conducted in Turkey. This chapter reports research which was conducted in Turkey as part of the PIDOP project, and focuses particularly on participation by Turkish, Roma, and Bulgarian resettler youth who are living in Turkey.";"Book Section";2015;"T. Şener";"Participation among Turkish, Roma, and Bulgarian resettler youth living in Turkey";"Political and civic engagement: Multidisciplinary perspectives.";"Turkey";"CPP";"YT"
2137;"This study intends to examine the environments and the characteristics of political participation of teenage political participation. The 2008 Candlelight Protests of Korea is used as the case of this study. Traditionally, teenagers in Korea have been known to disengage from political affairs because they are usually worn by intense academic challenge and competition. In that sense, participation of teenagers at such a large scale shown in the 2008 Candlelight Protests of Korea can only be explained as a huge shift in political preference of teenagers and conventional social norms. In that sense, the case of 2008 Candlelight Protests of Korea has shown great implications for the political potential of new media, which is capable of revolutionizing the political socialization patterns of youth. Survey results demonstrated that the Internet had become an important tool from which the teenagers collected political information and channels which they used to organize and mobilize. Numbers also showed that the degree of the youth’s sociopolitical interests were higher than the adult’s. Another notable fact found was that female students showed more aggressive involvement than male students and this could be explained by the difference in the Internet usage pattern between male and female students. In using media, adolescent girls displayed more relationship and objective-oriented behaviors than the boys.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Seongyi and C. Woo-Young";"Political participation of teenagers in the information era";"Social Science Computer Review";"Korea";"CPP";"YT"
2138;"The UN Convention on the Rights of Children (CRC), ratified by the majority of the countries of the world, is an international document that recognizes children and adolescents as worthy of citizenship and human rights. The CRC also attempts to provide a balance between children's nurturance (care and protection) and self-determination (participation) rights. Although there has been social cognitive research on children's understanding of rights, there has been little research examining adolescents' views of the specific rights they would expect to receive through citizenship. In addition, few studies have examined young people's views of the responsibilities inherent in citizenship. This article investigates adolescents' views of the rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Three hundred four adolescents, aged 13-18 years, were asked to rate the importance of various rights and responsibilities of citizenship. Findings indicated that adolescents' responses regarding rights reduced to two components, one related to entitlements (nurturance component of the CRC) and the other freedoms (self-determination/participation component of the CRC). Responsibilities consist of civic-oriented ones and polity-oriented responsibilities. Both components of rights (entitlements and freedoms) correlated significantly with civic-oriented forms of responsibilities; neither form of rights related to polity-oriented responsibilities. The two components of rights also related to the individual variables of age, parental education, ethnicity, and aspects of political self-concept. These results demonstrate the importance of research on the development of citizenship and also have implications for implementation of the CRC.";"Journal Article";2008;"L. R. Sherrod";"Adolescents' perceptions of rights as reflected in their views of citizenship";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2139;"In this concluding article we consider the definition and conceptualization of citizenship, why youth should be interested in citizenship, when developmentally should we as a society try to foster it, where in youth's lives should our efforts be placed, and the existence of potentially different needs and usefulness of different strategies in diverse populations of youth. In addressing the what, why, when, where, and who of citizenship development, we review the contributions to this issue as well as other literature. We conclude the chapter with a charge for future research.";"Journal Article";2002;"L. R. Sherrod, C. Flanagan and J. Youniss";"Dimensions of citizenship and opportunities for youth development: The what, why, when, where, and who of citizenship development";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2140;"The relationships between social change and individual development, on the one hand, and the rapid changes of social institutions produced by the unification of Germany, on the other, formed the background for the research reported in this chapter. The author traced the timing (age) at which psychosocial transitions during adolescence and early adulthood take place. More specifically, transitions representing 3 behavioral patterns were investigated: behavioral autonomy, romantic involvement, and socioinstitutional tasks (occupational preferences and political discussion). The study also investigated the relationship between adversities experienced during childhood and the timing of psychosocial transitions during adolescence. Several sets of data were used, including data from the 2 Shell Youth Studies of 13–19 yr olds from the former East and West Germany. In line with expectations, differences between the political regions were confined to those psychosocial transitions that have more or less obvious institutional underpinnings. The shared role of early adversities, which corresponds generally to earlier psychosocial transitions, was found, as expected. In sum, social change in Germany seems to have some profound effects on the pace of youthful psychosocial transitions.";"Book Section";2000;"R. K. Silbereisen";"German unification and adolescents' developmental timetables: Continuities and discontinuities";"Negotiating adolescence in times of social change.";"Germany";"CPP";"YT"
2141;"As a generational group, children and young people are rarely independent financial actors but are nonetheless active consumers of goods and services related to their social identities and enduring orientations to learning, work and community. Many young Australians, however, do not have adequate access to the financial resources that permit their engagement with youth cultures constructed around commodity consumption nor with services and activities that support their future workforce and civic participation. Furthermore, they negotiate this lack of provision in an overarching political climate that individualises responsibility for disadvantage and its outcomes. This paper draws on stories from over 70 young Australians (11–17) to illustrate how they experience and manage the economic demands of family, schooling and peer cultures. Their accounts add to the growing literature that demonstrates how young people mobilise material and discursive resources but also points to the need for social policy that addresses the multiple material, social, discursive and institutional barriers to their full social inclusion.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Skattebol";"'When the money's low': Economic participation among disadvantaged young Australians";"Children and Youth Services Review";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2142;"Against the background of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and increased internal ethnic tensions, violent demonstrations erupted between Arab and Jewish Israelis in Nazareth in October 2000. The nature of this riot participation, the congruence between motivation for political participation and actual riot activity, and different psychological outcomes across the two ethnic groups are examined. Results show that Arabs reported engaging more often in both nonviolent and violent riot activities than Jews. The majority of riot participants showed stable motivation-activity patterns. In terms of psychological consequences, only Jewish Israelis who engaged in nonviolent activities were spared distress, whereas all other groups expressed significant distress and symptoms after the riots, indicating different psychological consequences for the two ethnic groups.";"Journal Article";2003;"M. Slone";"The Nazareth Riots: Arab and Jewish Israeli Adolescents Pay a Different Psychological Price for Participation";"Journal of Conflict Resolution";"Israel";"CPP";"YT"
2143;"This paper uses the National Education Longitudinal Study (S. J. Ingels et al, 1989) national sample data from 25,000 8th graders to examine whether early investments in the social capital of young people produce greater political involvement and civic virtue in young adulthood. Parental involvement in a young person's life, youth religious involvement, and voluntary association participation were some of the forms of social capital hypothesized to influence adult political behavior. Structural equations modeling was used to trace the effects of the presence of social capital as early as the 8th grade year in shaping young adult political and civic behavior. The analysis shows that early extensive connections to others, close familial relationships, religious participation, and participation in extracurricular activities in one's youth are significant predictors of greater political and civic involvement in young adulthood.";"Journal Article";1999;"E. S. Smith";"The effects of investments in the social capital of youth on political and civic behavior in young adulthood: A longitudinal analysis";"Political Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2144;"Social capital is often described as a collective benefit engendered by generalised trust, civic participation, and mutual reciprocity. This feature of communities has been shown to associate with an assortment of health outcomes at several levels of analysis. The current study assesses the evidence for an association between area-level social capital and individual-level subjective health. Respondents participating in waves 8 (1998) and 9 (1999) of the British Household Panel Survey were identified and followed-up 5 years later in wave 13 (2003). Area social capital was measured by two aggregated survey items: social trust and civic participation. Multilevel logistic regression models were fitted to examine the association between area social capital indicators and individual poor self-rated health. Evidence for a protective association with current self-rated health was found for area social trust after controlling for individual characteristics, baseline self-rated health and individual social trust. There was no evidence for an association between area civic participation and self-rated health after adjustment. The findings of this study expand the literature on social capital and health through the use of longitudinal data and multilevel modelling techniques.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. W. Snelgrove, H. Pikhart and M. Stafford";"A multilevel analysis of social capital and self-rated health: Evidence from the British Household Panel Survey";"Social Science & Medicine";"Canada";"CPP";"YT"
2145;"The title of this chapter is a quote from a colleague of mine—an Oakland high school student. He was co-facilitating a workshop with a group of peers not long ago and told them, 'Phones aren't smart until you tell them what to do.' I asked him if I could use that phrase here, because I thought it so trenchantly captured the key themes I'll address in the pages that follow. The workshop took place at Youth Radio, a Peabody Award-winning youth-driven production company where I work. I am involved in a second line of work that is relevant to the activities presented in this chapter and the volume as a whole. In 2011, I joined the Youth and Participatory Politics Research Network, a project of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation. In 2010, I worked with Asha Richardson, who was 19 and an intern at the time, to launch a new program within Youth Radio: the Mobile Action Lab. In it, young people partner with professional designers and developers to create mobile apps. In the workshop I mentioned, members of the Mobile Action Lab were teaching a group of 18 teens how to use App Inventor, a tool that enables users with little to no background in computer programming to create apps that a on Android devices. The impetus for launching the Lab was the recognition that it's not enough for young people to use existing tools and platforms to produce and distribute their stories. The activity of civic app development described in these pages can be seen as a process of participatory politics. The work of Youth Radio's Mobile Action Lab is part of a growing movement to engage young people in efforts to design sites and software that support community engagement, transparency, and social justice. Though disparate in scope and pedagogical approach, these activities share a belief that young people are makers and not just users of technology, and that young people's activities and products have the potential to bring good to their own lives and communities.";"Book Section";2015;"E. Soep";"Phones aren't smart until you tell them what to do";"#youthaction: Becoming political in the digital age.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2146;"This article examines the impact of youth transition regimes (YTR) on the political participation strategies of young people from 26 locations in 12 European countries. The central hypothesis is that the way that youth transitions take place in different European contexts determines the position of youth as a group in the system of social relations that Bourdieu calls the ‘social space’. Depending upon this position, young people may be more inclined to participation through institutional channels or political protest, or, in contrast, remain inactive. Thus, the specific context of youth in each society (measured through the exposure to risk and vulnerability, the length of the pathway to adulthood and the role of the welfare state) plays a crucial role in defining young people's political action strategies. Multilevel logistic regression analysis using the MYPLACE survey, the specific operationalization of the YTR and other aggregate control variables reveal that YTR centrality is a very important contextual predictor for explaining different forms of political participation among young people in Europe.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Soler‐i‐Martí and M. Ferrer‐Fons";"Youth participation in context: The impact of youth transition regimes on political action strategies in Europe";"The Sociological Review";"Spain";"CPPAct";"YT"
2147;"Examined the relationship of intrapersonal and interactional empowerment with participation, and investigated how the cohesive nature of participatory activities influences intrapersonal and interactional empowerment. In Exp 1, 647 residents (aged 18–65+ yrs) completed interviews concerning community group membership, frequency of group participation during the previous 3 mo, individual civic participation, and intrapersonal and interactional empowerment. In Exp 2, 707 residents (aged 18–65+ yrs) completed interviews regarding: (1) organizational membership, organization participation, and individual civic participation; (2) sense of community; (3) intrapersonal empowerment; (4) interactional empowerment; (5) perceived involvement of institutions; and (6) social attributions. Results show that Ss who participated the most scored significantly higher on perceived leadership competency and political efficacy. Ss most connected in their communities scored significantly higher on perceived competence and political functioning.";"Journal Article";2001;"P. W. Speer, C. B. Jackson and N. A. Peterson";"The relationship between social cohesion and empowerment: Support and new implications for theory";"Health Education & Behavior";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2148;"What processes can offer young people a grasp on forms of collective decision-making rich enough to engage them as creative participants in the politics of their societies? The answer proposed in this chapter is contained in an outline for a craft apprenticeship in democratic citizenship. The ground for this proposal is first prepared by a general exploration of the related concepts of democracy and citizenship in historical, social and political terms.";"Book Section";1997;"T. Storrie";"Citizens or what?";"Youth in society: Contemporary theory, policy and practice.";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2149;"The effect of decentralisation reform on citizen happiness in the context of a developing country remains under-investigated. We study this effect by examining the experience of Indonesia. Data comes from the Indonesian Family Life Survey 2007 which comprises face-to-face interviews with the adult population in Indonesia (Nindividuals = 29,024, Ndistricts = 262). Multilevel analysis is used to examine the effect of fiscal and political decentralisation on citizen happiness, and shows that fiscal decentralisation is significantly associated with citizen happiness, while political decentralisation is not; these are robust to the inclusion of individual and district variables related to happiness. The findings suggest that decentralisation increases the happiness of citizens through the improved capacity of districts to deliver public services, rather than through the improved opportunities of citizens to engage in direct political participation.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Sujarwoto and G. Tampubolon";"Decentralisation and citizen happiness: A multilevel analysis of self-rated happiness in Indonesia";"Journal of Happiness Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2151;"According to Inglehart’s postmaterialist theory, young people brought up in periods of high economic and physical security, surrounded by better opportunities for education, are more likely to prioritise postmaterialist values. Postmaterialists are strongly inclined to support new forms of collective action and extra-institutional activity. Internet researchers have reported that internet users are mainly young, well educated and affluent, thus denoting a similarity to the demographic characteristics of postmaterialists. This article presents some evidence regarding the existence of postmaterialist values in the online realm of Greece, attempting to demonstrate how postmaterialism influences online and offline political activity. The findings indicate a trend on the part of young people to display a postmaterialist orientation, accompanied by a disinterest in traditional forms of political participation. Postmaterialism is positively associated with internet use and is a weak contributing factor to online and offline extra-institutional participation.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Theocharis";"Young people, political participation and online postmaterialism in Greece";"New Media & Society";"UK";"CPPAct";"YT"
2152;"Happiness economics has become an established field of research, and happiness and life satisfaction are increasingly considered important policy goals by governments around the globe. The Japanese government has recently started to follow this trend by regularly collecting data on personal happiness and its determinants through nationwide surveys since 2010. Analyzing data from the 2011 National Survey on Lifestyle Preferences, this paper has three aims: first, we use the Japanese happiness data to check for similarities and differences compared to well-known findings established in the international literature. Second, from a Japanese perspective we contribute to ongoing debates regarding inconclusive findings. Third, we analyze the happiness effects of the impact of the Great East Japan Earthquake of March 11. Overall, our results confirm the majority of determinants established by previous studies in the field of happiness economics, such as income, unemployment and marriage. But we find significant differences regarding the effects of entrepreneurship and political participation. Finally, we do not find a statistically significant nation-wide drop in happiness after the disaster of 11 March 2011, but we observe a spatial effect indicating that respondents living closer to the Fukushima prefecture are less happy after the disaster.";"Journal Article";2015;"T. Tiefenbach and F. Kohlbacher";"Happiness in Japan in times of upheaval: Empirical evidence from the National Survey on Lifestyle Preferences";"Journal of Happiness Studies";"Japan";"CPP";"YT"
2153;"Background: As neuropsychiatric disorders account for a great proportion of the total burden of disease in sub-Saharan Africa, depression is rapidly emerging as a public health issue in South Africa. Given the divisions enforced by a legacy of the apartheid spatial and economic policies, features of communities such as neighborhood-level social capital may play a critical role in depression. However, the extent to which neighborhood-level social capital is associated with depression in South Africa at the population-level is unknown. Methods: Data from the first wave of the South African National Income Dynamics Study (SA-NIDS) was used to examine the association between the neighborhood-level social capital and individual depression using multilevel regression models. Results: There was a negative association between neighborhood-level social capital and depression score with social trust and neighborhood preference accounting for this association. Structural social capital, namely civic participation, was not related to depression. Individual predictors, including social class, self-rated health status and education, were strong covariates of depression. Limitations: The cross-sectional design of the study limits our understanding of the temporal order of social capital and depression. Conclusions: In post-apartheid South Africa, low social capital remains an important social determinant of health, including depression outcome. This is in addition to individual determinants related to class such as unemployment, education and social class which play an important role in influencing depression. Further research utilizing a longitudinal study design is warranted to examine the association between social capital and depression in South Africa.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Tomita and J. K. Burns";"A multilevel analysis of association between neighborhood social capital and depression: Evidence from the first South African National Income Dynamics Study";"Journal of Affective Disorders";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2154;"the first section of this chapter will . . . address the question: what is the research evidence concerning elements of knowledge about social and political institutions [in adolescents] the second section will deal with research that considers the influence of general cognitive abilities or stages on political awareness / will address the question: what evidence is there that general stages of cognitive development can be applied to understanding adolescents' political and social knowledge and behavior the third section will deal with research on thinking specific to the domain of political or social institutions / answer the question: do teenagers develop ways of thinking specific to understanding social, political, or moral behavior a fourth section will link knowledge and experience to political attitudes and will answer the question: what do we know about adolescents' political attachments or alienation and their political participation or behavior the contexts and influences represented by family, school, mass media, and peers (often called the agents of socialization) will be considered in each section";"Book Section";1990;"J. Torney-Purta";"Youth in relation to social institutions";"At the threshold: The developing adolescent.";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2155;"This article is based on the assumption that the right to vote in national elections is not an essential dimension of citizenship for early adolescents as long as adolescents’ other competencies and attitudes are nurtured in their everyday settings. The article addresses the issue of children or early adolescents and their political and civic participation from three perspectives. First, it examines how human rights and action in community settings have been viewed across the several decades in which political socialization research has been conducted. The idea of emergent participatory citizenship for young adolescents is introduced. Second, the authors examine findings from survey research to determine whether the socialization and developmental experiences of the majority of early adolescents entering the twenty-first century have resulted in attitudes and skills appropriate to being full citizens. The third section examines studies using qualitative methodologies—observations and interviews—to show how the spaces for adolescents to exercise participatory and deliberative capabilities can be enhanced.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Torney-Purta and J.-A. Amadeo";"Participatory niches for emergent citizenship in early adolescence: An international perspective";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2157;"Three studies examined generational differences in life goals, concern for others, and civic orientation among American high school seniors (Monitoring the Future; N = 463,753, 1976–2008) and entering college students (The American Freshman; N = 8.7 million, 1966–2009). Compared to Baby Boomers (born 1946–1961) at the same age, GenX'ers (born 1962–1981) and Millennials (born after 1982) considered goals related to extrinsic values (money, image, fame) more important and those related to intrinsic values (self-acceptance, affiliation, community) less important. Concern for others (e.g., empathy for outgroups, charity donations, the importance of having a job worthwhile to society) declined slightly. Community service rose but was also increasingly required for high school graduation over the same time period. Civic orientation (e.g., interest in social problems, political participation, trust in government, taking action to help the environment and save energy) declined an average of d = −.34, with about half the decline occurring between GenX and the Millennials. Some of the largest declines appeared in taking action to help the environment. In most cases, Millennials slowed, though did not reverse, trends toward reduced community feeling begun by GenX. The results generally support the 'Generation Me' view of generational differences rather than the 'Generation We' or no change views.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. M. Twenge, W. K. Campbell and E. C. Freeman";"Generational differences in young adults' life goals, concern for others, and civic orientation, 1966–2009";"Journal of Personality and Social Psychology";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2158;"The aim of this research is to contribute to the growing literature on online political participation by seeking a better understanding of the social determinants of action that drive expressive political participation in Twitter. Our results revealed that social influence variables explain a significant portion of variance in online political participation independently from the antecedents identified by prior literature. While social identity and group norms were significantly related with political expressive participation in Twitter, subjective norms had no significant effect. Findings are discussed within the scope of Gezi Park protests and future research directions are suggested.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Varnali and V. Gorgulu";"A social influence perspective on expressive political participation in Twitter: The case of #OccupyGezi";"Information, Communication & Society";"Turkey";"CPP";"YT"
2159;"The article reviews the investigations and the literature especially in relation to civic participation of youth. Diverse definitions of this concept and its historical evolution in Chile are reviewed. This affects the consequences of civic participation in democratic societies, through the benefits that it contains for individuals and their communities. The fact that this participation could be different for young men and young women is also emphasized.";"Journal Article";2004;"E. Velásquez and L. Martínez";"Participación y Género: Desafíos Para el Desarrollo de una Política de Juventud en Chile. = Participation and Gender: Challenges to Development of Youth Policy in Chile";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"Chile";"CPP";"YT"
2160;"To date, reviews show inconclusive results on the association between social capital and mental health. Evidence that social capital can intentionally be promoted is also scarce. Promotion of social capital may impact post-conflict recovery through both increased social cohesion and better mental health. However, studies on community interventions and social capital have mostly relied on cross-sectional study designs. We present a longitudinal study in Rwanda on the effect on social capital and mental health of sociotherapy, a community-based psychosocial group intervention consisting of fifteen weekly group sessions. We hypothesized that the intervention would impact social capital and, as a result of that, mental health. We used a quasi-experimental study design with measurement points pre- and post-intervention and at eight months follow-up (2007–2008). Considering sex and living situation, we selected 100 adults for our experimental group. We formed a control group of 100 respondents with similar symptom score distribution, age, and sex from a random community sample in the same region. Mental health was assessed by use of the Self Reporting Questionnaire, and social capital through a locally adapted version of the short Adapted Social Capital Assessment Tool. It measures three elements of social capital: cognitive social capital, support, and civic participation. Latent growth models were used to examine whether effects of sociotherapy on mental health and social capital were related. Civic participation increased with 7% in the intervention group versus 2% in controls; mental health improved with 10% versus 5% (both: p < 0.001). Linear changes over time were not significantly correlated. Support and cognitive social capital did not show consistent changes. These findings hint at the possibility to foster social capital and simultaneously impact mental health. Further identification of pathways of influence may contribute to the designing of psychosocial interventions that effectively promote recovery in war-affected populations. Trial registration: Nederlands Trial Register 1120.";"Journal Article";2014;"F. Verduin, G. E. Smid, T. R. Wind and W. F. Scholte";"In search of links between social capital, mental health and sociotherapy: A longitudinal study in Rwanda";"Social Science & Medicine";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2161;"This paper examines the relationship between Internet use and political participation among Australian young people. Based on original survey data it demonstrates that there clearly exists a 'digital divide' amongst 18-34-year-old Australians, which is delineated on demographic characteristics of geography, education level, income level and occupational classification. While the Internet has far from replaced the traditional information sources of television and newspapers, it does, however, facilitate participation undertaken by already politically engaged young people. The Internet has fundamental importance in facilitating information sharing and organizing for young people involved in activist and community groups. The paper also provides case studies of two non-government, youth-oriented organizations with participatory Internet sites (Vibewire Youth Services and Inspire Foundation) to further explore the potential of Internet enhancement of young people's autonomous political spaces. One site provides Internet-only, youth-specific mental health services and has developed a portal for active community-based participation. It has won commendations for encouraging youth ownership of service provision and providing space for youth participation. The other site provides discussion and journalism for and by young people on a range of cultural, social and political issues. This site also engages in mainstream political issues through 'electiontracker', which provided four young people with the opportunity to join the mainstream media in following and reporting on the 2004 Australian federal election campaign. The focus in this paper on heterogenous acts of participation is able to expand our understanding of the democratizing potential of young people's Internet-based political practices.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. Vromen";"Australian young people's participatory practices and Internet use";"Information, Communication & Society";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2162;"The current paper presents results based on European Social Survey Round 2 data (2002-2004). The sample consisted of respondents from 24 countries; N = 45 681 (aged 15-100; M = 45.25). Several scales were used to meet the aim of the study: Schwartz's Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ), Social Trust Scale (STS), Trust in Institutions Scale (TIS), Political Participation Scale (PPS), Satisfaction with Life in General Scale. Participants were divided into 4 quadrants according to their PVQ scores on the dimensions openness to change vs. conservation and self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence. Results indicate that participants with self-transcendence orientation scored significantly higher in the Social Trust Scale (perceived honesty, objectivity, consistency, competence, and fairness in relationships between individuals), Trust in Social Institutions Scale (from national to international institutions), and also in the Political Participation Scale. These participants also perceived their lives as more satisfactory.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Výrost, M. Kentoš and D. Fedáková";"Value orientations as factors of social trust, political participation, and life satisfaction";"Studia Psychologica";"Slovak Republic";"CPP";"YT"
2163;"In The Tolerance Trap, Suzanna Danuta Walters takes on received wisdom about gay identities and gay rights, arguing that we are not 'almost there,' but on the contrary have settled for a watered-down goal of tolerance and acceptance rather than a robust claim to comprehensive civil rights. Indeed, we tolerate unpleasant realities: medicine with strong side effects, a long commute, an annoying relative. Drawing on a vast array of sources and sharing her own personal journey, Walters shows how the low bar of tolerance demeans rather than ennobles both gays and straights alike. Her fascinating examination covers the gains in political inclusion and the persistence of anti-gay laws, the easy-out sexual freedom of queer youth, and the suicides and murders of those in decidedly intolerant environments. She challenges both 'born this way' storylines, which root civil rights in biology, and 'God made me this way' arguments, which similarly situate sexuality as innate and impervious to decisions we make to shape it. A sharp and provocative cultural critique, this book deftly argues that a too-soon declaration of victory short-circuits full equality and deprives us all of the transformative possibilities of deep integration. Tolerance is not the end goal, but a dead end. In The Tolerance Trap, Walters presents a complicated snapshot of a world-shifting moment in American history— one that is both a wake-up call and a call to arms for anyone seeking genuine equality.";"Book";2014;"S. D. Walters";"The tolerance trap: How God, genes, and good intentions are sabotaging gay equality";;"US";"CPP";"YT"
2164;"With youth, in particular, there are perceptions of declining political interest; at the same time the world where normative democratic ideals were formed is rapidly changing. Globalization results in unclear boundaries between nation states. Consequentially corporations gain power, and advances in online technology make global communication all the more possible. Within such a context, the notion of political consumerism emerges and individual consumption is tied to the concept of citizenship. Young people's interest in non-traditional citizenship along with their strong online presence offers an opportunity to examine how organizations use the internet to address the young citizen-consumer. This paper presents results from a number of in-depth interviews with Web producers of UK-based youth organizations, and provides a look at how these organizations view political consumption in terms of their theoretical outlook and its application to their online presence. It concludes that issue-based campaigns see political consumerism as a new way forward for citizenship while others (those more tied to government) use it as a stepping stone to getting youth involved in more traditional arenas.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. Ward";"The online citizen-consumer: Addressing young people's political consumption through technology";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Netherlands";"CPP";"YT"
2165;"This article discusses Mapuche adolescents' everyday articulations of civic virtue and ethnic belonging by juxtaposing their participation in their communities, schooling and civil society at large. It situates the youth within the exclusionary practices of education and broader society, and in the context of Chile's recent history of expanding youth civic participation. Chile is a highly racialised country and indigenous pupils experience altogether different modalities of inclusion and belonging compared to non-indigenous peers. Focus groups and interviews conducted during 2007–2008 are drawn on to explore how ideals of civic belonging are negotiated by those on the margins of society as a result of their schooling experiences and exposure to worldwide youth cultures. The article questions the ability of national schooling to produce a consistent discourse regarding a culturally diverse citizenry given that its practices are on the whole exclusionary towards Mapuche pupils. I argue instead that Mapuche youth construct a notion of the ‘good citizen’ from their home communities which respond to, and discursively resist, society's exclusionary values.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Webb";"Re-working everyday concepts of civic virtue and ethnic belonging among indigenous youth in Chile";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2166;"Previous research efforts have developed and validated various scales potentially useful in evaluating service learning outcomes. The developmental efforts reported for the four scales examined in this study did not include the test-retest reliabilities that would provide assurance to service learning researchers of the long-term stability and therefore usefulness of these measures. Summary estimates of 13-wk. test-retest reliabilities for the scales Civic Participation, Self-efficacy Toward Service, Attitude Toward Helping Others, and College Education's Role in Addressing Social Issues provide service learning researchers with evidence of stability of the scales over the typical duration of service learning courses.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. E. Weber, P. S. Weber and M. A. Young";"Measuring service learning outcomes: Test-retest reliability of four scales";"Psychological Reports";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2167;"The importance of politics to young people in Northern Ireland, their knowledge of basics like voting age, the salience of politics in their families, and their interest in participating eventually themselves were investigated in this study of 173 17-yr-old Protestants (n = 68) and Catholics (n = 105) in Belfast, Northern Ireland. Whether or not they saw a future for themselves in Northern Ireland was found to be related to their perceptions of the fairness or unfairness of the system, and these were both mediated by their feelings of national identity. Ss who thought of themselves as British or Irish were more likely to give higher ratings of importance to politics than those who characterized themselves as Northern Irish, Catholic, or Protestant; and those who identified themselves as Irish were more likely to do so than those who identified themselves as British. Cross-community contact was similar for both groups and was not related to attitudes toward politics.";"Journal Article";1998;"J. Whyte";"Young citizens in changing times: Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland";"Journal of Social Issues";"Ireland";"CPP";"YT"
2168;"This article reports some of the findings from the Pathways study which traced influences on the developmental pathways of adolescents and young adults in Belfast (Northern Ireland) and in Dublin (Republic of Ireland). Sample size was 130 aged 27 (66 male, 74 female) and 311 aged 17 (142 male, 169 female) most of whom had participated in earlier waves of the project at age 12. The study explored relationships between the participants' actual or intended involvement in politics and other factors, including family support, educational and occupational level, religious practice, and experience of the Troubles. The study concludes by looking at the relationship between these variables over time using a life-course approach within the socio-ecological model.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. Whyte and I. Schermbrucker";"Young People and Political Involvement in Northern Ireland";"Journal of Social Issues";"Ireland";"CPP";"YT"
2169;"In this study, a convenience sample of 373 citizens attending two medical clinics in central Sydney were surveyed about whether the general public has a legitimate role to play in informing priority setting in health care. Respondents were presented with three different levels of priority setting: across health care programmes, across medical procedures, and at a global level. To assist respondents in understanding the choices and trade-offs involved, they were given information about current levels of funding and the cost-effectiveness of each alternative. Respondents were asked whether they felt the preferences of the general public should be used to inform priority setting at each level. Of particular interest was the question of whether their willingness to use public preferences depended on the level of priority setting. Respondents were also asked about who else's preferences should be used to inform priority setting at each level. The results suggest that the public overwhelmingly want their preferences to inform priority-setting decisions in health care. This was seen to be particularly important in informing decisions about how to prioritise across broad health care programmes and about the criteria to be used to allocate funds across different population groups.";"Journal Article";2003;"V. Wiseman, G. Mooney, G. Berry and K. C. Tang";"Involving the general public in priority setting: Experiences from Australia";"Social Science & Medicine";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2170;"Approximately 1100 extreme sports participants were surveyed to identify the relationship between sensation seeking and gender on current civic participation, motivation for volunteer involvement, intention to participate in the future, and a preference for leadership. Sensation seeking was not helpful in identifying current civic involvement. However, sensation seekers reported a significant desire to work with activist and reform-oriented organizations. Females reported a significantly higher level of motivation for civic participation than males as well as a greater intention to volunteer in the future. Both male and female sensation seekers reported a preference for a leadership role.";"Journal Article";2008;"W. Wymer, D. Self and C. S. Findley";"Sensation seekers and civic participation: Exploring the influence of sensation seeking and gender on intention to lead and volunteer";"International Journal of Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Marketing";"Canada";"CPP";"YT"
2171;"International and national political agendas have prioritized children's issues in the past decade or so. However the nature of the commitment to children themselves participating in arrangements that affect them and their communities are highly ambiguous. Whilst children's voices have become progressively louder, the extent to which these voices are articulated within spaces for participation over which children can genuinely claim ownership are often compromised by political structures determined by adults. This article examines these participatory spaces for children within the civic or political realm. Drawing on two distinct cases of civic participation, the paper explores the ways that young participants understand their relationship to adult structures and negotiate their roles as representatives of children's interests.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. Wyness";"Children, young people and civic participation: Regulation and local diversity";"Educational Review";"UK";"CPP";"YT"
2172;"Using data from China's population-based 2000 census, this ecological study examined the association between gender equity and women's contraceptive use in 30 provinces. Five province-level indicators of gender equity were used: sex ratio at birth, health, employment, education, and political participation. With the exception of sex ratio, all indices were comprised of several components. The indicators and components were grouped into tertiles. Generalized linear models were used to examine the associations between these indicators and contraceptive use. Provinces in the middle tertile of political participation had higher prevalence of contraceptive use than those in the lowest tertile (β = 0.27, 95% CI: 0.02–0.52, p < 0.034). Compared to regions in the lowest tertile, regions in the highest tertile of the proportion of females in provincial-level parties and government (β = 0.25, 95% CI: 0.04–0.46, p < 0.020) and middle tertile of female employment in all the economic activities except agriculture, industry and construction (β = 0.25, 95% CI: 0.04–0.46, p < 0.021) had a higher prevalence of contraceptive use. Regions in the middle tertile of female illiteracy (β = −0.25, 95% CI: −0.42–0.07, p < 0.006) had a lower prevalence of use of contraceptives than those in the lowest tertile. The authors of this study found mixed evidence of an association between gender equity and contraceptive use in China.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Xu, R. J. Bentley and A. M. Kavanagh";"Gender equity and contraceptive use in China: An ecological analysis";"Women & Health";"Australia";"CPP";"YT"
2173;"Responses from a nationally representative sample of 13,000 high school seniors were analyzed to identify predictors of normative, unconventional, and deviant orientations among youth. Normative orientation was indexed using indicators of conventional political involvement (e.g., voting), religious attendance, and importance of religion. Unconventional orientation was indexed with unconventional political involvement (e.g., boycotting). Deviance was measured through marijuana use. Frequency of community service substantially increased predictability of these variables over and above background characteristics and part-time work involvement. Involvement in most types of school-based extracurricular activities was positively associated with doing service, as was moderate part-time work. Background characteristics of attending Catholic school, being female, having high socioeconomic status, and coming from an intact family also predicted service involvement. Results are discussed in terms of a theory of social-historical identity development, suggesting that community service affords youth a developmental opportunity to partake of traditions that transcend the material moment and existential present.";"Journal Article";1999;"J. Youniss, J. A. McLellan, Y. Su and M. Yates";"The role of community service in identity development: Normative, unconventional, and deviant orientations";"Journal of Adolescent Research";"US";"CPP";"YT"
2174;"In addition to canonical political actions, political consumerism, i.e. using market purchases to express political and societal concerns, is becoming a new form of political participation, and it varies significantly among societies. Two society‐level distinctions would account for such variations: the level of political freedom and the level of economic development. Using data from the 2004 International Social Survey Program, multilevel models estimate the effects of both individual and structural factors on individuals’ political consumerism, i.e. boycotting certain products, across 21 countries (n = 30 666). Political consumerism takes place in affluent countries with lower levels of political rights but higher levels of civil liberties. Individual‐level political media uses, political orientation and demographics account for boycott behaviours as well. Furthermore, canonical discriminant analysis differentiates political consumption from other types of political behaviours. The study reveals that political consumerism results from the impacts of both individual characteristics and societal determinants.";"Journal Article";2015;"X. Zhang";"‘Voting with dollars’: A cross‐polity and multilevel analysis of political consumerism";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"Hong Kong";"CPP";"YT"
2175;"The European Union (EU) has in the last decades proposed several policies to promote sustainable forms of energy production. This topic brings together environmental concerns and technological innovation, two domains traditionally seen as opposite. To help understand how the publics mobilize for this debate, we examined the Science & Technology (S&T) and Public Understanding of Science (PUS) 2010 Eurobarometer resorting to a multi-level approach. We examined the role of cultural aspects, like worldviews and institutional trust, and country-level distinctions, namely the stage of accession to EU. Results show that egalitarians are more supportive of solar energy and less supportive of nuclear energy than hierarchies, although support for both technologies is (positively) predicted mainly by institutional trust. Active involvement in S&T and Environmental matters relies mostly on awareness about environmental problems, but is also related to believing technology will provide inexhaustible resources. At the contextual-level, newer EU member-states are less supportive of solar energy, more supportive of nuclear energy and less actively engaged in civic participation than older member-states. The findings highlight the intricate liaison between environmental and technological matters in the public debate about energy production and bring to the fore the relevance of legal innovation as determinant of value change.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. Mouro, P. Castro, N. Kronberger and P. Duarte";"A multilevel approach to energy options across EU: The role of supra-national governance, values and trust";"Revue Internationale de Psychologie Sociale";"Portugal";"CPP";"Teens"
2176;"Discusses psychological and educational variables underlying adolescents' political attitudes and behaviors. Revolutionary character is discussed in relation to Merton typology of responses to anomia, and is described as the healthiest response. The role of teachers in helping children and adolescents move from authoritarian to revolutionary characteristics is emphasized. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1991;"E. A. Mata";"Adolescencia y política. = Adolescence and politics";"Acta Psiquiátrica y Psicológica de América Latina";;"CPP";"Teens"
2177;"During adolescence, individuals start to develop a civic identity that contributes toward defining their civic participation later on in adulthood. In developing their civic identity, adolescents start to reason with the topics of rights, duties, and responsibilities. The aim of this study is to analyze how some Italian adolescents (N = 134) conceive the concepts of rights and duties. Moreover, as some scholars—in reference to so-called individualist-focused cultures—assert that people tend to attach priority to their individual rights within an individualistic worldview and deemphasize duties, the aim is also to empirically identify this 'individualization of rights.' Results show that adolescents who define rights as 'are not limited by others' and as disjointed from the notion of duty tend to prioritize their personal rights (vs. other’s rights) in two rights dilemmas. This effect is partially mediated by the importance attached to egalitarian values.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Passini";"Adolescents' commonsense understanding of rights and duties: The effect of the individualization of rights on a rights dilemma";"Youth & Society";"Italy";"CPP";"Teens"
2178;"A prospective longitudinal study of 1,311 Norwegian pupils aged 13–19 yrs investigated possible links between normative and political opposition, mental health, and the use of cannabis. The group that experimented with cannabis and that used the drugs a few times was mainly characterized by a political and normative oppositional engagement. Heavy users of cannabis, however, also had family problems and suffered from poor mental health. The importance of distinguishing between 2 different clusters of longitudinal predictors for adolescent cannabis use is emphasized. The 1st cluster consists of subcultural opposition and certain personality traits, and seems to predict the earlier stages of use. The 2nd consists of psychosocial problems and poor mental health.";"Journal Article";1990;"W. Pedersen";"Adolescents initiating cannabis use: Cultural opposition or poor mental health?";"Journal of Adolescence";;"CPP";"Teens"
2179;"The National Household Education Survey, a nationally representative data set (N = 4,306 high school students and one parent of each), was analyzed to describe characteristics of adolescents, the nature of their service activities, and academic, behavioral and civic outcomes associated with service (voluntary compared to school-required and by type of service). Participation in any service is associated with positive outcomes whether service is voluntary or required. Adolescents who worked directly with individuals in need had better academic adjustment; those who worked for organizations had better civic outcomes than adolescents who performed other types of service. Findings are discussed in terms of their significance for adolescent development, educational policy, and the use of large national data sets to examine service participation.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. A. Schmidt, L. Shumow and H. Kackar";"Adolescents' participation in service activities and its impact on academic, behavioral, and civic outcomes";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2180;"Current knowledge emphasizes either a developmental or a cultural/contextual theoretical framework for understanding children’s approaches to the concepts of rights and participation. This study, carried out among 1,753 Israeli adolescents (ages 15–17), uses a socioecological perspective instead to understand children’s rights and participation. It examines adolescents’ approaches to their rights and participation at 4 ecological levels—family, school, community, and the larger sociopolitical system—as well as a number of possible child, family, and societal correlates. It also looks at the interactions between some of these correlates. The findings show that different correlates have different links with various ecological circles. For example, girls reported higher levels of participation in the family and at school, but no significant differences were found between boys and girls in their participation in the community and at civic-political levels. Israeli Palestinians reported higher levels of participation in their schools and at the civic-political level but lower levels of participation in the family and the community compared with their Jewish counterparts. The significant interaction effect between nation and gender showed that, among Arab students, there were larger gaps between boys and girls in the different participation domains than there were among Jewish students. Furthermore, higher rates of participation in the family and lower rates of civic participation were found among students from single-parent families. This study shows that employing an ecological framework to the efforts to understand children’s approaches to rights and participation is a first step in the right direction for fostering children’s rights and participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"A. Ben‐Arieh and S. Attar-Schwartz";"An ecological approach to children's rights and participation: Interrelationships and correlates of rights in different ecological systems";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"Israel";"CPP";"Teens"
2181;"Political scientists have found that one of the strongest predictors of political participation is political efficacy, the belief that individuals’ actions can influence political processes. Prior research indicates that political efficacy increases through various experiences, such as discussions of public issues, but it does not explain why or how these experiences support the development of political efficacy. To address this gap, this paper explores the broad set of factors that influence political efficacy amongst adolescents, who are at a crucial age for identity development. By analysing interview data from 32 high school students and questionnaire responses from 142 undergraduates, I found evidence to support a model that includes a wide variety of factors that contribute to political efficacy, such as persistence, political interest and political trust. Based on this empirical model, I provide practical recommendations to educators and researchers interested in preparing students for active political participation.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. L. M. Levy";"An empirical exploration of factors related to adolescents' political efficacy";"Educational Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2182;"[present] an outline of general assumptions that guide research on gender-specific forms of political socialization / the state of knowledge on gender and socialization is reconsidered, and a new perspective on the conceptualization of gender studies among children is presented [hypothesize] that girls are not less political than boys but differently political because of the localization of their experiences and life interests / [examine] the 'political culture' of 2 groups in Grades 3 and 5 as well as 4 and 6 at the 'Laborschule,' a progressive elementary and secondary school at Bielefeld [Germany] / [Ss were 9–12 yr old males and females]";"Book Section";1995;"J. Jacobi and J. Harrow";"Are girls less political than boys? Research strategies and concepts for gender studies on 9 to 12-year-olds";"Individualization in childhood and adolescence.";;"CPP";"Teens"
2184;"Examined the factors related to the high level of voter turnout among older adults (aged 55+ yrs) and how these factors have changed across the post 50 yrs. The study builds on previous research efforts by combining individual level analyses from 3 nationally representative surveys. The authors examined voter turnout among older citizens using the American National Election Studies (ANES) 1952-1996, the Current Population Studies (CPS) 1972-1996, and the General Social Surveys (GSS) 1972-1996. Logit regression identified significant factors that contribute to or detract from voting in presidential elections. Included in the extensive results, the authors found that being married, attending church, and contact by political operatives (since the 1980 election) contributed positively to older voters' turnout, whereas living in the South was a negative predictor.";"Journal Article";2001;"M. J. Turner, T. G. Shields and D. Sharp";"Changes and continuities in the determinants of older adults' voter turnout 1952-1996";"The Gerontologist";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2185;"This article discusses the types of citizenship education that are included in a sample of Japanese junior high school civics textbooks. Seven civics textbooks that have been authorized by the Ministry of Education for use in junior high school from the 2012 academic year were analysed in the context of fundamental issues in citizenship education and the national curriculum guidelines in Japan. In contrast to some previously published research, it is argued that the textbooks encourage, to a limited extent, active, participatory approaches by students with exercises and practical tasks to help students develop skills and gain the understanding required to live in contemporary society. It is suggested that the textbooks place some limitations on active learning especially in relation to students' political participation and that they reflect the struggle Japan is experiencing in the search for an inclusive national identity. Further work may serve to clarify the nature of potential contributions to citizenship education including that associated with students' involvement in whole school issues.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Mori and I. Davies";"Citizenship education in civics textbooks in the Japanese junior high school curriculum";"Asia Pacific Journal of Education";"UK";"CPP";"Teens"
2187;"What distinguishes adolescents who are active in community and political life from those who are not? In an attempt to answer this question, students in their last years of secondary school completed a measure of community and political activities, along with measures of parent and peer interactions, identity development, and adjustment. Cluster analysis of activities reported in the questionnaire identified 4 distinct groupings of adolescents: Activists (who had high levels of involvement in a wide range of political and community activities); Helpers (who were involved in helping individuals from their communities but not in political activities); Responders (who responded to but did not initiate helping or political activities); and Uninvolved adolescents. Comparisons revealed several differences among the groups in terms of parent and peer interactions, identity development, and adjustment, with the Activists and Helpers showing more frequent discussions with parents and peers, more advanced identity development, and better adjustment than the Responders and Uninvolved adolescents. Results are discussed with regard to the role that family and peers may play in fostering adolescents' community and political involvements and the relationship between involvement and the development of adolescent identity.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. M. Pancer, M. Pratt, B. Hunsberger and S. Alisat";"Community and political involvement in adolescence: What distinguishes the activists from the uninvolved?";"Journal of Community Psychology";"Canada";"CPP";"Teens"
2188;"In response to what some see as a crisis in civic attitudes and participation, there has been a reinvigorated effort to involve high school students in school-based community activities and in less formal, volunteer community service. Yet little is known about the extent of participation or its effects. Using a nationally representative sample of 9th–12th graders from 1996, the authors document a high participation rate but also note that many students perform service only once or twice a year and in limited capacities. Participation rates are related to certain student, family, and school characteristics; school policies are also significant, though arranging but not requiring participation may be the key. Participation appears to stimulate greater political knowledge, more political discussions with parents, enhanced participation skills, and higher political efficacy, but not more tolerance of diversity.";"Journal Article";2000;"R. G. Niemi, M. A. Hepburn and C. Chapman";"Community service by high school students: A cure for civic ills?";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2189;"This article defines cross-nativity intermarriage in four generations of Canadians and explores whether cross-nativity partnering is associated with political assimilation—in this case, similarity in voting and political activities between immigrants with native-born partners and third-plus-generation immigrants. We find that foreign-born residents with Canadian-born partners do not differ from third-plus-generation residents who have Canadian-born partners in their propensities to vote or in the number of political activities in which they participate. Conversely, the foreign-born with foreign-born partners are less likely than the third-plus generation to have voted in a previous federal election; if the foreign-born immigrated later in adolescence or in adulthood, they also are less likely to participate in other political activities. Differences in demographic and socioeconomic characteristics underlie the greater likelihood that second and third-plus generations will engage in political activities.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Boyd and A. Couture-Carron";"Cross-nativity partnering and the political participation of immigrant generations";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"Canada";"CPP";"Teens"
2190;"This study incorporates the perspective of deliberative democracy in proposing a framework for evaluating relationships between civic education and political development. Findings support a conception of deliberative learning as a process in which interactive curricula result in the diffusion of discursive inclinations to families and peer groups. These orientations, in turn, foster receptivity to future opportunities for learning through news attention and primary-group discussion. Data were derived from an evaluation of high school curricula taught in conjunction with the 2002 election. Participation in deliberative instruction predicted the following behaviors one year later: news attention, issue salience, political discussion with parents and friends, size of discussion network, willingness to disagree and to listen to opponents, and testing out opinions in conversation.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. McDevitt and S. Kiousis";"Deliberative Learning: An Evaluative Approach to Interactive Civic Education";"Communication Education";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2191;"Since the early-2000s, deliberative democratic theory has influenced the debate on teaching. Proponents of deliberation in education have argued that deliberative communication as a teaching model enhances both subject knowledge and democratic virtues among students. However, empirical support for this assumption is weak. The aim of this article is to empirically test the assumptions made by the proponents of deliberative teaching. This study uses a field experimental research design. The study was carried out in a civics course in Swedish upper-secondary schools in both vocational programs and programs preparing students for ensuing studies. To some extent, the results support the hypothesis derived from deliberative theory. Deliberative teaching seems to enhance democratic virtues among students in vocational programs.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Andersson";"Deliberative teaching: Effects on students’ democratic virtues";"Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research";"Sweden";"CPP";"Teens"
2192;"This study of 4,057 students from 52 high schools in Chicago finds that a set of specific kinds of civic learning opportunities fosters notable improvements in students' commitments to civic participation. The study controls for demographic factors, preexisting civic commitments, and academic test scores. Prior large-scale studies that found limited impact from school-based civic education often did not focus on the content and style of the curriculum and instruction. Discussing civic and political issues with one's parents, extracurricular activities other than sports, and living in a civically responsive neighborhood also appear to meaningfully support this goal. Other school characteristics appear less influential.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. E. Kahne and S. E. Sporte";"Developing citizens: The impact of civic learning opportunities on students' commitment to civic participation";"American Educational Research Journal";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2194;"The study examined various measures of distress in a sample of 298 teenagers from Judea and Samaria, most of whom participated in resistance activities against the Gaza disengagement. Research findings indicate much higher distress levels in a range of measures compared to a similar sample of teenagers examined during the Arab uprising (Intifada) of 2000. A path analysis revealed that gender and level of involvement in the resistance were significant and direct predictors of distress. Ideological commitment, personal acquaintance with evacuees, residence in a setdement possibly slated for future evacuation, and physical presence during the evacuation, were all indirect predictors of distress, mostly due to their positive correlation with the level of involvement in resistance activities. The research findings point to the impact of processes in the political arena on the emotional health of these teenagers.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. Laufer and M. Shechori";"Distress levels among teenagers from Judea and Samaria who participated in resistance activities against disengagement from the Gaza Strip";"Megamot";;"CPP";"Teens"
2195;"Objectives: To examine whether area level socioeconomic disadvantage and social capital have different relations with women's and men's self rated health. Methods: The study used data from 15,112 respondents to the 1998 Tasmanian (Australia) healthy communities study (60% response rate) nested within 41 statistical local areas. Gender stratified analyses were conducted of the associations between the index of relative socioeconomic disadvantage (IRSD) and social capital (neighbourhood integration, neighbourhood alienation, neighbourhood safety, political participation, social trust, trust in institutions) and individual level self rated health using multilevel logistic regression analysis before (age only) and after adjustment for individual level confounders (marital status, indigenous status, income, education, occupation, smoking). The study also tested for interactions between gender and area level variables. Results: IRSD was associated with poor self rated health for women (age adjusted p<0.001) and men (age adjusted p<0.001), however, the estimates attenuated when adjusted for individual level variables. Political participation and neighbourhood safety were protective for women's self rated health but not for men's. Interactions between gender and political participation (p=0.010) and neighbourhood safety (p=0.023) were significant. Conclusions: These finding suggest that women may benefit more than men from higher levels of area social capital.";"Journal Article";2006;"A. M. Kavanagh, R. Bentley, G. Turrell, D. H. Broom and S. V. Subramanian";"Does gender modify associations between self rated health and the social and economic characteristics of local environments?";"Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health";"Australia";"CPP";"Teens"
2197;"Examined social class effects in the political socialization found in education relative to individual participation in noninstitutionalized politics. It is proposed that education reinforces the family socialization of class position initiated in the home, and that the class-related structure of education produces a sense of political efficacy among students. An analysis of data from a nationwide longitudinal survey of 1,063 parent–high school senior (offspring) pairs showed that political efficacy, being a leader in school organizations, taking college preparatory courses, and attending school in an urban setting encourage later activism among students from families with moderate to high levels of SES. Being female or a member of a racial minority decreased the likelihood of political efficacy.";"Journal Article";1991;"R. Paulsen";"Education, social class, and participation in collective action";"Sociology of Education";"US";"CPPAct";"YT"
2198;"Examined the effect of perceived household crowding and gender on social attitudes of 800 adolescents (aged 14–18 yrs) in India as measured by questionnaires. The main effect of perceived household crowding was significant on attitudes towards home, religion and heterosexual relations. The interaction effects of perceived household crowding and sex were significant on attitudes towards religion. Ss with low crowding perception showed significantly modern attitudes towards home and religion but traditional attitudes towards education compared to Ss with high or moderate crowding perception. Males showed more modern attitudes towards heterosexual relations and political participation than females.";"Journal Article";1995;"M. Arora, P. Sinha and P. Khanna";"Effect of perceived household crowding and sex on social attitudes of the adolescents";"Psychological Studies";"India";"CPP";"Teens"
2199;"David Stern argues that some basic features of the American high school must be modified if it is to serve all students successfully. Citing two widely accepted public purposes of educating teenagers—preparation for civic participation and for economic self-sufficiency—Stern proposes four new strategies to achieve those goals. He draws on empirical evidence suggesting that these are promising directions for research and policy, but acknowledges that existing studies provide only limited guidance.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. Stern";"Expanding policy options for educating teenagers";"The Future of Children";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2201;"In this paper we intend to articulate a multidimensional perspective on citizenship with a psychological understanding of lesbian and gay identities' development in the context of a Southern European country: Portugal. We begin by reviewing some legal statements and institutional regulations around gay and lesbian issues and the lack of opportunities for the affirmation of a non-hegemonic (sexual) identity in Portugal. Next, we describe participation efforts developed by the Portuguese LGBT nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and the actual results that such efforts already produced in the political and cultural attitudes toward gay men and lesbians: particularly, the legal approval of domestic same-sex partnership is emphasized as a symbolic achievement of such political struggle. Finally, we explore the implications of communitarian participation for gay and lesbian identities' development, not just in terms of collective empowerment but also in what concerns individual development and well-being.";"Journal Article";2007;"N. S. Carneiro and I. Menezes";"From an oppressed citizenship to affirmative identities: Lesbian and gay political participation in Portugal";"Journal of Homosexuality";"Portugal";"CPP";"Teens"
2202;"This study explores whether boys and girls differ in their levels of political orientation and the extent to which race/ethnic heritage mediates such an association. We analyze survey data for 14,855 children across 20 states using a fixed-effects analytical technique that confines the children to their immediate environments. We find that girls surpass boys in political interest and activity, and this persists without a significant drop in teen years as might be expected. This pattern is evident whether political orientation is measured as a composite indicator or as discrete items tapping specific activities and opinions. Within subgroups, White and Native American girls consistently displayed higher levels of orientation than comparable boys. Among Black, Hispanic, and Asian Americans, observed advantages for girls attenuate with full specification of control variables; at worst, Black, Hispanic, and Asian girls are equally as political as comparable boys. These findings have implications for theorizing about political orientation in childhood.";"Journal Article";2003;"N. O. Alozie, J. Simon and B. D. Merrill";"Gender and political orientation in childhood";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2203;"Used crossnational survey data from 168 male and 113 female 10th graders in India and 298 male and 297 female 11th graders in the US to compare gender differences concerning political attitudes among adolescents. Gender gaps in attitudes on social and religious issues were similar and often quite small. Girls in India's traditional society held relatively nonstereotypical views. Gender gaps on questions of efficacy and trust were marginal. Results hold even when the authors controlled for urban vs rural environments. These findings are ascribed to the success of schools in India in fostering notions of equality and independence. In doing so, the schools have reduced the potential for persistent gender inequalities in political participation.";"Journal Article";1992;"S. Dash and R. Niemi";"Gender differences in political attitudes among adolescents in India and the United States";"Politics & the Individual";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2204;"This article examines whether gender influences the level of political interest, the perception of politics as a male sphere, and the belief in the importance of political participation. By looking at junior high students in four countries, we explore whether culture or level of economic development produce gendered patterns of political socialization. We conclude that girls valued participation in politics at least as much as boys, but that the perception was widespread that politics was a male sphere. The most surprising finding was that gender differences in all four countries were small and subtle in most areas examined.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. D. Mayer and H. M. Schmidt";"Gendered political socialization in four contexts: Political interest and values among junior high school students in China, Japan, Mexico, and the United States";"The Social Science Journal";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2208;"40 female and 46 male political activists (aged 14–18 yrs) completed questionnaires and the Bem Sex Role Inventory. Males and females described themselves as masculine; females also described themselves as feminine. Conservative males described themselves as most masculine and least feminine. Females were more likely to be active in feminist organizations and causes, to label themselves as feminists, and to describe their mothers as feminists. Females were more doubtful than males about mixing marriage, children, employment, and politics in the future. Females more often presented future family life as a source of limitation on their political futures compared to males.";"Journal Article";1990;"N. Romer";"Is political activism still a 'masculine' endeavor? Gender comparisons among high school political activists";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"CPPAct";"Teens"
2209;"Many studies have reported gaps between Latino and non-Latino adolescents in academic and political outcomes. The current study presents possible explanations for such gaps, both at the individual and school level. Hierarchical linear modeling is employed to examine data from 2,811 American ninth graders (approximately 14 years of age) who had participated in the IEA Civic Education study. Analyses of large data bases enable the consideration of individual characteristics and experiences, as well as the context of classrooms and schools. In comparison with non-Latino students, Latino adolescents report more positive attitudes toward immigrants' rights but have lower civic knowledge and expected civic participation. These differences were apparent even when controlling for language, country of birth, and political discussions with parents. School characteristics that explain a portion of this gap include open classroom climate and time devoted to study of political topics and democratic ideals. Results are discussed within the framework of developmental assets and political socialization. Implications for educational policy and ways to use large data sets are also discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Torney-Purta, C. H. Barber and B. Wilkenfeld";"Latino adolescents' civic development in the United States: Research results from the IEA civic education study";"Journal of Youth and Adolescence";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2210;"This chapter discusses how students at college-preparatory high schools in Taiwan have engaged with the island's political transformation from an authoritarian regime to democracy. The author first discusses the political involvement of Taiwan's high school students, including a brief historical overview of 20th-century student protest in China and of Taiwan's 1980s student movement. This provides an opportunity to discuss the ways students find to negotiate meanings within their highly structured school environments. The data for the chapter come from a study of 2 top girls' college-prep high schools, one in an urban setting and the other in a rural area. In conclusion, the author argues that Taiwan's status as an 'economic miracle,' the high value placed on educational credentials in Taiwan, and the importance of 'harmony' as an ideal are all factors affecting the level of political involvement by Taiwan's high school students and their willingness to challenge authority.";"Book Section";1999;"P. Strawn";"Learning politics in the crucible: The socialization of Taiwan high school students as citizens in a new democracy";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth.";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2211;"In 1974, not long after developing the first universal optical character recognition technology, Raymond Kurzweil struck up a conversation with a blind man on a flight. Kurzweil explained that he was searching for a use for his new software. The blind man expressed interest: One of the frustrating obstacles that blind people grappled with, he said, was that no computer program could translate text into speech. Inspired by this chance meeting, Kurzweil decided that he must put his new innovation to work to 'overcome this principal handicap of blindness.' By 1976, he had built a working prototype, which he dubbed the Kurzweil Reading Machine. This type of innovation demonstrated the possibilities of computers to dramatically improve the lives of people living with disabilities. In Making Computers Accessible, Elizabeth R. Petrick tells the compelling story of how computer engineers and corporations gradually became aware of the need to make computers accessible for all people. Motivated by user feedback and prompted by legislation such as the Americans with Disabilities Act, which offered the promise of equal rights via technological accommodation, companies developed sophisticated computerized devices and software to bridge the accessibility gap. People with disabilities, Petrick argues, are paradigmatic computer users, demonstrating the personal computer’s potential to augment human abilities and provide for new forms of social, professional, and political participation. Bridging the history of technology, science and technology studies, and disability studies, this book traces the psychological, cultural, and economic evolution of a consumer culture aimed at individuals with disabilities, who increasingly rely on personal computers to make their lives richer and more interconnected.";"Book";2015;"E. R. Petrick";"Making computers accessible: Disability rights and digital technology";"History of science, technology, and medicine";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2212;"Mass Media Effects Research: Advances Through Meta-Analysis brings together the findings of nearly seventy-five years of empirical media research. The volume editors have brought together an all-star list of scholars and researchers to contribute to this collection. Organized by theories, outcomes, and mass media campaigns, the chapters herein provide important insights on what current social science research reveals about media effects, addressing such timely topics as: Advertising on children and adolescents; Pornography; Violent video games and aggression; and Media use and political involvement. The final section of the volume features thought-provoking commentary from leading theorists, assessing the contributions--and limitations--of meta-analytic summaries in defining and advancing media theory and processes. Making a significant and singular contribution to the current media effects literature, Mass Media Effects Research is an essential resource volume for students, researchers, and graduate students in media effects, media psychology, and mass communication and society.";"Book";2007;"R. W. Preiss, B. M. Gayle, N. Burrell, M. Allen and J. Bryant";"Mass media effects research: Advances through meta-analysis";;"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2213;"The present study examines the psychometric properties (including factorial validity) of an organizational citizenship behavior (OCB) scale in a school context. A total of 321 middle and high school teachers from 59 schools in urban and rural areas of central Portugal completed the OCB scale at their schools. The confirmatory factor analysis validated a hierarchical model with four latent factors on the first level (altruism, conscientiousness, civic participation and courtesy) and a second order factor (OCB). The revised model fit with the data, χ²/gl = 1.97; CFI = .962; GFI = .952, RMSEA = .05. The proposed scale (comportamentos de cidadania organizacional em escolas- Revista CCOE-R)- is a valid instrument to assess teacher’s perceptions of OCB in their schools, allowing investigation at the organizational level of analysis.";"Journal Article";2014;"P. C. Neves, R. Paixão, M. Alarcão and A. D. Gomes";"Organizational citizenship behavior in schools: Validation of a questionnaire";"The Spanish Journal of Psychology";"Portugal";"CPP";"Teens"
2214;"Investigated whether 357 undergraduates would vote for and volunteer to work for the election campaign of a more qualified or less qualified presidential candidate, given the candidate's background and positions on 2 issues (pro-choice vs pro-life, in favor of vs opposed to tax increases to reduce federal deficit). Ss rated the candidate with more experience as more qualified and were more willing to vote for and volunteer to work for this candidate. Although inclination to vote for a candidate increased with each level of S–candidate agreement, only in the case of total agreement did Ss show any inclination to volunteer.";"Journal Article";1992;"P. Dorman and Y. Pasadeos";"Perception of political candidates based on their stand on abortion and taxes";"Psychological Reports";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2215;"Self- and other-ratings on the Big Five were used to predict political efficacy beliefs and political participation in two studies, using both cross-sectional and longitudinal data. Hierarchical regressions showed that personality traits contribute to political efficacy and participation, beyond the predictive value of socio-demographic variables. Structural equation modeling corroborated a mediational model in which Openness and Energy/Extraversion accounted for significant variance in political self-efficacy beliefs, which in turn accounted for political participation. Whereas both traits have concurrent validity, only Energy/Extraversion remained a significant distal predictor of adult political participation.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. Vecchione and G. V. Caprara";"Personality determinants of political participation: The contribution of traits and self-efficacy beliefs";"Personality and Individual Differences";"Italy";"CPP";"Teens"
2216;"This study focuses on the sex-political work undertaken by Wilhelm Reich in Berlin, between 1930 and 1933. Four aspects have been chosen to be exposed here: a) the Reichian project of joining together in a single organization, known as SEXPOL, diverse German groups that discussed issues relating to sexuality; b) the publications of sex-political connotation in which the author and his collaborators focused on themes related to childhood and adolescence; c) Reichian analysis dealing with the social function of sexual repression; d) the studies elaborated by Reich, by the light of Political Sexology, focused on Nazi-Fascism. Three sources of data were consulted: the main sex-political works by Reich published during the period 1930-1933; autobiographical reports and an interview in which the author, in the mature days of his work, reassessed his political participation in Europe; the works by some of the commentators who examined Reich’s Freudo-Marxian production.";"Journal Article";2009;"A. Bedani and P. Albertini";"Política e sexualidade na trajetória de Reich: Berlim (1930-1933). = Politics and sexuality in the trajectory of Reich: Berlim (1930-1933)";"Arquivos Brasileiros de Psicologia";"Brazil";"CPP";"Teens"
2218;"Political efficacy (PE) refers to perceived ability to participate in and influence the political system. It was suggested by J. McPherson et al (1977) that PE is composed of internal and external components. Internal PE represents perceptions of personal skills for political participation; external PE represents system responsiveness to individual concerns. In the present study, collective PE is proposed as a 3rd component of PE, and represents perceptions of system responsiveness to collective demands for change. 74 homeless or formerly homeless experimental and control Ss (all aged 16–62 yrs) completed measures of the 3 types of PE, and personal and social functioning, after the experimental Ss had formed a homeless union. Internal PE was related to self-esteem and self-efficacy. External PE appeared to be a component of political awareness. Collective PE helped explain why mobilization of people occurs.";"Journal Article";1994;"S. Yeich and R. Levine";"Political efficacy: Enhancing the construct and its relationship to mobilization of people";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2219;"Examined the role of extracurricular activities in predicting adult political behavior, controlling for personality characteristics and political attitudes that potentially select people into both extracurricular and political participation. The author used data from the senior cohort of High School and Beyond for the analysis. Logistic regression models were used to predict voting, working for a political campaign, donating money to a campaign, and attending a political gathering. The author also explored the issue of measurement error in the indicators for personality characteristics and political attitudes. Results show that instrumental extracurricular activities, such as student government, positively predict political involvement in early adulthood, net of self-efficacy, sociability, political interest, political awareness, and community leadership attitudes.";"Journal Article";1999;"J. L. Glanville";"Political socialization or selection? Adolescent extracurricular participation and political activity in early adulthood";"Social Science Quarterly";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2220;"Examined the relationship between an adolescent's personal competence (PRC) and their political involvement. Data were collected from 1,000 high school students. 868 of the original Ss completed a follow-up questionnaire 3 wks later. Focusing on self-esteem and locus-of-control, findings show that both dimensions of PRC affect affective, cognitive, and participatory modes of political involvement. Political salience was a crucial mediating influence on the PRC–political involvement linkage. PRC had little effect on the political orientations of those adolescents for whom politics was not salient. But when politics was salient, the influence of PRC was substantial. Adolescent's PRC acquired political significance to the extent that politics was a salient dimension of their psychological environment.";"Journal Article";1991;"E. G. Carmines";"Psychological antecendents of adolescent political involvement: Personal competence and political behavior";"International Journal of Adolescence and Youth";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2221;"This book presents certain aspects regarding the ways followed by sorrow, trauma, and their direct and indirect effects on the victims. The mixture of political persecution and deaths of innocent victims without any political participation other than being citizens produces what could be considered a sort of death by contiguity. Just being at a certain place, nearby that place, or looking like someone, is, according to the perception of the murderers enough to be killed. This also is a trivialization of death: It does not matter who is the victim; the error of the perpetrators does not matter. It is just another person or group being in the wrong place, at the wrong moment; a nobody without a name. The killer's action is just part of his/her job. From the perspective of someone that is not living the violent conflict in Colombia, war seems to have become a life situation creating another need for people: to learn how to live in war, how to avoid the conflict, what not to say, how to take care of themselves and of those that depend of others. That means developing defense mechanisms, 'just in case of,' because something could happen. The hardworking condition of the Colombian people helps them to prepare the actions necessary to palliate the harm, learning how to overcome fear, while living in fear.";"Book";2014;"S. Sacipa-Rodriguez and M. Montero";"Psychosocial approaches to peace-building in Colombia";"Peace psychology book series; ISSN: 2197-5779 (Print), 2197-5787 (Electronic)";"Colombia";"CPP";"Teens"
2222;"Readers are interested in political communication and the 20 Mass Communication and Society (MCS) provides articles of these requests. Eight of the top articles were about political communication, and five of those were about the role of new media in political discourse. The most viewed article studied college students’ use of online media for political decision making. Other political MCS articles included articles on the agenda setting, priming, and framing effects of political communication, on how media bias effects political participation, and on how television viewing influenced the political participation of teens. As in past years, articles examining some aspect of sex or sexuality were also heavily read which included articles on sexual objectification in music videos, examinations of sexual content in teen-centered films, a study on how portrayals of violence against women affected sexual violence attitudes, and portrayals of same-sex and heterosexual couples on TV. Ethnicity, media credibility, and parasocial relationships were other topics that gained some traction. It is important to examine this list to get an idea of what people are researching for their future research or in their college classes and graduate seminars.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. D. Perry";"Recent interest is highest for articles on political communication";"Mass Communication & Society";;"CPP";"Teens"
2223;"Research conducted on social networking sites (SNSs) offers scientists the opportunity to understand human social behavior and to use SNSs for experimental interventions, such as increasing civic participation. The number of studies and interventions conducted in SNS environments is growing. This article addresses two ethical and regulatory challenges: (i) whether adolescents who participate in such research through commercial portals, such as Facebook, should be categorized as children for regulatory purposes; and (ii) the extent to which researchers may collect data about SNS participants' Facebook 'friends' (FBFs). Lack of ethical guidance can stymie academic SNS research, potentially rendering academia irrelevant to an important domain of human activity. The private sector is charging ahead, creating de facto standards for data use that default to allowing commercial enterprises broad access to personally identifiable information and behavior. The goals of most academic research surely have as much social value as selling more products to SNS users. Providing marketers greater access than academic researchers to people's online information would be an ethically dubious outcome.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. B. Shapiro and P. N. Ossorio";"Regulation of online social network studies";"Science";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2224;"This chapter discusses new results from an eight-country study that for the first time compares the lives of children in immigrant families to those in native-born families regarding various aspects of their integration related to language, civic participation, education, employment, and housing. These dimensions reflect resources and strengths available to, and challenges confronting, children of immigrants and their families. Thus, this chapter provides important information for affluent countries experiencing rapid immigration as they consider public policies aimed at promoting the integration and well-being of children in immigrant families to help ensure that these children effectively participate in and contribute to the societies and broader economies of the countries where their parents have settled.";"Book Section";2012;"D. J. Hernandez";"Resources, strengths, and challenges for children in immigrant families in eight affluent countries";"Realizing the potential of immigrant youth.";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2226;"Investigated the relationship between the use of psychological therapy services and political activity among 101 lesbians (aged 22–53 yrs). Ss completed questionnaires on personal information, self-esteem, therapy issues, and political activity. Results showed that 85% of these Ss had been in therapy in the past or were currently in therapy. No relationship was found between number of times in therapy or duration of therapy and amount of organized political activity. Contrary to previous findings (C. Kitzinger and R. Perkins, 1993), lesbians who had been in therapy appeared to be somewhat more politically oriented than lesbians who had not been in therapy. Many lesbians who had been in therapy reported significant childhood and adolescent problems, including depression, eating disorders, childhood physical and sexual abuse, and parental mental illness. On the whole, self-esteem was high in this group, as was comfort level with sexual identity.";"Journal Article";1996;"M. J. Eliason and K. S. Morgan";"The relationship between therapy usage and political activity in lesbians";"Women & Therapy";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2227;"Based on a sample of tetrads (N = 839), including 16 year-old adolescents, their mothers, fathers, and same-sex friends, it was analyzed in which way the value social responsibility is related to adolescents’ readiness for different types of political participation. Results showed that social responsibility was positively linked to readiness for participation in legal protest actions. No relationships with readiness for participation in federal elections or with readiness for participation in illegal protest actions occurred, and a negative relationship with readiness for participation in political violent actions was found. In a second step, the socialization of the value social responsibility in the parents and peer context was the focus. Value similarities between adolescents, their parents and friends, as well as other contextual factors were considered. Multiple regression analyses revealed differential effects for male and female adolescents. In male adolescents, authoritative parenting and political discussions with parents were positively linked to social responsibility. Furthermore, peer-group membership had a negative impact. For female adolescents, significant value similarities with their parents, especially with their mothers, occurred. Value similarities with their friend were found in both gender groups, but appeared to be higher in the female group. Also, in both gender groups, a positive parent–child relationship quality was linked to higher social responsibility. In sum, findings show that parents as well as peer contextual factors were contributing to the adolescents’ value acquisition.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Schmid";"The value 'social responsibility' as a motivating factor for adolescents' readiness to participate in different types of political actions, and its socialization in parent and peer contexts";"Journal of Adolescence";"Austria";"CPP";"Teens"
2228;"Tested cognitive mobilization (CGM), structural role, and traditional socialization agent theories of political literacy, conceptualized as the potential for informed political participation. Analysis was based on M. K. Jennings and R. G. Niemi's 1965 and 1973 data from 1,062 parent–child pairs; children were high school seniors in 1965. CGM had the largest effect on political literacy, followed fairly closely by structural roles. Socialization agents had a minor effect. These findings partly support prevailing CGM explanations of this concept. However, self-selection caused much of the relationship between political literacy and education, making education's CGM potential smaller than most political scientists assumed. Political involvement and ability were the main sources of CGM, and education's spurious cross-sectional effect primarily reflected structural roles.";"Journal Article";1997;"C. A. Cassel and C. C. Lo";"Theories of political literacy";"Political Behavior";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2229;"Studied the influence of sociodemographic variables, socialization context, social adjustment and deviance, and political participation among adolescents in Spain. Human Ss included 7,580 normal male and female adolescents in Spain. Data on sociodemographic variables; social factors; and political participation intention, and type, and actual political participation were obtained from the data set of a larger study on the socialization context of Spanish adolescents (Psicotema 8, 1986). Factors associated with political participation included sexual tolerance, sexual equality, lack of personal satisfaction, neighborhood cohesion, heterosexual activity, sociability, consumption of illegal drugs, affective relationships with parents, group anti-normative behavior, and belief in God. Discriminant analysis and other statistical tests were used.";"Journal Article";1996;"D. Rodríguez, L. Mirón, A. Godás and G. Serrano";"Valores y participación política en los adolescentes españoles. = Values and participation in politics among Spanish adolescents";"Psicología Política";"Spain";"CPP";"Teens"
2230;"The educational system is assumed to facilitate our full participation in society by laying the foundation for participatory rights and possibilities and at the same time strengthening civil society by fostering its individuals into democratic citizens. The question is what the future may bring if continuous economic cutbacks in the educational system lead to diminishing resources for the teaching of values of liberal democracy and multiculturalism. I try to answer this question by focusing on how xenophobia among Swedish teenage school adolescents is related to other values in the democratic system. The empirical data are drawn from a national sample comprising more than 6000 adolescents between 14 and 15 years of age. I conclude that willingness to participate actively in the democratic process through both political participation and other legal action relates negatively to xenophobia, whereas willingness to undertake acts of civil disobedience and mistrust in the political institutions relate positively to xenophobia. These findings raise the question of what the educational system should focus on in trying to combat racism and xenophobia and of what will happen in the future in times of diminishing resources.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. Hjerm";"What the Future May Bring: Xenophobia among Swedish Adolescents";"Acta Sociologica";"Sweden";"CPP";"Teens"
2231;"We conducted an ecologic analysis of the relation between women's status and child well-being in the 50 United States. State-level women's status was assessed via four composite indices: women's political participation, economic autonomy, employment and earnings, and reproductive rights. Child well-being was measured via five outcomes: percentage of low birthweight babies, infant mortality, teen mortality, high school dropout rate, and teen birth rate. Higher state-level women's status on all indicators was associated with significantly better state-level child well-being in unadjusted analyses. Several associations remained significant after adjusting for income inequality and state racial composition. Women's political participation was associated with a significantly lower percentage of low birthweight babies (p < .001) and lower teen birth rates (p < .05). Women's employment and earnings was associated with lower infant mortality (p < .05) and teen birth rates (p < .05). More economic and social autonomy for women was associated with better child outcomes on all measures (p < .01 all). Greater reproductive rights were associated with significantly lower infant mortality (p < .01). We conclude that child well-being is worse in states where women have lower political, economic, and social status. Women's status is an important aspect of children's social context which may impact their well-being. Multi-level analyses of the association between state-level women's status and child well-being are needed.";"Journal Article";2006;"K. C. Koenen, A. Lincoln and A. Appleton";"Women's status and child well-being: A state-level analysis";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"CPP";"Teens"
2570;"In this article, the authors reflect on their collective engagements with community-based participatory action research (PAR) as part of a university—community partnership. The authors discuss both the transformative potential of PAR and the tensions that they struggle with in their praxis. The analysis raises questions of representation, accountability, and inclusion that are central to feminist and antiracist theory, critical pedagogy, community-based research, and social justice work. First, the authors discuss PAR by locating their position within this critical perspective. Second, the authors focus on research that the authors conducted with young people participating in the Mestizo Arts and Activism Collective of Salt Lake City, Utah. The authors identify key contributions of a liberatory PAR that may be of particular relevance to researchers who are working toward social change. To conclude, the authors identify the tensions and challenges in doing this work as a feminist praxis of 'critical hope,' 'where what could be is sought; where what has been, is critiqued; and where what is, is troubled.'";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Cahill, D. A. Q. Cerecer and M. Bradley";"‘‘Dreaming of . . . ’’: Reflections on participatory action research as a feminist praxis of critical hope";"Affilia: Journal of Women & Social Work";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2571;"This article reports on in-depth interviews with gay men about their experiences and understanding of depression. It is a key outcome of the collaboration between social researchers, general practitioners and community partners to investigate the management of depression in gay men in primary care settings. As part of the qualitative arm of the project in-depth interviews were conducted with 40 gay men in Sydney and Adelaide (Australia). The approach to discourse analysis is informed by Hallidayan systemic functional linguistics. Six constructions of depression were identified: (1) depression as a constellation of symptoms; (2) symptoms constructed as experience; (3) depression as agent; (4) depression as mental processes; (5) not meeting social expectations; and (6) engaging with psychiatric discourse: constructing alternative positions. Gay men draw on the biomedical model of depression as low mood and loss of pleasure as well as on constructions of depression in terms of social experience. The biomedical model of depression is, however, not positioned as unproblematic. Rather, gay men align or disalign with this discourse according to their own experience, thereby enacting diverse masculinities. Gay men’s discourses of depression are inextricably linked to the community activism of gay men and their community organizations in the context of the HIV epidemic, as well as a synergy between gay men and their doctors.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. Körner, C. Newman, L. Mao, M. R. Kidd, D. Saltman and S. Kippax";"‘The black dog just came and sat on my face and built a kennel’: Gay men making sense of ‘depression’";"Health: An Interdisciplinary Journal for the Social Study of Health, Illness and Medicine";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2572;"In South Africa, as elsewhere in the world, responses to HIV and AIDS have been accompanied by calls to ‘break the silence’ and to openly talk about aspects of intimate life, otherwise considered private. These calls have been followed by the production of new bodies of knowledge about sex, and projections of transparent sexualities. In this context, the concept of counselling has taken on particular significance in terms of re-conceptualising diverse institutional sites as places of education, advice giving and moral inculcation with a view toward behavioural change. In this paper, I trace a series of processes and practices of negotiation whereby in a big church in the city of Cape Town sexuality has been rendered an object of knowledgeability and inquiry. The same processes work as conditions of possibility for the emergence of counselling practices by facilitating the circulation of concepts such as ‘responsible relationships’, ‘responsible choices’ and so on through the sites of faith-based health activism. Adopted from public health discourse, but inflected by religious idioms, these concepts allowed for the dissemination of new vocabularies of sex in which counselling is construed as a key mechanism.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Burchardt";"‘Transparent sexualities’: Sexual openness, HIV disclosure and the governmentality of sexuality in South Africa";"Culture, Health & Sexuality";"Germany";"Act";"Youth"
2573;"This paper analyses the process of establishing a risk object—electromagnetic fields. This example will be used to examine risk categorisation as such, and to explore how individual and collective attempts to establish a new risk interact with health policy. We studied people who claim to suffer from electrohypersensitivity. We conducted participant observation and repeated interviews with 18 electro-hypersensitivity sufferers, and interviewed representatives of ‘patient’ organisations and health policy-makers in the Netherlands. In their attempts to trace particular outcomes (electro-hypersensitivity) to a specific risk factor (electromagnetic fields), we observed electro-hypersensitivity sufferers assembling complaints and complainants into a single illness category, distinguishing ‘real’ from ‘fake’ cases, and turning to measurement and experiments in order to show that others are at risk. Although electrohypersensitivity sufferers mimic scientific practices, they have thus far failed to have their illness recognised. To non-sufferers, electro-hypersensitivity remains a psychosomatic condition. This position entails a dual failure for electrohypersensitivity sufferers—they suffer from medically unexplained symptoms while identifying with a politically and medically unrecognised label. This very failure, however, provides perceived legitimacy for political activism. Although those who categorise themselves as having electro-hypersensitivity have failed to establish electromagnetic fields as a risk, their suffering is increasingly recognised. This partial recognition, we argue, is an attempt to depoliticise the issue.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. B. de Graaff and C. Bröer";"‘We are the canary in a coal mine’: Establishing a disease category and a new health risk";"Health, Risk & Society";"Netherlands";"Act";"Youth"
2574;"The author of this chapter discusses how her coming into the world as a black girl in Switzerland in the mid-twentieth century set the stage for a series of paradoxes revolving around race and gender that would continue throughout her life. Because of the limited number of spaces available at that time for African American students, her father, a veteran army officer, was in medical school there. After her father completed his medical degree, her family moved to Long Island, New York, where he practiced general medicine and later anesthesiology. As a youngster, accompanying him regularly on house calls acquainted the author with medicine at close hand. Having had this exposure at the impressionable age of seven or eight to her father helping families in crisis instilled in her a desire to be a physician. Maternal influences made a major impression on her as well. Her mother, her maternal aunt, and both of her grandmothers were community leaders and educators. Their academic and social expectations shaped her scholarly and professional choices. The author said she had been interested in psychiatry since her course in medical school on the subject. It was appealing to her because of the balance of biological and social sciences, appreciation of the life circumstances of the individual, and the complicated relationship between the body and mind. The focus in psychiatry on the social and environmental influences on individuals also resonated with her, given her socially conscious upbringing and membership in an age cohort where societal concerns and activism were common. Her choice to pursue community psychiatry, also known as public psychiatry, is yet another reflection of her commitment to work with underserved and disadvantaged populations. Typically, high proportions of the people served in the public psychiatry realm are low-income and/or from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds. It is the author's hope that this account of her life experiences from birth to the present has provided an explanation of how the three 'yarns' of race, gender, and profession are woven together. Psychiatrists from both genders and all backgrounds can build bridges across the boundaries of difference to provide high-quality, culturally appropriate care to all Americans. Investing in the leadership of more people of color, more women, and black women in particular, will contribute to these goals, all of which are in the nation's compelling interest.";"Book Section";2012;"A. B. Primm";"A community psychiatrist straddling worlds and bridging chasms";"Women in psychiatry: Personal perspectives.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2575;"This article outlines a theoretical framework for understanding deviance and deviance-management in a social movement context. Such a deviance perspective is useful because in striving for social change, activists challenge existing social norms and may readily be defined by their environments as 'outsiders' or deviants. However, activists also differ from traditional deviant groups. The article therefore conceptualizes activists as 'entrepreneurial deviants,' combining features of both moral entrepreneurs and deviants in society, as presented in Howard Becker’s classical theory. It is argued that in order to understand the strategies of deviance-management performed by activists, traditional notions of 'passing,' 'techniques of neutralization,' and : 'subculture' must be complemented by the concepts of 'confronting,' 'techniques of idealization,' and the forming of a 'transformative subculture.' Empirically, the article builds on a case study of animal rights activism in Sweden and the ways in which the activists counter stereotypes, which is interpreted as a form of deviance-management.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Lindblom and K. Jacobsson";"A deviance perspective on social movements: The case of animal rights activism";"Deviant Behavior";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2576;"This article addresses the important issue of intergenerational similarities and differences among women's rights activists. The authors examined the attitudes, emotions, and experiences of 3 generations of reproductive rights activists (n = 835), born between 1925 and 1975. Across generations, the participants were strongly pro-choice and identified as feminists. Despite these similarities, there were several differences that could be explained by considering the sociohistorical circumstances faced by each cohort. For example, the Civil Rights generation activists came of age during the boycotts and marches of the 1950s and showed the highest level of civil rights activism. Reflecting the coincidence of their young adulthood with the 1970s women's movement, the Protest generation activists identified the most with the label 'feminist.' Finally, the Post-women's movement activists, raised in the 1970s and 1980s, were the most likely to have taken college-level women's studies classes.";"Journal Article";2000;"L. E. Duncan and A. J. Stewart";"A generational analysis of women's rights activists";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2577;"Student activists have a long history of attempting to shape campus policy and programs, yet the ultimate power and decision making lies with campus administrators. Thus, in order to bring about positive changes student activists need to effectively influence administrators. Such a university hierarchy makes student activism a natural context for study in compliance gaining. This qualitative study linked cognitive processes of plans and planning to compliance-gaining message production. Results showed that strategy and tactic selection differed with negative strategies used only during bottom-up planning. Additionally, traditional approaches to studying planning were not always adequate to describe compliance-gaining communication. Thus we suggest a fourth approach: postconversational planning.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Barnett, R. Ropers-Huilman and L. Aaron";"A planning-process perspective on student activists' upward influence attempts to effect campus change";"Southern Communication Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2578;"This article shares some of the findings of a qualitative study of ex-militants in the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir. Men who have been involved in militancy were interviewed about their life experience and ideas. A significant theme that emerged through interpretive data analysis was that of an activist identity that evolved over time and life experience. In this regard, they were found to possess personal qualities and convictions that could be seen as valuable resources for social development and peace building.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. Sonpar";"A potential resource? Ex-militants in Jammu and Kashmir";"Intervention: International Journal of Mental Health, Psychosocial Work & Counselling in Areas of Armed Conflict";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2580;"The author discusses fieldwork in a working-class community in Belfast, the North of Ireland, at which she was engaged for over five years. Although the author was primarily working with children and young people during the first two years, she was also learning a great deal about the day-to-day lives of the women who live in the community. She spent many hours with the women and engaged in multiple forms of community work. Out of those experiences, nine local women decided to participate in a feminist participatory action research (PAR) project aimed at exploring issues that affect them as mothers, daughters, wives, partners, caregivers, and the primary stakeholders in community life. Together, they set up a series of workshops where the women engaged in numerous creative techniques and processes (e.g. collages, symbolic art, painting, and poetry) to reflect upon, and make meaning of, the way in which violence, gender, and politics mediate their lives. As part of the PAR project, they also designed a photovoice project aimed at documenting the women's daily lives through photography. The author's previous experiences of engaging in PAR (see McIntyre, 2000; McIntyre, 1997) demonstrated that participatory processes of reflection and action were effective approaches for exploring the relationships between people's everyday lives and the multiple contexts in which they live. Ritual marching, which has been used by the Protestant Orange Order since 1921 to express cultural, political, and sectarian identity, and loyalty to the British crown, has had a huge effect on the communities marched upon. Here the author discusses some of the protest she saw against the Protestant Orange Order marches and the impact of these marches on the lives of the people with who she lived and worked.";"Journal Article";2003;"A. McIntyre";"A Worm's Eye View of the Everyday: Insights from the Field";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2581;"The aim of this paper is to verify differences between environmental attitudes of children (8 to 12 years old) in the south of Brazil considering sex, school (public or private), city of residence and age. Also sought to understand the perception of children about the environmental attitudes. Considering this, the research was conducted in two stages: first, in a quantitative study (n = 1719), the Children's Environmental Attitudes Scale have been used and in the second stage, a qualitative study was conducted through three focus groups (n = 27). The outcomes reveals that children living in inner cities or those who attend public schools tend to develop more favorable environmental attitudes, as well as younger children. Children showed concern with the environmental crises and mentioned having environmental attitudes, either daily attitudes or activism.";"Journal Article";2013;"F. Galli, C. B. de Campos, L. M. Bedin and J. C. Sarriera";"Actitudes hacia el medio ambiente en la infancia: un análisis de niños del sur de Brasil Attitudes towards. = Attitudes towards the environment in childhood: A children analysis in southern Brazil";"Revista Latinoamericana de Psicología";"Brazil";"Act";"Youth"
2582;"New and ever-evolving ways in which young women access information and then act on this information challenge many traditional notions of being a citizen and participating in a school community. Faced with historical learning approaches and patriarchal leadership structures that may not align with increasingly globalized contexts, the contributions of young women can he stilled and underestimated. Changing times must prompt educators to reexamine what it means to be a citizen and active community member. Within these considerations, attention must be paid to the shifting duality of knowledge and power, as educators and young women alike seek to redefine the relationships between teacher, student, school, and the wider community. This chapter examines the complex notion of global citizenship and interrogates the concept of 'voice,' highlighting of the role voice can have in engaging young women as committed global citizens. The use of co-constructive pedagogies within learning communities is examined as a vehicle for creating democratic spaces in which young women can share in decision-making processes. Obligations for leaders working alongside young women in both educational and community settings are highlighted, and reflective questions are posed to encourage the engagement of alternative approaches to develop leadership and a sense of agency amongst young women.";"Book Section";2014;"R. McNae";"Activism and community engagement to promote girls and women: To have voice and choice";"Women interrupting, disrupting, and revolutionizing educational policy and practice.";"New Zealand";"Act";"Youth"
2583;"When I first heard that this book was being assembled, I felt compelled to write about my own experience and create a voice for myself and for people like me who struggle within margins. I wanted to reserve a place for myself within this space we call Asian/Pacific America. I wanted to speak out as a bisexual woman, a poor woman, a young woman, and a mixed-blood woman who has survived sexual violence. that I am a complex individual who is simply trying to change the world. I am a woman yelling from the sidelines, creating new narratives, bringing forth a new experience, using her power to transform and fight and bring beauty to this society.";"Book Section";2004;"W. M. Thompson";"Activism and identity through the word: A mixed-race woman claims her space";"Restoried selves: Autobiographies of Queer Asian/Pacific American activists.";;"Act";"Youth"
2584;"This chapter was originally published as 'Activism and Identity Through the Word: A Mixed-Race Woman Claims Her Space' in Restoried Selves (K. K. Kumashiro, ed.). Copyright© 2004 Kevin K. Kumashiro. Reprinted by permission. (The following abstract of the original article appeared in record [rid]2004-12475-015[/rid].) When I first heard that this book was being assembled, I felt compelled to write about my own experience and create a voice for myself and for people like me who struggle within margins. I wanted to reserve a place for myself within this space we call Asian/Pacific America. I wanted to speak out as a bisexual woman, a poor woman, a young woman, and a mixed-blood woman who has survived sexual violence. that I am a complex individual who is simply trying to change the world. I am a woman yelling from the sidelines, creating new narratives, bringing forth a new experience, using her power to transform and fight and bring beauty to this society.";"Book Section";2007;"W. M. Thompson";"Activism and Identity Through the Word: A Mixed-Race Woman Claims Her Space";"Sexualities & communication in everyday life: A reader.";;"Act";"Youth"
2585;"In this article, I use life histories of progressive activists to examine the class-inflected nature of activist identities. These life histories reveal three different conceptions of activist identity based primarily on the class origins of the narrators. Middle-class activists define their activism as a career, and their narratives depict a sequential and linear path to a new somewhat professionalized identity. Working-class activists conceive of their activism as a calling, and their narratives move backwards and forwards to an activism that links to and reinvents their working-class roots. Low-income activists make little distinction between their nonactivist and activist lives. They regard their activism as a way of life, and their related narratives combine episodes of collective action with stories of economic deprivation. Overall, this study demonstrates the utility of a more discursive understanding of identity talk, particularly for rethinking processes of recruitment to and participation in social movements.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. Valocchi";"Activism as a career, calling, and way of life";"Journal of Contemporary Ethnography";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2586;"Research suggests that school experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth are overwhelmingly negative and that anti-LGBTQ violence and victimization in school lead to both acute and chronic negative developmental outcomes for these youth. The counseling psychology profession is uniquely situated to address and ameliorate these negative environments by providing training and support to school counselors on LGBT youth and prevention education. This article describes a model developed in partnership between a community-based organization and a local University to train school counselors and other educational professionals to be agents of change within their own school community toward creating safer and supportive environments for LGBTQ youth.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. S. Whitman, S. S. Horn and C. J. Boyd";"Activism in the schools: Providing LGBTQ affirmative training to school counselors";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2587;"This article examines how members of a high school-based activist group compose Urgent Action Letters (UALs). In this genre of letter, the writer petitions a government official to uphold the human rights of a specific individual. Using tools of ethnography and discourse analysis, the article considers how group members employ the conventions of the UAL genre. By working in this genre, it is argued, members perform and learn to perform identities and emotions appropriate both for petitioning government officials and for affirming membership in the group. That is, the UAL genre functions for the group both as a means of pressuring governments and as a means of cultivating the identities and emotions of human rights activists.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Collin";"Activism, emotion, and genre: Young adults’ composition of Urgent Action Letters";"Linguistics and Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2588;"In this chapter, the author describes her journey in religious activism with a particular emphasis on motivating and teaching youth to respect themselves, improving their communities, creating products to uplift humanity, and espousing the need to have unified families. The author describes her work with a number of social organizations and publications.";"Book Section";2005;"S. R. A. Nur";"Activism: A Passion for Justice";"Muslim women activists in North America: Speaking for ourselves.";;"Act";"Youth"
2589;"This article offers observations from an ongoing action research project involving advocacy for public skateboarding facilities in Seattle, Washington to demonstrate both the need for, and the inherent limits to an ethical framework for action rooted in the Kantian moral imperative of treating all people as ‘ends and not means’. By tracing the ethical dilemmas arising from work seeking to advocate on behalf of young people through conventional urban politics, I argue that a ‘covenantal’ ethic should be extended not only to the action researcher’s research community, but also to those with whom we compete in the political arena. In support of this argument, I describe both the ethical problems arising from purporting to speak on behalf young people, and the difficulties in ethically seeking policy change through urban politics and planning—particularly given the tendencies for political debate to revolve around essentialized constructions of youth identities, and for urban planning processes to reinforce neighborhood level disparities in power.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Carr";"Activist research and city politics: Ethical lessons from youth-based public scholarship";"Action Research";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2590;"The present study aims to examine the personal stories of activists in radical peace organizations to understand their prejoining socialization experiences, their perception of the conflict and the changes they are trying to make, as well as the meaning of the activism for them. In-depth interviews with 16 female and male activists in 4 radical peace organizations were conducted in Israel, within the context of the Israeli-Palestinian intractable conflict. A qualitative content analysis of the interviews revealed that radical peace activists share certain prejoining socialization experiences that account for their collective activity. These include socialization in the family, social and political activities, exposure to alternative information about the conflict, and crucial life experiences. In addition, the activists share a common perception of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. They see it as an issue which has been repressed and disregarded by Israeli society. They share the common goal of solving the conflict peacefully and, therefore, they try to raise awareness in society of the conflictive reality. We observed that joining radical peace organizations provides activists with a new collective arena with which they can identify and in which they can act to express their unique values and beliefs, and finally adopt a new, distinctly activist identity. The findings contribute to a better understanding of peace activists’ collective action, undertaken with the knowledge that peace activists are at the forefront of attempts to make meaningful societal change.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Nasie, D. Bar-Tal and O. Shnaidman";"Activists in Israeli radical peace organizations: Their personal stories about joining and taking part in these organizations";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"Israel";"Act";"Youth"
2591;"During the summer of 1993, some 10,000 people, young and old, joined logging road blockades to protest the clear-cutting of old-growth temperate rainforest in Clayoquot Sound, British Columbia, Canada. By the end of the summer, more than 900 protestors had been arrested for acts of civil disobedience in refusing to leave the road. In subsequent mass trials, many were then convicted of criminal contempt of court and sentenced to jail terms and steep fines for their activism. Led primarily by women and espousing feminist principles of nonviolence and consensus decision making, the 1993 protests and Clayoquot Peace Camp became the focal point of an environmental movement that eventually spread far beyond the Sound. Framed by the field of adult learning in new social movements and environmental adult education, this article examines the history of Clayoquot Sound protest, its philosophy and practices of learning, education and activism, and its outcomes and significance to adult education.";"Journal Article";2007;"P. Walter";"Adult learning in new social movements: Environmental protest and the struggle for the Clayoquot Sound Rainforest";"Adult Education Quarterly";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2592;"This article focuses on consumer movements that seek ideological and cultural change. Building from a basis in New Social Movement (NSM) theory, we study these movements among anti-advertising, anti-Nike, and anti-GE food activists. We find activists' collective identity linked to an evangelical identity related to U.S. activism's religious roots. Our findings elucidate the value of spiritual and religious identities to gaining commitment, warn of the perils of preaching to the unconverted, and highlight movements that seek to transform the ideology and culture of consumerism. Conceiving mainstream consumers as ideological opponents inverts conventional NSM theories that view them as activists' clients.";"Journal Article";2004;"R. V. Kozinets and J. M. Handelman";"Adversaries of Consumption: Consumer Movements, Activism, and Ideology";"Journal of Consumer Research";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2593;"The low rate of breastfeeding among African American women in the United States is a poorly understood, persistent disparity. Our purpose in this study was to gain an understanding of how African American women experience breastfeeding in the context of their day-to-day lives. The Sequential-Consensual Qualitative Design (SCQD), a 3-stage qualitative methodology aimed at exploring the cultural, personal, and political context of phenomena, was used to explore the experiences of African American women who felt successful with breastfeeding. An integration of qualitative content analysis and Black feminist theory was used to analyze the data. Themes that emerged from Stage-2 data analysis included self-determination, spirituality and breastfeeding, and empowerment. In Stage 3 of the study, participant recommendations regarding breastfeeding promotion and support initiatives for African American breastfeeding were categorized into three themes, including engaging spheres of influence, sparking breastfeeding activism, and addressing images of the sexual breast vs. the nurturing breast.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Spencer, K. Wambach and E. W. Domain";"African American women’s breastfeeding experiences: Cultural, personal, and political voices";"Qualitative Health Research";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2594;"This chapter highlights the perspectives on protest held by people living in Africa. The sample included 292 individuals (146 females, 143 males) ages 18 to 74 from Algeria, Angola, Botswana, Egypt, Ghana, Nigeria, South Africa, and Zambia. Attitudes toward protest and responses to police brutality were assessed using two items from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Governmental Aggression and Peace Survey. Eighty-nine percent of all responses indicated support for the right to protest, while a mere 3% of all responses expressed disapproval of the right. Seven percent were coded for the perceived reality categories. In regard to the hypothetical police brutality scenario, 58% of the responses provided evidence of pro-social agency, while another 33% of the responses reflected a lack of agency, and 7% demonstrated antisocial agency.";"Book Section";2013;"G. Kibanja, L. Johnson, M. Dalley, N. Scruggs, J. Akhurst, A. Famose, H. Castanheira, E. Correia and W. Tastle";"African perspectives on peaceful social protests";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"Uganda";"Act";"Youth"
2595;"Using an ecological framework, this study investigated African- American fathers' use of five protective strategies to keep their preschool children safe from community violence. Father, child, and contextual predictors of fathers' protective strategies were also examined. In-depth interviews with 61 African-American Head Start fathers and father figures revealed that participants were most likely to adopt the strategy of monitoring and teaching personal safety, followed by teaching neighborhood survival tactics, reducing exposure to violent media, engaging in community activism, and instructing children to fight back. Overall, parenting practices, social support, and psychological functioning were the best predictors of these strategies, with one exception. Child's gender was the best predictor of the strategy 'reduce exposure to violent media,' with fathers of sons more likely to limit such exposure. Implications of these findings for researchers and practitioners are discussed.";"Journal Article";2003;"B. L. Letiecq and S. A. Koblinsky";"African-American Fathering of Young Children in Violent Neighborhoods: Paternal Protective Strategies and Their Predictors";"Fathering: A Journal of Theory, Research, and Practice about Men as Fathers";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2596;"The number of kidneys transplanted to people over age 70, both from living and cadaver donors, has increased steadily in the past two decades in the United States. Live kidney donation, on the rise for all age groups, opens up new dimensions of intergenerational relationship and medical responsibility when the transfer of organs is from younger to older people. There is little public knowledge or discussion of this phenomenon, in which the site of ethical judgment and activism about longevity and mortality is one's regard for the body of another and the substance of the body itself is ground for moral consideration about how kinship is 'done.' The clinic, patient, and patient's family together shape a bond between biological identity and human worth, a demand for an old age marked by somatic pliability and renewability, and a claim of responsibility that merges the 'right to live' and 'making live.' Live kidney transplantation joins genetic, reproductive, and pharmacological forms of social participation as one more technique linking ethics to intervention and the understanding of the arc of human life to clinical opportunity and consumption. Significant in this example is the medicocultural scripting of transplant choice that becomes a high-stakes obligation in which the long-term impacts on generational relations cannot be foreseen.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. R. Kaufman, A. J. Russ and J. K. Shim";"Aged bodies and kinship matters: The ethical field of kidney transplant";"American Ethnologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2597;"Same-sex sexual practices are illegal in Ethiopia; consequently, little is known about Ethiopian lesbians. We explored the lives of five Ethiopian lesbians in order to understand their sexuality from their perspectives. We were particularly interested in how they perceived their sexual identities and practices, the obstacles they faced, and how they coped with such obstacles. Three major themes emerged from their responses to a semi-structured questionnaire, which we analyze from radical, African feminist perspectives. First, these women consistently described the negative impact of Ethiopian laws on their lives. Second, all testified to experiences of sexual agency, despite repression. Finally, their responses revealed considerable diversity and fluidity regarding sexual desire, attraction, and sexual behavior, demonstrating the complexities of lesbian sexuality. We conclude with recommendations for future research and lesbian activism.";"Journal Article";2011;"B. Ephrem and A. M. White";"Agency and expression despite repression: A comparative study of five Ethiopian lesbians";"Journal of Lesbian Studies";"Ethiopia";"Act";"Youth"
2598;"This article examines the activism of two London-based women, Harriet Newcomb and Margaret Hodge, who founded and led the British Dominions Woman Suffrage Union from 1914. We show that through the BDWSU and affiliated organizations Newcomb and Hodge promoted the suffrage cause internationally as well as education and social reform in London. Of particular note is the fact that Newcomb and Hodge were aged in their sixties during this time of their frenetic activism. Thus we highlight the importance of their friendships with younger women and socialist feminist networks in supporting them to manage the physical dimensions of the aging process and sustain their political work in the immediate postwar era.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Whitehead and L. Trethewey";"Aging and activism in the context of the British Dominions Woman Suffrage Union, 1914-1922";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2600;"This study used qualitative research methods to explore the educational experiences of four African American women with disabilities, revealing how each participant developed a critical consciousness in response to the dominant ideology surrounding the discourses of African American, woman, and disabled. The development of a critical consciousness led participants to counter the oppressive nature of their educational experiences by engaging in acts of resistance. Recommendations are made with regard to how K-18 educators might support and capitalize upon students’ critical consciousness to facilitate equitable classroom communities.";"Journal Article";2009;"A. J. Petersen";"'Ain't nobody gonna get me down': An examination of the educational experiences of four African American women labeled with disabilities";"Equity & Excellence in Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2602;"Two studies explore assertive responding to everyday heterosexism. In Study 1, gay and bisexual men described their responses to heterosexism through diaries and focus groups. Negotiating interpersonal and social implications of their choices, participants favored a range of assertive responses with minimal expression of hostility. In Study 2, various confrontations (styled after diary descriptions) were delivered by an openly gay actor in a task group that included one heterosexual male participant (self-selecting as bystander or perpetrator). The actor’s confrontation style (nonassertive, nonhostile assertive, hostile assertive) had no differential impact on participants’ subsequent expressions of heterosexism; however, the nonhostile assertive actor did receive the best interpersonal ratings from participants. Results highlight the impactful interchange between targets and perpetrators in the context of everyday discrimination.";"Journal Article";2010;"L. L. Hyers";"Alternatives to silence in face-to-face encounters with everyday heterosexism: Activism on the interpersonal front";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2604;"This study was the first-ever experiment to test how ideal expressions in hypothetical online dating profiles and exposure to romantic media are related to profile attractiveness, romantic beliefs, and endorsement of ideal partner characteristics. The sample contained 249 undergraduate students from a small, southwestern university. The study is a one-way experiment, with five manipulations and one control group. Results revealed that exposure to the conditions featuring any ideal content produced stronger endorsement of romantic beliefs, but not ideal partner characteristics. Consuming romantic media predicted stronger endorsement of romantic beliefs and higher ratings of profile attractiveness. Results support the heuristic processing model of cultivation.";"Journal Article";2014;"V. Hefner and J. Kahn";"An experiment investigating the links among online dating profile attractiveness, ideal endorsement, and romantic media";"Computers in Human Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2605;"This qualitative pilot case study focuses on black male athletes at a major university in the United States of America (USA) and utilizes critical race theory (CRT) to understand their perspectives on race and athlete activism in the context of American society and sport. Our interviews with this important stakeholder group uncovered four themes related to their perceptions of race and athlete activism: 1) race is still an important issue in American society and sport; 2) knowledge about the activism of black athletes from the past is important; 3) differences in the mindset and attitude toward activism between current and past black athletes exist; and 4) black athletes have a responsibility to speak on social issues and causes today. These findings are discussed in terms of their implications for theory, research, and practice. In addition, future research directions are offered for scholars who are interested in diversity and social justice in the context of American higher education and college sport.";"Journal Article";2010;"K. Agyemang, J. N. Singer and J. DeLorme";"An exploratory study of black male college athletes’ perceptions on race and athlete activism";"International Review for the Sociology of Sport";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2606;"Social movements aimed at increasing rights for sexual minorities have mobilized in the United States and throughout the world, yet studies on why gays and lesbians from a variety of racial backgrounds join and participate in these collective actions are rare. To address this gap, this study used a survey to identify the key factors that inspired four types of gay and lesbian rights activism: voting, petition signing, protesting, and civil disobedience. After conducting an intersectional analysis on 285 self-identified gays and lesbians from throughout the U.S. of how gender, race, and framing factors impacted these political behaviors, this study concluded that the act of publicly revealing one’s sexual identity and experiencing heterosexist discrimination generally increased activism on the behalf of gay and lesbian rights (regardless of gender or race). However, race and gender differences were noted, as White lesbians were less likely to protest and vote than lesbians of color. For gay men, race was less crucial to activism but experiencing workplace discrimination and embracing an activist identity were especially relevant in predicting activist behaviors.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Swank and B. Fahs";"An intersectional analysis of gender and race for sexual minorities who engage in gay and lesbian rights activism";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2607;"This chapter is based on an interview I gave in 1999. Because the interviewer asked me to reflect on my experiences as a queer Asian American activist in high school, I thought it would he ideal to use the interview to put together my chapter for this book. I remember thinking, when I first began looking over the original interview transcript, that the whole story just had to he redone. There were many changes that I wanted to make. However, as I started thinking about how change and growth are ongoing processes, I realized that it would be wrong to revamp my story. These words are the thoughts and emotions that I had at the time of the interview. I am still young and have a lot to learn, but what I have recognized through life so far is that change is a fluid flow of development of myself and those around me.";"Book Section";2004;"P. Benjamin";"An interview with a high school activist";"Restoried selves: Autobiographies of Queer Asian/Pacific American activists.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2608;"This chapter presents an interview with Arn Chorn-Pond, an internationally recognized peace activist and former child soldier from Cambodia. His work now focuses on the revival of traditional music and art after the Khmer Rouge. His story of his own survival shows how important the arts can be to young people's ability to cope with extreme adversity and recover later from the trauma of war.";"Book Section";2012;"A. Chorn-Pond and M. Ungar";"An interview with Arn Chorn-Pond: Helping children in Cambodia through the revival of traditional music and art";"The social ecology of resilience: A handbook of theory and practice.";"Cambodia";"Act";"Youth"
2609;"The purpose of this paper was to compose the profile of active consumers in Greece during a period of rising prices taking into account shifts in their consumption. A survey was conducted from 1 September 2008 to 21 November 2008 to collect the primary data source for the study. Questionnaires were administered to 200 consumers. To our knowledge this was the first attempt to offer insight into the characteristics of the Greek consumer in a period of economic crisis. For this purpose, econometric analysis was employed. Empirical results suggested that high-income groups spend more for food commodities and are less likely to be active consumers. It was concluded that consumers have reduced spending for some basic and semi-luxury products like fruits, meat, alcohol, sweets and coffee, and entertainment activities. The main factor which affected the reaction to price increases, as expected, was the monthly private income. Twenty per cent of the consumers are members of a national consumer movement organization, and support their actions against rising prices. Women, who research the market before purchasing a product, are more likely than men to participate in economic boycotts. By examining the profile of non-active consumers and the reasons for their behaviour, we are able to propose a policy for the activation of the Greek consumer movement, which is necessary for the consumers’ resistance to rising prices. Taking into consideration that Greek consumers face increased prices for food commodities and services, a policy framework to activate consumers is among the main prerequisites for maintaining consumers’ well being. We suggest that the Greek Consumer Protection Institutes should regain consumers’ confidence and focus on the dissemination of information about organized economic boycotts.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Barda and E. Sardianou";"Analysing consumers' 'activism' in response to rising prices";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"Greece";"Act";"Youth"
2610;"During the last 30 years, supporters of the animal rights movement have questioned the use of animals for human benefit and have campaigned for improvements in their welfare. In the present study, activists' representations of animals and animal rights were investigated by interviewing 23 participants (from three animal welfare and animal rights organizations) during four focus-group discussions. Results show that the activists' representations were generated from the love/pain thema, which on the one hand showed the compassion and love the activists have for animals, and on the other hand the suffering that animals can endure. Moreover, differences were found in this study in the way that members of the three animal welfare and rights organizations constructed their views of animals. While members of two out of the three organizations aimed to protect abandoned animals, members of the Anti-Vivisection League faced the contradictions within the human-animal relationship and endorsed a more coherent approach to animals. These findings are interpreted in light of previous studies conducted on the animal rights movement and of recent developments in social representation theory.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. Pivetti";"Animal rights activists' representations of animals and animal rights: An exploratory study";"Anthrozoös";"Finland";"Act";"Youth"
2611;"System justification theory (SJT) posits that people are motivated to believe that the social system they live in is fair, desirable, and how it should be, especially in contexts that heighten the system justification motive. Past researchers have suggested that opposition to feminists may be motivated by the threat that feminism presents to the legitimacy of the status quo, but this hypothesis has not been tested empirically. In this article, we present three studies that directly test the idea that antifeminist backlash can be motivated by system justification. Studies 1 and 2 experimentally manipulated the SJ motive and a female target’s feminist identification (feminist vs. nonfeminist). Study 3 tested the hypothesis by measuring participants’ SJ motivation via an individual difference measure. Participants disagreed more with identical statements about gender issues made by the feminist target than the nonfeminist target, but only when the system justification motive was heightened (Study 2) or chronically high (Study 3).";"Journal Article";2014;"A. W. Y. Yeung, A. C. Kay and J. M. Peach";"Anti-feminist backlash: The role of system justification in the rejection of feminism";"Group Processes & Intergroup Relations";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2612;"In 2009, shortly after the election of the United States’ first black President, a new protest movement emerged. When some supporters of this new Tea Party Movement (TPM) expressed their ire with race-laden messages various commentators suggested that racism may be a major motive for TPM activism. Accordingly, this study draws on national survey data to examine the extent to which racial attitudes and conservative ideology are associated with self-declared membership in the TPM while controlling for contextual factors that have proven influential in other rightist movement research. Key findings reveal that aside from conservative political ideology, racial resentment is indeed among the strongest predictors of TPM membership. Supplemental analyses explore the extent to which conservatives differ from TPM members. The results show that very conservative individuals and TPM members evince similar attitudes. The findings are discussed in terms of contemporary race relations and the implications for future social movement research.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. Tope, J. T. Pickett and T. Chiricos";"Anti-minority attitudes and Tea Party Movement membership";"Social Science Research";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2613;"Debate over the role that young people should play in politics reflects different conceptions of childhood and adult concerns about loss of authority and political hegemony. Coverage of youth protests against the Second Iraq War by the British national press echoes adult discourse on the nature of childhood and exposes the limits set by adults on political activity by young people. Analysis of news-text and images reveals adult concerns about the political competence of youth, their susceptibility to adult manipulation and the requirement for social control. Adult approval of youth's right to protest was often conditional on the cause espoused.";"Journal Article";2005;"E. Such, O. Walker and R. Walker";"Anti-War Children: Representation of youth protests against the Second Iraq War in the British national press";"Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2614;"Rogers et al. invented the Empowerment Scale, and conducted a factor analysis, which found five factors: self-esteem, power, activism, righteous anger and optimism. Hata et al. translated this scale into Japanese and named it Empowerment Scale-J. They found that the score of the righteous anger factor does not have a significant correlation with the overall score of the Empowerment Score-J. With the aim of clarifying the characteristics of the Empowerment Scale-J, the purpose of the present study was to assess the levels of empowerment in 72 Japanese patients with chronic schizophrenia using the scale, and examine the relationship between the results of the scale and the results of the following two batteries: Social Adjustment Scale II (SAS II), and Expanded Attributional Style Questionnaire (EASQ; a questionnaire to assess some aspects of attitude toward negative circumstances). Four results were obtained as follows. No significant correlation was found between the score of righteous anger factor and overall score. No significant correlation was found between the Empowerment Scale-J score and the degree of social adjustment. Significant correlations were found between some subscales of Empowerment Scale-J and the degree of social adjustments: self-esteem and optimism, but inverse correlations were obtained between the power factor and the righteous anger factor and the degree of social adjustment. Results for the EASQ showed that subjects with a higher righteous anger score have a tendency opposite to that of subjects with higher social adjustment. On the basis of these results it is suggested that behavior related to the righteous anger among Japanese persons with schizophrenia may have some negative influence on their social adaptation and that in applying Empowerment scale-J attention should be paid to the significance of the righteous anger factor.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. Yamada and K. Suzuki";"Application of Empowerment Scale to patients with schizophrenia: Japanese experience";"Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences";"Japan";"Act";"Youth"
2616;"Explores the difficulties and importance of obtaining research data on attitudes of disability-rights activists. Methodological and pragmatic complexities and concerns in obtaining data from 161 people with disabilities (aged 17–73 yrs) who participated in the Americans Disabled for Assistance Programs Today (ADAPT) social action events, are discussed. ADAPT members are one of the groups most highly associated with identity politics of the disability-rights movement, they are also extremely mistrustful of outsiders who they fear may be interested in disrupting their activities. The authors discuss how sufficient trust and engagement was achieved to carry out this study without compromising sound research principles. Results suggest that this group of people with disabilities identifies closely with their disabilities and seems to adhere to a minority-group perspective. Many identified so closely with their disabilities at a personal level that they indicated that they would not choose to be cured even if this were 'magically' possible.";"Journal Article";2001;"H. Hahn and R. L. Beaulaurier";"Attitudes toward disabilities: A research note on activists with disabilities";"Journal of Disability Policy Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2617;"In the study reported in this chapter, Australian adults completed the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). Their attitudes regarding the following topics were documented: government aggression, individual rights to peace and protest, war, peace, and terrorism. What conclusions might be drawn then from the Australian participants' responses? Empirical data never exist in isolation but always exist within a context that pushes for interpretation. In this final section, I summarize the conclusions that I have drawn from the Australian sample's responses to the global survey of attitudes on peace and war. I believe these are consistent with the evidence. The most general conclusion is that there is widespread positive sentiment toward peace at all levels of Australian society. One could say that the evidence suggests Australian society is pacific in its expressed attitudes. Taken from a wide socioeconomic sample, there was no group that did not display positive sentiment for peace. It is important that this positive sentiment toward peace was evident also in those respondents who were serving in the military forces, although understandably the sentiment and opinions were often qualified. This result confounds the view sometimes expressed that pro-peace sentiments reflect the view of a radical elite or some subversive minority within Australian society. The pro-peace sentiment is indeed reflective of a wide cross-section of Australian society. A second conclusion is that there are aspects of the survey that suggest a need for peace education on a number of levels. There is a need for social education on: the sentiment for peace; Australia's own background; the way the appeal of war works; the nature of war and human society; the nature of the nation-state; the way nonviolence can work; and on encouraging a culture of peace.";"Book Section";2009;"J. Page";"Australia";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2618;"In this chapter we track the lineage of Mort's theoretical concept known as Awakening the Sense of Injustice (Deutsch, 1974) through our contemporary participatory research projects on critical consciousness and activism, among privileged and oppressed youth, living in a nation and globe littered with extremes of material and psychic privilege and insecurity. We demonstrate the ways that this approach, what we call public democratic science, unveils and provokes critical consciousness and action among those long marginalized and, most important for the purposes of this chapter, those long privileged. We consider PAR the methodological ally to Mort's theoretical work on Awakening a Sense of Injustice. In the end of the chapter, M. Deutsch offers comments on the current chapter detailing objectivity, injustice, and social change.";"Book Section";2011;"B. G. Stoudt, M. Fox and M. Fine";"Awakening injustice in a new century";"Conflict, interdependence, and justice: The intellectual legacy of Morton Deutsch.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2620;"This article documents the shared patterns of private white male discourse. Drawing from comparative ethnographic research in a white nationalist and a white antiracist organization, I analyze how white men engage in private discourse to reproduce coherent and valorized understandings of white masculinity. These private speech acts reinforce prevailing narratives about race and gender, reproduce understandings of segregation and paternalism as natural, and rationalize the expression of overt racism. This analysis illustrates how antagonistic forms of 'frontstage' white male activism may distract from white male identity management in the 'backstage.'";"Journal Article";2011;"M. W. Hughey";"Backstage discourse and the reproduction of White masculinities";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2621;"The Chrysalis Collective formed when a friend and member of our community experienced acquaintance rape by another local activist. We were a group of womyn and trans folk of color with experience organizing around reproductive justice, queer health, racial justice, gender justice, youth issues, immigration rights, and food justice. At that time, we didn't know how to build a Transformative Justice (TJ) collective, how to make Tom accountable, what TJ models already existed, or what our next steps might be. But we did believe in TJ as a path of individual and collective healing through community accountability, compassion, and commitment. This is the story of our process, what we did, how and why we did it, what worked, and what didn't. Our story won't apply to everyone, or perhaps even to anyone, but we hope our offering to this beautiful, difficult, and powerful movement for TJ will inspire the work folks do in their own communities.";"Book Section";2011;"Anonymous";"Beautiful, difficult, powerful: Ending sexual assault through transformative justice";"The revolution starts at home: Confronting intimate violence within activist communities.";;"Act";"Youth"
2622;"In the current article the authors have shared some brief reflections about our commitments and experiences as young feminists working in the context of the Americas. Today both dissident feminisms and universalist humanism inform our approach to the documentation and study of women's experiences, either as a group or as individual members of larger organizations, communities, and movements. These reflections are only a starting point for a deeper discussion of how thinking across these two movements has not only enriched our identities and practices but also pushed us to delve into the tensions and unease we have experienced in our relationship to so-called 'old' feminisms.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Muñoz-Proto and A. Devoto-Lyon";"Becoming women, humanists, feminists";"Feminism & Psychology";"Chile";"Act";"Youth"
2623;"Resala, Egypt’s largest volunteer-driven charity organization, engages in a range of activities, from distributing food in slums to visiting orphanages. Although its volunteers may appear to participate in a global moral economy of compassion, many of them articulate an Islamic voluntarism that contrasts with what they see as a Christian approach to suffering and with the more secular motivations of so much civic and humanitarian work today. Focusing on three Resala volunteers, I look at how Islam is imagined and mobilized to compel, make sense of, and justify giving in particular contexts and in practice. The volunteers’ stories reveal the multilayeredness of their ethics and trouble the link between compassion and voluntarism. By foregrounding religious duty, the volunteers offer insight into a nonliberal, nonhumanist ethics of voluntarism and question the centrality of compassion as a mobilizing force in the world and as an explanatory force in anthropology.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Mittermaier";"Beyond compassion: Islamic voluntarism in Egypt";"American Ethnologist";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2624;"This chapter is essentially an account of my life as a child psychotherapist, working beyond the threshold of clinical and consultative work in the later period of my professional career. I needed to move on to a more political level of activity, essentially to 'do something' about the unfavourable circumstances in which children, families and professionals alike lived. I also felt strongly that, whatever that political activity might be, it should be led not by conventional politicians or managers or policymakers but by clinicians—and preferably by clinicians with psychoanalytic knowledge. For me, YoungMinds was an expression or application of my knowledge of psychoanalysis.";"Book Section";2009;"P. Wilson";"Beyond consultation: Towards YoungMinds";"Through assessment to consultation: Independent psychoanalytic approaches with children and adolescents.";;"Act";"Youth"
2625;"6 years ago, the International AIDS Conference was held in Durban, South Africa, shortly after the hate-crime murder of a young HIV-positive woman, Gugu Dhlamini. The enormity of this act gave Gugu a special place in the history of the epidemic, and in South Africa she has come to epitomize HIV stigma at its most cruel. Since her death, international attention to HIV-related stigma has grown and has been translated into a burgeoning literature of science and activism that describes, measures, and comments on the social exclusion of people with HIV/AIDS. Whilst driven by a central preoccupation to change singularly distressing and harmful responses to HIV/AIDS, this work has been characterized by a central weakness: a failure to take a serious look at the divergent nature of these social responses, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. South Africa has entered a phase of the epidemic that is marked by divergence in social response and increasing normalization of HIV/AIDS. This idea is not intended to imply in any sense a denial of the enormous social and health effects of this disease, but to suggest that, in a social environment where family and communities are familiar with illness, death, and other misfortune, HIV/AIDS has become part of the repertoire of normal misfortune. Normalization has started as a bottom-up response, emerging from poor African families and communities. The process presents substantial opportunities for rolling back the remaining discrimination against people with HIV/AIDS, but at the same time profoundly challenges much of our thinking about HIV/AIDS and responses to the epidemic.";"Journal Article";2006;"R. Jewkes";"Beyond stigma: social responses to HIV in South Africa";"The Lancet";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2626;"In Born to Rebel, E. Sulloway (1996) argued that, throughout history, later-borns have been more likely than first-borns to challenge the status quo. The authors tested Sulloway's hypothesis among a group of 17 US college students who had participated in civil disobedience as part of a labor dispute. The authors predicted that there would be a higher percentage of later-borns among those who had been arrested than among a group of their friends who had not participated in civil disobedience or among a control group of students drawn from classes at the college. The findings, in fact, revealed a significant relationship between the number of times the students had been arrested and birth order. Later-borns were more likely than first-borns to have been arrested.";"Journal Article";2000;"R. L. Zweigenhaft and J. Von Ammon";"Birth order and civil disobedience: A test of Sulloway's 'born to rebel' hypothesis";"The Journal of Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2628;"This paper describes the development of Supporting Our Youth, an innovative grassroots program that builds community for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transsexual and transgender youth in Toronto. Hundreds of adults and youth have worked together to develop a broad range of arts, cultural, recreational, and employment training activities, as well as a very popular mentoring and housing program. Initiated in 1997, Supporting Our Youth has been developed according to underlying principles of community development and community building which value broad participation, diverse skills, partnerships, coalition building, and grassroots ownership and direction. As a model, it is transferable to other queer and trans communities, as well as to other marginalized populations.";"Book Section";2004;"B. Lepischak";"Building Community for Toronto's Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual and Transgender Youth";"Gay and lesbian rights organizing: Community-based strategies.";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2629;"In this essay, we bring together academics and activists from around the world in a 'conversation café' to share their perspectives on the past, present, and future of children and media with specific emphasis on building meaningful cross-sector partnerships. Key change-agents from academe, nonprofits, and for-profit organizations committed to youth and media literacy from the USA, the UK, Singapore, the Netherlands, Australia, and India participated in this discussion. A unique online conversation café was set up to facilitate discussions over a three-week period. The conversation provides a flavor of the changing media landscape, local-global tensions, industry-academe-nonprofit initiatives, and unique challenges and opportunities relating to building cross-sector partnerships in various cultural contexts. Future directions for scholarship and activism relating to youth media, technology, and arts are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"S. Ramasubramanian and A. Yadlin-Segal";"Building meaningful cross-sector partnerships for children and media initiatives: A conversation café with scholars and activists from around the world";"Journal of Children and Media";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2630;"Drawing on the theoretical framework of liberation psychology, this article details workshops on liberation psychology conducted in Ireland with lesbian and transgendered persons aged from early 20’s to late 50’s. Both younger and older lesbians in the workshops benefited from the opportunity to focus on oppression and to explore options for transformation. The workshops illustrated many of the strengths and vulnerabilities associated with living with homophobia and demonstrated the value of action and engagement. Midlife lesbians were more aware of the systemic nature of homophobia and of the negative emotions related to that. They saw many of these as understandable and even necessary reactions to oppression rather than as negative patterns. These older lesbians tended to be more accepting of the course their lives had taken and of the ways in which choices had been influenced by homophobia and heterosexism. They tended to be more relativistic in their views on coming out, viewing coming out as a decision for each context rather than an overall principle. They valued the importance of community and of activism, and though they were aware of some of the challenges, they also had more positive experiences in this area. These strengths can facilitate managing both homophobia and aging more effectively.";"Journal Article";2007;"G. Moane";"Building strength through challenging homophobia: Liberation workshops with younger and midlife Irish lesbians";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: Issues in Practice, Policy & Research";"Ireland";"Act";"Youth"
2631;"This article describes a 12-week intervention targeting positivity towards asylum seekers, Indigenous Australians and Muslim Australians. The study also assessed change in the intention to engage in bystander activism in four different scenarios: two Indigenous (old-fashioned and modern prejudice), one Muslim and one asylum seeker. There was a significant increase in positivity towards asylum seekers, Indigenous Australians and Muslim Australians. There was also a significant increase in ‘speaking out intention’, a form of bystander anti-prejudice, in three of the scenarios, but not in response to the Indigenous old-fashioned prejudice scenario. The study indicates that structured education on cross-cultural issues can improve attitudes to perceived ‘outgroups’ and, for the most part, increase participants’ intention to speak out against prejudice.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. Pedersen, Y. Paradies, L. K. Hartley and K. M. Dunn";"Bystander antiprejudice: Cross-cultural education, links with positivity towards cultural ‘outgroups’ and preparedness to speak out";"Journal of Pacific Rim Psychology";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2632;"Gender prejudice is a common occurrence that takes place throughout one’s life and in many arenas (i.e., school, work, public settings, etc.). Recent research has explored how targets respond to such experiences, but few studies examine bystander reactions to this type of event. The current study examined four factors (social norms, cost-effectiveness, distress, and feminist activism) that might influence how bystanders respond when witnessing gender prejudice. Male and female college students (n = 291) from the Western United States completed online surveys in which they described their experiences witnessing a woman being targeted with gender prejudice. Results indicate gender differences in appraisals of the cost-effectiveness of using particular responses, but no gender differences in the types of responses used. Results indicate that the endorsement of feminist activism predicted female bystanders’ use of confrontational responses, but none of the variables predicted male bystanders’ use of confrontational responses. For female bystanders, those who questioned whether their response would be cost-effective were more likely to report considering, but not using a confrontational response. Implications and future directions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. G. Brinkman, A. M. Dean, C. K. Simpson, M. McGinley and L. A. Rosén";"Bystander intervention during college women’s experiences of gender prejudice";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2633;"In spite of the rapid growth of cancer self-help groups in China, it is not known whether these groups are beneficial to cancer patients. This study, the first of its kind in China, attempted to assess cancer self-help group effectiveness from the members' perspective. The findings show that an overwhelming majority reported positive changes in their coping behaviors, attitudes toward self and interpersonal relationships after joining the group. This study also found that the great majority had obtained all the listed benefits. Furthermore, although some agreed that their groups should affect social policies, many were not sure if that was possible. It can be envisaged that Chinese cancer self-help groups will continue to promote individual gains and self-empowerment among their members. Political activism or collective empowerment is not an alternative direction, at least for the time being.";"Journal Article";2001;"B.-H. Mok";"Cancer self-help groups in China: A study of individual change, perceived benefit, and community impact";"Small Group Research";"China";"Act";"Youth"
2634;"Describes the experience of a Black woman who completed her General Education Diploma (GED) certificate after being away from formal schooling for 32 yrs. C. Montana (aged 48 yrs) and 6 women who supported her during and after the GED exam completed interviews regarding the effects of Montana completing the GED. Results show how Montana changed her social network and herself over time and how she positively affected her children and husband through her pursuit of the GED. The interviews reveal the themes of improved literacy skills, heightened confidence, community activism, and youth leadership, as Montana circulated in her community and congregation a year after receiving the GED. Findings show the kind of opportunities that adult literacy educators may create by involving a student's social network in the active support of increased literacy skills at the GED level.";"Journal Article";2001;"J. K. Dowdy";"Carmen Montana, the General Education Diploma, and her social network";"Journal of Literacy Research";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2635;"Intersectionality theory is increasingly seen as a valuable tool for understanding and contextualizing the complexity of individual lives. However, psychologists have generally focused on intersectionality as defining a social location rather than as an individual difference that affects social attitudes and behavior. Using secondary data analyses from three separate studies, we examined the antecedents and implications of intersectional awareness (IA), or an understanding of structural inequality from an intersectional perspective. Data from Study 1 were used to establish construct validity and test the relationship between IA and activism in a student sample. Study 2 was a limited replication of Study 1 using a non-student sample. Finally, Study 3 examined the longitudinal relationship between IA and pro-social attitudes toward out-groups as well as the intention to be politically engaged. In this third study, IA was related to basic personality traits, beliefs about the social status quo, pro-social attitudes toward out-groups, intentions to be active, and activism but was unrelated to changes in pro-social attitudes toward out-groups or intentions to be active over time. We discuss how IA can help explain why people may reject prejudicial attitudes and social inequalities as well as when they may engage in collective action.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. Curtin, A. J. Stewart and E. R. Cole";"Challenging the status quo: The role of intersectional awareness in activism for social change and pro-social intergroup attitudes";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2636;"Professional values are standards for action and provide a framework for evaluating behavior. This study examined changes in the professional values of nursing students between their entrance to and graduation from an undergraduate nursing program. A pre- and post-test design was employed. A convenience sample of 94 students from a university in Taiwan was surveyed. Data were collected from students during the sophomore and senior years. Total scores obtained for the revised Nurses Professional Values Scale during the senior year of the nursing program were significantly higher than upon program entry. The ‘caring’ subscale was scored highest at both program entry and graduation, but the pre- and post-test scores were not significantly different from each other. The students scored significantly higher on the ‘professionalism’ and ‘activism’ subscales at post-test than they did at pre-test. Professional values changed in a positive direction between the beginning of the student nurses’ educational experience and their graduation. The results supported the premise that education had a positive effect on these students’ professional values but causality could not be assumed.";"Journal Article";2010;"Y.-H. Lin, L. S. Wang, S. Yarbrough, D. Alfred and P. Martin";"Changes in Taiwanese nursing student values during the educational experience";"Nursing Ethics";"Taiwan";"Act";"Youth"
2637;"Imbued with both a fitting sense of urgency and a profound sense of hope, Changing People's Lives While Transforming Your Own tells the stories of faculty, students, and professionals from a variety of fields who reached out to others after witnessing an injustice, poverty, or need in the lives of the most neglected and marginalized in society—and in reaching out, were transformed through the process of helping others. Coauthored by two individuals who have devoted their careers to making a difference in the lives of others, this stirring book is a call to action, for both the young and young at heart, and is filled with inspiring and real-life narratives from individuals from a broad range of helping professions such as social work, psychology, and counseling. Changing People's Lives While Transforming Your Own introduces you to the basic concepts related to social justice, global human rights, service learning, community activism, and altruism, with a look at: the elements that are often part of service learning, social justice, and charitable work—including the joys, satisfactions, frustrations, and crushing disappointments; why people help, how they do it, and what they get out of their efforts; suggestions for how to create the kind of experiences likely to be the most satisfying and transformative; and countless opportunities for readers to stand up for the rights of those who are oppressed. In addition to an accompanying DVD featuring stories, insights, and lessons culled from a social justice mission to Nepal, Changing People's Lives While Transforming Your Own encourages readers to be better world citizens in the cause of promoting human freedom and equality. It shows how even modest efforts on a small scale can have profound effects, offering a vision of social justice in which professionals in a variety of fields can promote change as advocates, activists, and leaders.";"Book";2009;"J. A. Kottler and M. Marriner";"Changing people's lives while transforming your own: Paths to social justice and global human rights";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
2638;"This book is a collection of essays designed to suggest a new course for women's and girls' individual and collective lives and for feminist psychological theory, research, teaching, and practice. The chapters of this book grew out of presentations at the 1998 23rd Annual Conference of the Association for Women in Psychology (AWP) in Baltimore, Maryland, whose theme was 'Charting a New Course.' The book provides a sample of innovative efforts to advance the knowledge of feminist psychology. It is intended to give readers an update on recent findings and a sense of anticipated directions of new lines of inquiry. The chapters reflect AWP's goals by attempting to portray women's diversity and by incorporating implications and strategies for social action and opportunities for political activism in each chapter. The authors range from well-known experts who have published extensively in their area to younger psychologists who are bringing new ideas and perspectives to the field. The authors are diverse in age, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. The chapters offer both philosophical and practical tools that might assist women in examining their past, present, and future, as they attempt to look ahead and plan for an improved feminist psychology and an enhanced quality of life.";"Book";2002;"L. H. Collins, M. R. Dunlap and J. C. Chrisler";"Charting a new course for feminist psychology";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
2639;"The paper's focus is a critical moment in the trajectory of the Islamic state in Iran, the trace of which was still discernible in the presidential election of 2009. It draws on ethnographic research among the Lurs of south-western Iran between 1979-1982 to examine the impact of the abolition of politics as contested representations at the centre on a 'remote' periphery. The end of a short-lived political activity, as a distinct form of power, in Iran in 1981 was earmarked by mass executions of which only 1600 had been officially counted for the period of 20 June to September 1981 (Amnesty International). The executed were guilty of expressing dissent against divine rule of which the Islamic state was an embodiment. Although the Lurs paid a less heavy penalty for this 'crime' than elsewhere in the country the survivors' response to the loss of a young relative in the hands of Islamic executioners was noticeably muted. The response is looked at as the restoration of the status of the dead to the executed relative whose body had been 'rubbished'—wrapped in an American flag and abandoned unburied in a desolate place by the Muslim executioners. The paper argues 'rubbishing' signified the annihilation of citizenship under the Islamic rule in which the body of the citizen is seen as harbouring 'the most corrupt' subject, the sinner who could not even be 'rectified' through a less destructive use of force—flogging and mutilation. It, therefore, had to be disposed of—'rubbished'. The survivors, on the other hand, by confining themselves to the symbolic return of the executed relative to the community left unacknowledged his quest for equality and liberty. By their reluctance to remember and recount the executed's words and deeds the survivors refused to grant him the 'immortality' of a citizen whose death outlived his destruction. The brutal suppression of political agency at the centre and its muted recognition in the periphery are explained as a negation of political power. The power entails postponing the use of force to the last resort thus allowing plurality as a human condition to be realised. Consequent on this realisation is the publicly contested opinions by many who would inevitably challenge the truths guarded by few both at the centre and periphery. It was this challenge that led the ruling mullahs to invoke the Koranic Truths to annihilate the disseminators of opinions. The unspoken citizenship of the annihilated dissidents in the periphery served in turn to reassert the Lurs' historically cherished otherness geared to the use of force. The citizenship called for a discursive inclusion of Lurs, through the use of 'the pen', in a wider world, by postponing the use of force. In contrast, the traditional Luri rebels relied heavily on an immediate use of force, through the celebrated 'rifle', to perpetuate their perceived inaccessibility. Resistance leads to emancipation, the paper argues, when the particularised subjectivity of local actors is superseded in the universal—objectified—political space in which the agent, i.e. the citizen, overrides the boundaries within which localness is reproduced.";"Journal Article";2010;"M. Sanadjian";"Citizenship, 'rubbished' dissidents and local restoration of the dead—The execution of Luri political activists in south-western Iran";"Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2640;"To deepen our understanding of the relationship between social media and political change during the Egyptian uprising of early 2011, events in Tahrir Square must be situated in a larger context of media use and recent history of online activism. For several years, the most successful social movements in Egypt, including Kefaya, the April 6th Youth, and We are all Khaled Said, were those using social media to expand networks of disaffected Egyptians, broker relations between activists, and globalize the resources and reach of opposition leaders. Social media afforded these opposition leaders the means to shape repertoires of contention, frame the issues, propagate unifying symbols, and transform online activism into offline protests.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Lim";"Clicks, cabs, and coffee houses: Social media and oppositional movements in Egypt, 2004–2011";"Journal of Communication";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2641;"Purpose: The paper’s aim is to investigate environmentally conscious behaviour among young individuals in Australia with special attention given to their climate change risk perceptions. Design/methodology/approach: In total, 20 in-depth interviews were employed in this qualitative investigation. The informants of the investigation are young individuals (aged between 19-25 years) in a major city in Australia. Twenty semi-structured, in-depth interviews ranging from 1.5-3 hours were conducted. Purposive and snowball sampling techniques were used to ensure informant diversity and access to 'information rich' cases of youth engaged in environmental groups, activism and environmental behaviour. Findings: Four thematic categories were derived. They are: unperceived adverse effects of climate change, disassociation between adverse effects of climate change and environmentally conscious behaviour, challenges to the dominant economic model and, redefined environmental paradigm Research limitations/implications: Based on the implications of the findings, several recommendations for communicating climate change remedial actions and encouraging environmentally conscious behaviour among young individuals are made. Originality/value: The study contributes toward enhancing the understanding of climate change risk perceptions and environmentally conscious behaviour among young environmentalists in Australia where studies on young consumers are scarce. Findings of the study are useful in gaining young individuals’ support for the successful implementations of climate change remedial actions.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. C. R. Perera and C. R. Hewege";"Climate change risk perceptions and environmentally conscious behaviour among young environmentalists in Australia";"Young Consumers";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2642;"Psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals who work with lesbian, gay, and/or bisexual (LGB) youth are in an ideal position to engage in activism aimed at improving societal conditions for LGB youth and to assist them in their quest for compassion, understanding, and basic human rights. In this paper, the authors discuss ways in which psychologists, psychiatrists, and other mental health professionals can engage in LGB youth activism through structural-level change efforts, with a specific focus on: (1) raising awareness within the academy about the issues that confront LGB youth and the need for activism, while also working to elevate the status of LGB research within these academic institutions; (2) creating safe settings in which LGB youth can be affirmed and validated when they engage in self expression; and (3) improving the capacity of local community organizations to advocate for LGB youth. The authors purport that one way to affect structural-level factors is through the development and execution of collaborative participatory research projects that engage community members and community-based organizations (CBOs) that serve LGB youth.";"Journal Article";2007;"G. W. Harper, O. B. Jamil and B. D. M. Wilson";"Collaborative community-based research as activism: Giving voice and hope to lesbian, gay, and bisexual youth";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2644;"Membership associations for African-centered scholars, activists, and practitioners are viewed as relational communities that respond to the dynamic interplay of the needs and talents of its members. In this case study, quantitative methods examined, at the individual level, the role of psychological sense of community (PSOC),worldview, professional self-growth potential (PsGP), and participation of members in one membership association that espouses African-centered values. Data were collected via online and paper-and-pencil surveys administered at the organization’s annual conference. Findings indicated that for the entire sample age, PSOC and PsGP were significantly correlated with membership participation. While membership participation was unrelated to a shared worldview, factors that predicted it varied by membership status (student and nonstudent) and gender. For the student sample, PsGP was predictive of membership participation, but gender differences were undetected. However, for the nonstudent sample, age and PSOC were predictive of membership participation; but for males, only age was a significant predictor. Findings are discussed in relation to those factors that contribute to fostering active participation within membership associations for African-centered scholars.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. A. Chioneso and C. C. Brookins";"Coming to get and needing to keep: Participation within a membership association for Black scholars";"Journal of Black Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2645;"Recently, social movements worldwide have introduced innovations in their communication methods. The #spanishrevolution that started on 15 May 2011 shows this new-style communication in action. Amidst regional election campaigning, thousands of people, mainly young, took to the streets and occupied Spain’s main squares, becoming known as the Outraged (los Indignados) or 15M Movement. This article evaluates how the Outraged involved with the #acampadabcn, the camp in Barcelona’s central square, used online–offline tools to get information about the Movement. This research combines participant observation, surveys, in-depth interviews, and web analytics. The results show that social media were vital for getting information during 15M. While the majority of those surveyed became aware of the camps via word of mouth, a posteriori it was social media that were the main tools for informing and mobilizing. 15M Movement, together with networked social movements, has updated the communication methods of social movements.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Fernandez-Planells, M. Figueras-Maz and C. F. Pàmpols";"Communication among young people in the #spanishrevolution: Uses of online–offline tools to obtain information about the #acampadabcn";"New Media & Society";"Spain";"Act";"Youth"
2646;"Using 10 women's narratives, participant observation, archival research, and a focus group, this article analyzes women's social activism in a settler community in northern Mexico near the border. I argue that women's activism and emerging political consciousness provides a lens through which women critique structural violence and intimate partner violence and that ultimately provides new women-centered subjectivities. This article contributes to gender and social movements literature by examining the generation of a political consciousness engendered from women's grounded experience of living on the U.S./Mexico border. Furthermore, despite the unique sociopolitical conditions of the border, this article demonstrates that border residents have the agency to challenge, and more importantly, change their situation.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. Téllez";"Community of struggle: Gender, violence, and resistance on the U.S./Mexico border";"Gender & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2647;"This article reviews the literature on community service and activism, particularly in youth, using the theoretical approach provided by an identity projects framework. This framework allows for an examination of the contextual and experiential factors that contribute to the emergence and maintenance of an identity project of service or activism. The contributors to project emergence may include: favourable social structures, collective crises, biographical availability, parental modelling, experiencing or witnessing injustice or suffering, inspiring stories, altruistic, personality, religious values, and organisational affiliations. For many participants, these projects appear associated with intense experiences of belonging, stimulation, efficacy, and integrity. These experiences may be of great importance in reinforcing and expanding service or activism.";"Journal Article";2007;"N. Harré";"Community service or activism as an identity project for youth";"Journal of Community Psychology";"New Zealand";"Act";"Youth"
2648;"Does participating in neighborhood-focused activism confer different benefits than volunteering? The engagement of community members in neighborhood civic life has been identified as an important component of safe and healthy communities. Research on community engagement has encompassed voluntary associations, volunteering, as well as participation in neighborhood activism. A diverse set of research suggests that there are psychological and social benefits to community engagement, but also suggests that there are differences between forms of participation. To understand these differences, I examine the relationship of both volunteerism and neighborhood activism to psychosocial outcomes using survey data from a neighborhood-based sample of Chicago residents (n = 3105). Findings suggest that activism is different—activists have higher neighborhood and personal mastery than those who only volunteer. Participation in neighborhood activism is also associated with an increased likelihood of contact with local officials and social ties in the neighborhood.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. E. Gilster";"Comparing neighborhood‐focused activism and volunteerism: Psychological well‐being and social connectedness";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2649;"We offer here a detailed explanation of what we are putting forward as 'compositional studies,' in which analyses of public and private institutions, groups, and lives are lodged in relation to key social and economic structures. We draw on what some have described as oscillation (Alford, 1998; Deleuze, 1990; Farmer, 2001; Hitchcock, 1999), a deliberate movement between theory 'in the clouds' and empirical materials 'on the ground.' In this chapter, we articulate our theory of method, offering a critical look at compositional studies as frame and a serious elaboration as to how we oscillate from local to structural, how we analyze in ways that reveal what photographers call the 'varied depths of field,' and how we try position the work to 'have legs,' that is, to be useful to struggles for social justice. We write to name the assumptions of our compositional studies, reflect upon its possibilities for theory and activism, and consider the limits of this work. The key point here is that social theory and analyses can no longer afford to isolate a 'group,' or to re-present their stories as 'transparent,' as though that group were coherent and bounded; instead, we must theorize explicitly—that is, 'connect the dots'—to render visible relations to other 'groups' and to larger sociopolitical formations. We offer, in this chapter, a brief look at two compositional designs: a longitudinal analysis of white working-class men and women, followed by Lois Weis after 15 years as their lives, stories, and homes carry the seams of the economic and racial formations in contemporary white working-class America, and a participatory action research project that Michelle Fine has coordinated, in which youth across suburban and urban districts learn to be critical researchers of 'desegregation' through an analysis of race, ethnicity, class, and opportunity in their own schools and in the New York metropolitan region. In putting these two pieces forward, we argue that both projects are fundamentally rooted in what we call compositional studies—ethnographic inquiry designed to understand how global and national formations, as well as relational interactions, seep through the lives, identities, relations, and communities of youth and adults, ultimately refracting back on the larger formations that give rise to them to begin with.";"Book Section";2008;"M. Fine and L. Weis";"Compositional studies, in two parts: Critical theorizing and analysis on social (in)justice";"The landscape of qualitative research, 3rd ed.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2650;"Women who participate in mixed-gender, antifeminist movements are not a homogeneous group of actors who face no identity-based conflicts when they mobilize for these causes. Using 23 in-depth interviews with women involved in the American fathers’ rights movement—which has as its goal the reformation of child support and child custody laws in ways that are more favorable to men and less favorable to women—I argue that mixed-gender, antifeminist activism has the potential to produce high levels of tension for female participants between their various social identities and their collective movement identity. Indeed, almost half of these women elaborate on how two particular manifestations of their social identities—as simultaneous members of other feminist groups and simply as women—clash with the collective identity generated by the fathers’ rights movement. Ultimately, these women coped with these competing allegiances in a variety of proactive ways. In contrast, the other half of the sample experienced no such tensions. These differential patterns of identity-based conflicts are suggestive of the hazards associated with a social movement’s efforts to attract a wider membership base over time.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. E. Crowley";"Conflicted membership: Women in fathers' rights groups";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2651;"This paper explores activism enacted through Silk Road, a now defunct cryptomarket where illicit drugs were sold in the dark web. Drawing on a digital ethnography of Silk Road, we develop the notion of constructive activism to extend the lexicon of concepts available to discuss forms of online activism. Monitoring of the cryptomarket took place between June 2011 and its closure in October 2013. Just before and after the closure of the marketplace we conducted anonymous online interviews with 17 people who reported buying drugs on Silk Road (1.0). These interviews were conducted synchronously and interactively through encrypted instant messaging. Participants discussed harnessing and developing the technological tools needed to access Silk Road and engage within the Silk Road community. For participants Silk Road was not just a market for trading drugs: it facilitated a shared experience of personal freedom within a libertarian philosophical framework, where open discussions about stigmatized behaviours were encouraged and supported. Tensions between public activism against drug prohibition and the need to hide one’s identity as a drug user from public scrutiny were partially resolved through community actions that internalized these politics, rather than engaging in forms of online activism that are intended to have real-world political effects. Most aptly described through van de Sande’s (2015) concept of prefigurative politics, they sought to transform their values into built environments that were designed to socially engineer a more permissive digital reality, which we refer to as constructive activism.";"Journal Article";2016;"A. Maddox, M. J. Barratt, M. Allen and S. Lenton";"Constructive activism in the dark web: Cryptomarkets and illicit drugs in the digital ‘demimonde’";"Information, Communication & Society";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2652;"This article develops the construct of consumer cynicism, characterized by a perception of a pervasive, systemic lack of integrity in the marketplace and investigates how cynical consumers behave in the marketplace. The construct was developed based on a qualitative study and triangulated through developing a scale and investigating antecedents and consequential marketplace behaviours. The cynicism construct is uniquely suited to explain the underlying psychological processes hinted at in practitioner perceptions of the growing mistrust and consumer research about rebellion behaviours, as well as to offer insight on consumers’ response to the increasingly sophisticated market. Previous research has offered a glimpse of extreme rebellion behaviours such as culture jamming, anti‐market rallies and movements and anti‐consumerist festivals such as Burning Man explored through qualitative research. [Drawing audiences around 50 000 and running annually near San Francisco since 1986, the Burning Man festival lists decommodification among its 10 core principles, prohibits commercial sponsorships, exchange transactions and advertising, and culminates in burning a 40‐foot effigy of ‘the man’.] This research builds on that through both qualitative and quantitative approaches to empirically demonstrate that the cynical attitudes underlying such behaviours are widespread and have a subtle and pervasive effect on more everyday consumption behaviours as well as high‐profile activist behaviours. Cynical consumers see consumers (not just activists but also ordinary consumers) as players in a marketplace system, and they believe that role comes with the responsibility to make socially conscious choices. The consumer marketplace system is so pervasive that simple apathy or avoidance is rarely possible. Cynical consumers are forced to continually interact with a system they mistrust, and they use various coping strategies. The consumer cynicism construct was initially developed through a grounded theory study of in‐depth interviews. Interview analysis showed these consumers share a consistent, complex network of marketplace beliefs and negative affect, which shapes their behaviour in the marketplace. Based on the qualitative study, consumer cynicism is defined as a stable, learned attitude towards the marketplace characterized by the perception that pervasive opportunism among firms exists and that this opportunism creates a harmful consumer marketplace. A series of studies was conducted to develop a scale to measure consumer cynicism. A large‐scale national survey provided the final scale validation sample and primary research instrument for testing hypotheses, and additional studies were conducted for a rigorous scale development process, establishing internal consistency, invariant unidimensional factor structure, scale norms, test–retest reliability as well as face validity, known‐groups validity, convergent validity, discriminant validity and nomological validity. Consumer cynicism is shown to impact marketplace behaviours and perceptions, leading to marketplace shaping or consumer activism and criticism behaviours, and marketplace withdrawal behaviours such as voluntary simplicity lifestyles.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. E. Helm, J. G. Moulard and M. Richins";"Consumer cynicism: Developing a scale to measure underlying attitudes influencing marketplace shaping and withdrawal behaviours";"International Journal of Consumer Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2654;"This mixed methods study examined social justice commitments of counseling psychology graduate trainees. In the quantitative portion of the study, a national sample of trainees (n = 260) completed a web-based survey assessing their commitments to social justice and related personal and training variables. Results suggested that students desired greater social justice training than what they experienced in their programs. In the qualitative portion, we used a phenomenological approach to expand and elaborate upon quantitative results. A subsample (n = 7) of trainees who identified as strong social justice activists were interviewed regarding their personal, professional, and training experiences. Eleven themes related to participants' meanings of and experiences with social justice emerged within 4 broad categories: nature of social justice, motivation for activism, role of training, and personal and professional integration. Thematic findings as well as descriptive statistics informed the selection and ordering of variables in a hierarchical regression analysis that examined predictors of social justice commitment. Results indicated that trainees' perceptions of training environment significantly predicted their social justice commitment over and above their general activist orientation and spirituality. Findings are discussed collectively, and implications for training and future research are provided.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. M. Beer, L. B. Spanierman, J. C. Greene and N. R. Todd";"Counseling psychology trainees' perceptions of training and commitments to social justice";"Journal of Counseling Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2656;"Using data from the 1965-1982 Youth Parent Socialization Panel Study, the relative influence of 3 factors (traditional agents of socialization (denominations, parents, and schools); life course factors (marriage, divorce, and child rearing); and, participation in the protest movements of the 1960s and early 1970s) on baby boomers' religious orientations and participation were analyzed. 1,135 Ss from the original study were interviewed. Data were collected in 3 waves, 1965, 1973, and 1982. Results show that traditional socialization agents, life course factors, and counter cultural participation all play a role in directing future religious orientations and commitments. However, traditional socialization factors have a dominant influence on future religious beliefs and participation.";"Journal Article";1998;"D. E. Sherkat";"Counterculture or continuity? Competing influences on baby boomers' religious orientations and participation";"Social Forces";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2657;"Based on 45 in-depth interviews, textual analysis, and participant observation with seven different atheist organizations, this article investigates the collective identity work of atheists in the United States. It explores the social psychological and interactional dynamics of atheist organizations as well as how they contribute to the construction and maintenance of atheist identities. I discuss the various strategies atheists employ as they collectively manage a stigmatized identity and negotiate the meaning of their atheism with one another and with the nonatheist public. This is accomplished in part through an analysis of the identity politics and minority discourse contemporary atheists currently engage. In addition, and more broadly, this study explores the relationship between collective identity and social action through an analysis and description of contemporary atheist activism.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. M. Smith";"Creating a Godless community: The collective identity work of contemporary American Atheists";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2658;"The author describes her experiences as an African American human rights activist and researcher in Ghana and her involvement in a protest march on March 08, 2000, on the American embassy there. The protesters were speaking out against the murder of Amadou Diallo, a young, innocent black man in New York City who was murdered by four plainclothes police officers as he was entering his residence in the Bronx. The officers were brought to trial and a jury of eight white men and four black women acquitted the four white police officers. The author tells of how she hoped the performance would provide such a discourse through the descriptions and narratives of those Ghanaian rights activists who told her their stories. Staging their struggles for human rights and the mandate for economic justice through the illuminating frame of performance promised this dissemination of democratic discourse. It was hoped the performance would offer its audience another way to speak of rights and the origins of poverty that would then un-nestle another possibility of informed and strategic action. In other words, the significance of the performance for the subjects of the author's fieldwork is for those who bear witness to their stories to interrogate actively and purposefully those processes that limit their health and freedom.";"Book Section";2005;"D. S. Madison";"Critical Ethnography as Street Performance: Reflections of Home, Race, Murder, and Justice";"The Sage handbook of qualitative research, 3rd ed.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2659;"Focusing on a case example of disability rights activism in the context of war, I discuss the impact of foreign funding crossing boundaries. Specifically, I report on the findings of a study conducted with 28 activists who are part of a grass-roots organization in Lebanon. I will suggest that while foreign funding brings necessary supports, it can hold negative impacts for the work of disability rights activism; specifically, I will argue that the strategies, approaches and conditions imposed through foreign funding are often problematic because they reinforce neocolonial discourses that lead to the exclusion and marginalization of disabled people.";"Journal Article";2011;"S. Wehbi";"Crossing boundaries: Foreign funding and disability rights activism in a context of war";"Disability & Society";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2661;"This article discusses urge policy makers to include structural interventions that take into account children. We note that activism and engagement from and for young children is complex and often reliant on advocates to rally on their behalf. Policy makers, when calculating the associated costs for AIDS response scenarios, need to take into account children and the additional provisions required to cater for them. We find the call to action and the global challenge exciting, but without specific child inclusion the scenario reads like Hamlet without the Prince.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Sherr, L. Cluver, M. Tomlinson and H. Coovadia";"Defeating AIDS but missing children";"The Lancet";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2662;"This study examines the role of the Internet in challenging the state after 9/11. Drawing on interview data with members of the Internet-based group MoveOn.org and participant observation data collected at MoveOn events, the authors argue that the Internet provides citizens an opportunity to lodge democratic challenges against the state during hostile political climates. There are at least three features of the Internet that make it a useful tool for challengers after political shocks such as 9/11: (a) it provides a free space for challengers to form oppositional points of view away from dominant groups; (b) it allows individuals to participate anonymously and, thus, buffers challengers from the high costs of activism; and (c) it moves challenges from the virtual to the real world by engaging citizens in intermediary forms of activism. In short, the Internet engages individuals in a broader range of activities—and this has important implications for democratic processes.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. A. Rohlinger and J. Brown";"Democracy, action, and the Internet after 9/11";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2663;"Using participant observation, in-depth interviews, and legislative histories, we examine Westboro Baptist Church, a religious group infamous for homophobic rhetoric and funeral protests. Employing cultural and interactionist perspectives that focus on the semiotics of death, the sacred, and desecration, we outline how Westboro’s activities purposively violate deeply held signifiers of moral order through language, while simultaneously respecting extant laws of behavior. This strategy, in conjunction with the political profitability of opposing the group, explains why the group’s activism triggered extensive legal disputes and modifications at multiple levels of governance. Westboro’s actions and use of symbols—and those of others against the group—lay bare multiple threads in the sacred cultural fabric of American society.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. O. Baker, C. D. Bader and K. Hirsch";"Desecration, moral boundaries, and the movement of law: The case of Westboro Baptist Church";"Deviant Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2664;"This work was previously published in Emerging Research on Islamic Marketing and Tourism in the Global Economy edited by Hatem El-Gohary and Riyad Eid, pages 42-69, (2015). The current chapter explores how Saudi consumers perceive CRM campaigns, their awareness toward this kind of campaign, and then the effect of their perception on their willingness to participate in CRM campaigns in Saudi Arabia. In addition, it examines the effect of cause’s attributes on the willingness to participate in CRM campaigns. The chapter discusses the results of 25 in-depth interviews with Saudi consumers that were conducted in one of the main shopping centres in Saudi Arabia. The following main themes emerged from the interviews: consumers’ perception of CRM campaigns, matching between the charity and the company/brand, the importance of the cause to the consumer, and the proximity of the cause. In addition, results show the high impact of consumers’ religious, moral, and cultural background on the decision to participate in a CRM campaign.";"Book Section";2015;"S. Alharthi, F.-R. Valenzuela and J. Fisher";"Determinants of Saudi consumers' willingness to participate in cause-related marketing (CRM) campaigns";"Marketing and consumer behavior: Concepts, methodologies, tools, and applications, Vols. 1-4.";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2665;"This article explores the extent to which stories for young people encourage environmental engagement and a sense of agency. Our discussion is informed by the work of Paul Ricoeur (on hermeneutics and narrative), John Dewey (on primacy of experience) and John Macmurray (on personal agency in society). We understand fiction reading about place as hermeneutical, that is, interpreting understanding by combining what is read with what is experienced. We investigate this view through examples of four children's writers: Ernest Thompson Seton, Kenneth Grahame, Michelle Paver and Philip Pullman. We draw attention to notions of critical dialogue and active democratic citizenship. With a focus on the educational potential of this material for environmental discussions that lead to deeper understandings of place and environment, we examine whether the examples consistently encourage the belief that young people can become agents for change. We also consider whether the concept of heroic resister might encourage young people to overcome peer pressure and peer cultures that marginalize environmental activism. We conclude by recommending the focused discussion of fiction to promote environmental learning; and for writers to engage more with themes of environmental responsibility and agency.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. Bigger and J. Webb";"Developing environmental agency and engagement through young people's fiction";"Environmental Education Research";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2666;"Heterosexually identified individuals can serve a crucial role as allies in eliminating sexual prejudice and the resulting policies that discriminate against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people. However, few studies have systematically examined the development of heterosexual allies. Consensual qualitative research methods (Hill et al., The Counseling Psychologist, 25, 517–572, 1997) were used to analyze individual interviews conducted with a community sample of 12 heterosexually identified participants who demonstrated ally commitment through some form of LGBT activism. Findings revealed six domains that best described the development of these heterosexual allies. Participants described early role models, an evolving recognition and understanding of privilege and oppression, and conflict between an awareness of sexual prejudice and deeply held values of justice and equality. Participants also described barriers to LGBT activism and the rewards of ally work. The authors discuss implications for heterosexual ally development and, ultimately, for social justice and equality.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. M. Duhigg, S. S. Rostosky, B. E. Gray and M. K. Wimsatt";"Development of heterosexuals into sexual-minority allies: A qualitative exploration";"Sexuality Research & Social Policy: A Journal of the NSRC";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2667;"Traditional multimedia learning is primarily based on the cognitive load concept of information processing theory. Recent digital game-based learning (DGBL) studies have focused on exploring content support for learning motivation and related game characteristics. Motivation, volition, and performance (MVP) theory indicates that cognitive load and learning motivation simultaneously influence performance. To provide efficient management of learning effectiveness by understanding the latent relationship among cognitive load, motivation, and performance, this study investigated 63 university students using an online game entitled 'Operating a Small Factory in Computer-Aided Manufacturing' for 8 weeks. We collected data based using an instructional materials motivation survey, a cognitive load scale, and performance (skill and cognitive) scales. The data analysis results showed that motivation and cognitive load exhibited a significant canonical correlation with performance. This preliminary finding suggests that when designing DGBL, designers should increase motivation and germane cognitive load to enhance learning effectiveness. In addition, the attention component must be compromised. However, relevance, satisfaction, and confidence do not conflict. This study proposes an application of game characteristics to the attention, relevance, satisfaction, and confidence model, and integrated multimedia effects in using DGBL design methods.";"Journal Article";2014;"J.-C. Woo";"Digital game-based learning supports student motivation, cognitive success, and performance outcomes";"Journal of Educational Technology & Society";"Taiwan";"Act";"Youth"
2668;"In this article, I explore the discourses of youth in Botswana, focusing the analysis on 1995 protests over the murder of a student. I argue that youth should be examined as a social shifter: When invoked, youth indexes sets of social relationships that are dynamic and constructed in the invocation. As people argue over who youth are and how they behave, they index shifting relationships of power and authority, responsibility and capability, agency and autonomy, and the moral configurations of society.";"Journal Article";2004;"D. Durham";"Disappearing youth: Youth as a social shifter in Botswana";"American Ethnologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2669;"In the discussion group White Women Against Racism (WWAR), participants engaged in dialogue promoting self‐examination of white privilege and anti‐racist social action. Through qualitative analyses of field observations of group meetings and interviews, this study explores their engagement in the deconstruction of white privilege, white identity, and the challenges of anti‐racist action for social change. The women examined whiteness through a lens of white privilege that opened new avenues to anti‐racist white identity and activism. Participants also explored the influence of multiple identities and intersections with whiteness as sources of influence on their own anti‐racism. The women conceptualized struggles with everyday anti‐racist action as intertwined with privilege and social norms of silence. Although white privilege research typically focuses on classroom instruction or gaps in awareness, this study emphasizes the voices and experiences of White women to analyze white privilege awareness in relation to white anti‐racist identity development and ally behavior.";"Journal Article";2012;"K. A. Case";"Discovering the privilege of whiteness: White women's reflections on anti‐racist identity and ally behavior";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2670;"This study explored innovative alternative processes of living, learning, and knowledge sharing of a loosely knit community of anarchist, anticapitalist 'Do-It-Yourself' (DIY) activists. Generated through participant observation and interviews, findings reinforced adult education theories—that adults can diagnose their own learning needs and carry out appropriate learning activities. Participants also critiqued prevailing educational practices, suggesting alternatives such as autonomy, choice, critical thinking, cooperative learning, and deconstructing hierarchy. In particularly promising findings, the DIY activists described radical alternative channels for knowledge sharing: piracy, skillshares, Internet/open source media, the streets, and zines. Employing older and newer technologies, and legal and illegal methods, these modalities embodied in powerful ways the participants’ radical political commitments. The DIY activists also gave cause to reflect on the nature of cultural dialogism, community, and communities of practice as they struggled with the nature of their own identities, ideologies, and desires to broaden outreach beyond their immediate community.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. Hemphill and S. Leskowitz";"DIY activists: Communities of practice, cultural dialogism, and radical knowledge sharing";"Adult Education Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2671;"Previous research documents widespread confusion about who can and cannot vote among people who have come into contact with the criminal justice system. This research, and considerable activism drawing attention to the issue, has spurred a number of state legislatures to pass laws requiring the states to notify ex-felons about their voting rights. The purpose of this article is to better understand the policy processes that produce these notification laws and to assess whether the laws affect ex-felons’ registration and turnout rates. Data on discharges from the correctional system and voter files are merged from three states that have recently passed notification laws: New Mexico, New York, and North Carolina. Our findings show little evidence of an increase in ex-felon registration or turnout after notification laws are implemented.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Meredith and M. Morse";"Do voting rights notification laws increase ex-felon turnout?";"Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2672;"Examined the relationship of feminist identity and eating attitudes and behaviors in lesbian and heterosexual women. 217 women (aged 25–84 yrs) completed the Kinsey Sexual Orientation Scale, the Feminist Identity Scale, and 3 questionnaires that measured eating attitudes and behaviors. Lesbian Ss were significantly more likely than heterosexual participants to work actively to improve the status of women, and they were less likely than heterosexuals to report attitudes and behaviors that are associated with eating disorders. Older women were more committed to feminist activism than younger women. Although feminist identity scores did not directly predict eating attitudes and behaviors, evidence suggests that feminism may serve a protective function against eating disorders in lesbians.";"Journal Article";1999;"C. Guille and J. C. Chrisler";"Does feminism serve a protective function against eating disorders?";"Journal of Lesbian Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2673;"This chapter begins by recounting student activism in the United Kingdom protesting the U.S. led invasion of Iraq in 2003. After this event, according to at least one study of citizenship education, most schools failed to acknowledge, analyze or respond to the war, leaving young people with a sense of mystification and inefficacy in relation to one of the most consequential political events in recent British history; while those students who did take up 'new forms of involvement and action among themselves' faced disciplinary proceedings and suspensions. In this chapter, the author takes the position that this silence by the educational community constitutes a failure to provide a democratic response to a momentous political event and raises important questions about the capacity of a government-driven curriculum to address questions of conflict that potentially challenge its own power and legitimacy. It is a failure which supports concerns that the emphasis of the promoters of citizenship education upon generalized notions of values, rights, and duties conceals an underlying antipathy toward a more agonistic conception of politics. The argument the author proposes to pursue in this chapter is that the silence of citizenship education teachers about Iraq and the silencing of antiwar protesters by education authorities are indicative of a more deep-rooted tension between managed and autonomous citizenship. It is the aim of this chapter both to make theoretical sense of this tension and to explore its practical ramifications in the context of policy.";"Book Section";2008;"S. Coleman";"Doing IT for themselves: Management versus autonomy in youth e-citizenship";"Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engage youth.";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2674;"Introduction: This paper provides a review of the role of the media in the development, maintenance, prevention, and treatment of eating disorders. Method: The literature on gambling in youth on the internet was reviewed. It explores: (1) the role of the media in providing a social context for the development of eating disorders, (2) the role of the media in the etiology of eating disorder pathology, (3) the ways in which the media is used by patients suffering from eating disorders, and (4) the role that awareness of the media can have in the treatment and prevention of eating disorders. Results: This review demonstrates that the media does contribute to the development of eating disorders. Conclusion: This review highlights the need for media literacy and media activism to help change the current normative body discontent of women in the Western world.";"Journal Article";2004;"W. Spettigue and K. A. Henderson";"Eating Disorders and the Role of the Media";"Canadian Child and Adolescent Psychiatry Review";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2675;"This issue of Violence Against Women offers an eclectic mix of articles and reports on research, theory, and activism. The issue opens with an article that examines coping strategies of young women who have been sexually assaulted. A second article discusses how women who present for treatment at emergency rooms, clinics, or physicians' offices may be identified as abuse victims using the age of the woman and the location of her injury. A third article seeks to refine and expand feminist perspectives on intimate partner violence (IPV). An advocate/activist note addresses women survivors of acid attacks. The issue concludes with an analytical commentary on two books.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. M. Renzetti";"Editor's introduction";"Violence Against Women";;"Act";"Youth"
2676;"The educational community is divided over which is the best approach for improving urban schools: focus on teaching and learning or underlying social inequity? This article argues that the students who attend urban schools can inform the debate. The study draws on interviews with fourteen urban youth about their participation in a community-based program that supports school activism. In the program, the students selected a surprising, and seemingly trivial, set of school problems as their top reform priorities. Yet findings reveal that from the students’ vantage point, these concrete changes will enhance engagement and the perceived fairness of the educational environment. Urban students therefore bridge current policy debates by posing recommendations pertinent to both educational and social reform advocates. The study concludes with reflections on students’ contributions to the content and process of urban educational reform.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Taines";"Educational or social reform? Students inform the debate over improving urban schools";"Education and Urban Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2677;"Objective: According to epidemiological studies, gay men are at a higher risk of mental disorders than heterosexual men. In the current study, the minority stress theory was investigated in German gay men: 1) it was hypothesized that minority stressors would positively predict mental health problems and that 2) group-level coping and social support variables would moderate these predictions negatively. Methods: Data from 1,188 German self-identified gay men were collected online. The questionnaire included items about socio-demographics, minority stress (victimization, rejection sensitivity, and internalized homonegativity), group-level coping (disclosure of sexual orientation, homopositivity, gay affirmation, gay rights support, and gay rights activism), and social support (gay social support and non-gay social support). A moderated multiple regression was conducted. Results: Minority stressors positively predicted mental health problems. Group-level coping did not interact with minority stressors, with the exception of disclosure and homopositivity interacting marginally with some minority stressors. Further, only two interactions were found for social support variables and minority stress, one of them marginal. Gay and non-gay social support inversely predicted mental health problems. In addition, disclosure and homopositivity marginally predicted mental health problems. Conclusions: The findings imply that the minority stress theory should be modified. Disclosure does not have a relevant effect on mental health, while social support variables directly influence mental health of gay men. Group-level coping does not interact with minority stressors relevantly, and only one relevant interaction between social support and minority stress was found. Further longitudinal or experimental replication is needed before transferring the results to mental health interventions and prevention strategies for gay men.";"Journal Article";2016;"F. A. Sattler, U. Wagner and H. Christiansen";"Effects of minority stress, group-level coping, and social support on mental health of German gay men";"PLoS ONE";"Germany";"Act";"Youth"
2678;"In March 2003, a contemporary version of the Greek play Lysistrata was performed on over 1000 stages across the globe to protest the war in Iraq. This article analyzes the synchronized performances of Lysistrata in order to question the role of the lived body in social activism. The lived body, as conceptualized by Young (2005), considers the power and constraint we experience as the material facts of our bodies—skeleton and organs, ligaments and tendons, muscles and fat—move and exist in a particular time in history, a particular geographic space, surrounded by particular other people who are co-constructing ways of being in the world together. In the past several decades, numerous public examples have emerged of women in particular creatively constructing themselves in relation to their given socio-historical conditions. This article engages in a two-part analysis, of a ‘productive misreading’ of Aristophanes' Lysistrata and of the synchronized performance-protests orchestrated by the Lysistrata Project, in order to better understand the ways in which gendered bodies are enabled and constrained by their physical and social environments in performing dissent.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. M. Wiederhold and K. Field-Springer";"Embodying imperfect unity: Womanhood and synchronicity in anti-war protest";"Journal of Gender Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2679;"Social movement activism requires emotional motivation and entails emotional costs, and, because of this, activists tend to be deeply involved in the management of emotions–or emotion work–and not just in connection with protest events, but also on an everyday basis. Based on a case study of animal rights activism in Sweden, this article identifies five types of emotion work that animal rights activists typically perform: containing, ventilation, ritualization, micro-shocking and normalization of guilt. The emotion work performed by activists, it is argued, is best understood from a moral-sociological perspective building on Durkheim’s sociology of morality, based on which the article then outlines key elements of a comprehensive theoretical framework for the study of emotion work in social movements.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. Jacobsson and J. Lindblom";"Emotion work in animal rights activism: A moral-sociological perspective";"Acta Sociologica";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2680;"Examined the effects of client participation on empowerment, with special emphasis on gender. A group of community activists in a low-income neighborhood in central Israel was assessed by community participation on 3 scales and their perceived empowerment on 2 scales. The findings suggest different relationships between types of participation and empowerment by gender. Gender did not have a significant main effect on empowerment, and its effects only became evident when it interacted with participation. This article discusses the nature of empowerment and its measurement and analyzes the connection between participation and empowerment. Because male and female respondents appeared to reach empowerment in different ways, the implications for workers in the helping professions are examined.";"Journal Article";2000;"H. Itzhaky and A. S. York";"Empowerment and community participation: Does gender make a difference?";"Social Work Research";"Israel";"Act";"Youth"
2681;"Empowerment has become a widespread concept in various social policy contexts referring to different marginalized groups. Empowerment has also been focused within the mental health field although little empirical research exists. The aim of the present study was to investigate internal consistency and construct validity of the Swedish version of an empowerment scale developed for people with a mental illness, Making Decisions. Ninety-two persons were subject to an interview also comprising assessments of quality of life, needs for care, psychiatric symptoms, psychosocial functioning, aspects of the social network, rejection experiences and attitudes of devaluation/discrimination towards people with mental illness. The results showed that the overall scale and the subscales had a good internal consistency, except for the subscale power-powerlessness. A factor analysis revealed two superordinate factors, self-esteem and activism and community and power, with a satisfactory internal consistency. These two factors showed a good construct validity with expected associations to validation measures. Stigma was most markedly associated with self-esteem and activism, and a higher level of education was most strongly associated with community and power. In conclusion, the Swedish version Making Decisions may well be used in further studies of empowerment among people with a mental illness.";"Journal Article";2005;"L. Hansson and T. Björkman";"Empowerment in people with a mental illness: Reliability and validity of the Swedish version of an empowerment scale";"Scandinavian Journal of Caring Sciences";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2682;"In a time of increasing religious diversity, interfaith political coalitions have become important settings for interreligious interaction, but little research has explored the types of religious expression that are generated therein. Prevailing theories in the sociology of religion indicate that interaction with religious others results in dilution of traditional religious commitments or production of stronger boundaries. But emerging perspectives in cultural sociology shift attention from individual religious commitments to the ways in which settings shape different styles of religious expression. Insights about edge spaces drawn from urban theory suggest that religiously diverse settings can be generative of new types of religious practices. We apply these insights to the study of interfaith activism by drawing on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork with religious advocacy professionals and activists working in interfaith coalitions. Conceptualizing the sites of these interfaith encounters as edge spaces, we analyze variation in the types of religious expression that occur in interfaith settings. We find that both aggregative and integrative practices are produced, but these vary depending on the goals and structure of the setting, as well as participants’ accountability to outside religious gatekeepers.";"Journal Article";2014;"G. Yukich and R. Braunstein";"Encounters at the religious edge: Variation in religious expression across interfaith advocacy and social movement settings";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2683;"A sample of 1,043 participants from 3 regions in the Global South (South and Southeast Asia, Africa, and Latin America) responded to the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). Participants’ descriptions of what they would want to do if directly exposed to 3 specific human rights violations (torturing a prisoner, bombing civilians, and beating antiwar protestors) were coded for personal agency (prosocial or nonprosocial). In addition, their arguments concerning whether countries have a right to invade other countries and torture suspects, and whether civilians have a right to protest, were coded for moral disengagement and engagement. As predicted, moral engagement was positively correlated with prosocial agency and with belief in a right to protest, and negatively correlated with nonprosocial agency and with beliefs in the acceptability of state-perpetrated invasion and torture. When scores for activists versus nonactivists were compared, activists showed more prosocial agency on behalf of human rights, lower nonprosocial agency on behalf of those rights, and more moral engagement regarding the right to protest than nonactivists.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Malley-Morrison, R. Caputi, E. Gutowski, T. Campbell, M. R. E. Estuar, J. Akhurst, M. P. Dalley, L. K. de Souza, E. DeSouza, J. L. S. B. Jaafar, S. McCarthy, E. Puri, N. Raj, N. Scruggs, D. Shah and M. J. Stevens";"Engaging moral agency for human rights: Outlooks from the Global South";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2684;"Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to present a survey of postgraduate research (PGRs) students studying at the University of Huddersfield, concentrating on entrepreneurial attributes and the importance of enterprise-related skills future career intentions. Design/methodology/approach: Electronic survey questions asked respondents to rate their confidence in a series of enterprise-related skills, and each skill's importance in their career development. Identification with attributes relating to independence, risk taking, self-efficacy, tolerance of ambiguity, and innovativeness were explored. Further questions probed the importance of enterprise skills development, research impact, and career aspirations including business start-up potential. Findings: Respondents identified with entrepreneurial attributes and were positive towards enterprise skills development. The majority felt that their research could have commercial impact, and over a third reported that starting a business appealed to them. Comparisons of importance and confidence ratings identified skills areas where confidence was relatively low and needed to be improved, where there is a large gap between confidence and importance, and where a skill was rated as having lower importance than is optimal from an institutional perspective. Interestingly, different groups of students considered 'self-employment' compared with 'business start-up' as a career option. Research limitations/implications: These single-institution results suggest that PGRs are more entrepreneurial than might be expected. Is the higher education (HE) sector underestimating the entrepreneurial potential of the PGR population, their appetite for engaging in enterprise, and their enterprise and commercialisation training needs? Originality/value: The results have relevance for the HE community in terms of understanding PGR entrepreneurial attributes, and training needs for enterprise and commercialisation of research output.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. Smith, D. Williams, N. Yasin and I. Pitchford";"Enterprise skills and training needs of postgraduate research students";"Education & Training";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2685;"Why do some people, but not others, participate in environmental activism? This article considers a potentially powerful yet underresearched explanation: variation in moral schemas. Drawing on Durkheim’s theory about the role of sacredness in moral decision making, the article classifies respondents into three mutually exclusive groups: unenchanted, who do not believe nature is sacred; intrinsic, who believe that nature is sacred in itself; and creational, who believe nature is sacred because it is a divine creation. Group membership predicts environmental activism using the 2000 General Social Survey. Individuals holding an intrinsic schema are more likely than other groups to sign an environmental petition and participate in an environmental group. Individuals holding an intrinsic or creational schema are more likely to donate money to environmental causes, relative to the unenchanted. Findings are robust, controlling for religious tradition, education, and various predictors of biographical availability. Both sacredness and its source matter for proenvironmental behavior.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Farrell";"Environmental activism and moral schemas: Cultural components of differential participation";"Environment and Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2686;"Describes a qualitative investigation of 20 student activists' (mean age 21.41 yrs) resolutions to environmental dilemmas. Ss responded to an oral interview asking them to resolve 6 dilemmas involving the natural environment and to give justifications for their resolutions. Several major themes emerged. Ss tended to be concerned with maintaining human self-determination and tolerating human diversity. They also resolved dilemmas by reference to 3rd parties, and attributions of responsibility and sacrifice were made according to several patterns. Both humans and nonhumans were considered in resolutions, and resolutions reflected concerns with procedural justice and fairness and context-based value hierarchies. These themes are discussed in terms of the difficulty of resolving such dilemmas and implications for studying values and moral choices in the environmental context.";"Journal Article";2000;"W. Horwitz";"Environmental dilemmas: The resolutions of student activists";"Ethics & Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2687;"The integration of traditional (offline and face-to-face) and virtual ethnographic methods can aid researchers interested in developing understandings of relationships between online and offline cultural life, and examining the diffuse and sometimes global character of youth resistance. In constructing this argument, I have used insights from studies on youth activism and the rave subculture. These studies also informed my central theoretical suggestion: that an approach to research underscored by a sensitivity to everyday experiences and the power structures framing these experiences can (still) be a powerful guide for understanding flows and circuits of resistance in Internet-influenced cultures.";"Journal Article";2006;"B. Wilson";"Ethnography, the Internet, and Youth Culture: Strategies for Examining Social Resistance and 'Online-Offline' Relationships";"Canadian Journal of Education";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2688;"In this chapter, traditional and popular conceptions of youth leadership are used as the foundation for evaluating youth leadership development. We examine how traditional concepts of youth leadership can be expanded to encompass youth leadership development within a community and civic context. We do this by presenting a case study of an evaluation of a national youth leadership initiative.";"Book Section";2007;"H. C. Yu, H. K. Lewis-Charp and M. A. Gambone";"Evaluating Youth Leadership Development Through Civic Activism";"The handbook of leadership development evaluation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2689;"This qualitative study examined preservice school counselors' perceptions of the meanings of democracy their perceptions of the skills, attitudes, and abilities required of citizens within a democratic society as well as school counselors' potential roles and involvement in democratic citizenship education in public schools Results were that this set of preservice counselors regarded access, advocacy, and activism as major democratic principles. They expressed that connection to democracy and the larger world, communication of ideas and opinions, and competence with regard to essential democratic skills are necessary skills in democratic citizenship education that school counselors can facilitate. Implications for the involvement of school counselors in democratic citizenship education through the implementation of character education in schools are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. Y. Washington, M. A. Clark and A. L. Dixon";"'Everyone in school should be involved': Preservice counselors' perceptions of democracy and the connections between character education and democratic citizenship education";"Journal of Research in Character Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2690;"Studied the social and personality aspects of the protests conducted against France's resumption of nuclear testing. Human Ss: 104 normal Japanese adults (undergraduate students) (some participated in the protests). Ss were administered a questionnaire. A path model based on the theory of reasoned action (I. Ajzen and M. Fishbein, 1980) was tested with regression analysis. 25 Ss were interviewed about their protest motivation. The attitude–behavior relationship was assessed. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1998;"H. Ito";"Examining the protestor of French nuclear testing";"The Japanese Journal of Social Psychology";"Japan";"Act";"Youth"
2691;"Squatters occupy and restore empty buildings to establish self-managed social centres, where they put in practice alternative ways of living while engaging in various protest campaigns. Episodes of squatters’ activism have occurred in many European cities, including the ‘occupy’ movement and the demonstrations against austerity measures in several countries. Despite this trajectory, there is little comparative research on squatters’ movements. This article addresses this gap by examining the determinants of the strength of squatters’ movements in Western Europe using an original dataset of 61 cities (2001–2007). Employing logistic regression analysis, this article investigates the influence of factors that have not been previously examined in a comparative framework. The study shows that large leftist communities provide crucial resources for the squatters’ movement, while prominent extreme right parties polarize the local society, triggering squatters’ activism. Moreover, it demonstrates that larger cities are related to stronger movements and discusses the mechanisms that explain this association. Finally, this article shows that youth unemployment impinges on stronger movements when it interacts with other variables, but overall higher levels of youth unemployment are related to stronger movements. Therefore, resources, polarization and the structural configuration of the city are important determinants of the differential strength of this movement across locations.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Guzman-Concha";"Explaining differences in the strength of squatters’ movements in western European cities: A comparative analysis";"Acta Sociologica";"Italy";"Act";"Youth"
2692;"Examined the impact, in other social realms of their lives, of people's run-of-the-mill participation in the antiwar and student protests of the late 1960s. Data from the Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study was used to study differences between demonstrators and nonactivists both in 1973 (shortly after their movement experiences) and in 1982 (when Ss were in their mid-thirties). Authors explored the influence of activism on politics, status attainment, religion, and family. Protesters were found to differ significantly from their nonactivist counterparts. Specifically, former protesters held more liberal political orientations and were more aligned with liberal parties and actions. They selected occupations in the 'new class,' were more educated, held less traditional religious orientations, and were less attached to religious organizations. They also married later and were less likely to have children.";"Journal Article";1997;"D. E. Sherkat and T. J. Blocker";"Explaining the political and personal consequences of protest";"Social Forces";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2693;"In this study, analyzing nationally represented survey data collected in 2003, we consider the roots of issue-specific citizen participation in the controversy over embryonic stem cell research and therapeutic cloning. Building on past research, we pay particular theoretical attention to the role of issue engagements, the impact of church-based recruitment, and the influence of news media attentiveness. Given the increasing emphasis in science policy circles on creating new forms of public engagement, we also measure citizen willingness to attend and participate in a proposed local deliberative forum on the stem cell debate. Results indicate that traditional forms of citizen activism in the controversy over embryonic stem cell research and cloning is rooted almost exclusively in direct requests for participation through religious organizations rather than socio-economic differences among respondents, though issue engagement (measured as opinion intensity) and news attentiveness also play an important role. In terms of deliberative forums, traditional resource factors are significant, as the citizens who indicate they are most likely to participate in such a hypothetical local town meeting are generally highly educated, white, and younger. Above and beyond these resource factors, however, citizens willing to participate are also likely to have received requests to get involved in the debate at church, hold more intense feelings about the issue, and are paying closer attention to news coverage. In the future, in order to ensure the normative goals of diverse and/or representative participation, if actual deliberative forums are employed, these findings suggest that organizers will need to focus heavily on purposive sampling and turn out efforts.";"Journal Article";2006;"K. Goidel and M. Nisbet";"Exploring the Roots of Public Participation in the Controversy Over Embryonic Stem Cell Research and Cloning";"Political Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2695;"Most HIV treatment guidelines advise people who test positive to disclose their status to improve adherence and garner psychosocial care and support. Similarly, advocacy groups for people living with HIV encourage disclosure as a key component of fighting self- and community-based stigma. Although there is arguably much to be gained by disclosing, there is also much at stake, including issues of individual and family honour and the possibility of living a ‘normal’ life. Starting with the question, Faidha gani? or ‘What’s the point?’ this paper attempts to shed light on motives for disclosure and non-disclosure. The arguments draw from a qualitative study among young HIV-positive adults in eastern Africa and, most specifically, an in-depth case study of one couple in Zanzibar.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Moyer";"Faidha gani? What's the point: HIV and the logics of (non)-disclosure among young activists in Zanzibar";"Culture, Health & Sexuality";"Netherlands";"Act";"Youth"
2696;"In this chapter, the parents of two young adults with disabilities who were fully included during their school years offer advice on initiating partnerships to facilitate inclusive schooling. They speak from firsthand experiences as advocates for their own children but also speak as professional educators working on behalf of all children. The parents describe what can be learned from their children's educational journeys and give tips on creative activism and creative and resourceful actions for family collaboration.";"Book Section";2002;"B. E. Buswell and C. B. Schaffner";"Families as creative and resourceful collaborators in inclusive schooling";"Creativity and collaborative learning: The practical guide to empowering students, teachers, and families, 2nd ed.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2697;"This article combines information from fathers’ rights Web sites with demographic, historical, and other information to provide an empirically based analysis of fathers’ rights advocacy in the United States. Content analysis discerns three factors that are central to the groups’ rhetoric: representing domestic violence allegations as false, promoting presumptive joint custody and decreasing child support, and portraying women as perpetrators of domestic abuse. Fathers’ rights organizations and themes are examined in relation to state-level demographics and custody policy. The implications of fathers’ rights activism for battered women and their children are explored.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. N. Rosen, M. Dragiewicz and J. C. Gibbs";"Fathers' rights groups: Demographic correlates and impact on custody policy";"Violence Against Women";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2698;"A grounded theory model of feminist-activist identity development was constructed from semistructured interviews with volunteers of the first Women's Rights Association (NANE) in Hungary. This article focuses on NANE volunteers' feminist identity development, which emerged through interpersonal solidarity with Western women; the development of self-confidence and an assertive 'voice' in their relationships; and an increased awareness of the violence and oppression against women. A grounded theory approach (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) was used to analyze the interviews. The core category, 'Internalizing Western Feminist-Activism: Importing an External Culture to Revolutionize One's Own,' describes volunteers' conceptualization that their feminist-activist beliefs emerged from imported ideologies gained through exposure to Western ideas and the international women's movement, which were then adapted to make changes in Hungary.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. S. Mathews, S. G. Horne and H. M. Levitt";"Feminism Across Borders: A Hungarian Adaptation of Western Feminism";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2699;"Third wave' feminists, raised in the wake of an established feminist movement as well as a strong anti-feminist backlash, are beginning to define their own feminist agenda. 'Third wave' feminists are exploring the contradictions in their lived experience as feminists, and examining the intersection of feminism with their other identities. Young feminists' self-expression has been characterized (by feminists and non-feminists) as 'self-obsessed' and 'divorced from matters of public purpose' (G. Bellafante, 1998). In this essay, the authors provide an alternative view of 'third wave' expression, seeing young feminists' honesty in their struggles with various identities as a resurgence of grassroots activism; a return to 'the personal.' In this essay, the authors call for an inter-generational dialogue between second and third wave feminists, and encourage feminist therapists to support and validate young feminists.";"Journal Article";2001;"L. Rubin and C. Nemeroff";"Feminism's third wave: Surfing to oblivion?";"Women & Therapy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2700;"In the Nordic countries—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden—as in many other parts of the world, the arguments for feminist approaches to psychological issues grew explicitly out of the women's liberation movement of the 1960s and 1970s. This was true both for the influence of feminist ideas and theory and for psychology researchers' and practitioners' personal experiences and feminist activism within and outside the discipline of psychology. Young feminist psychologists and psychology researchers in the Nordic countries during the 1970s were exposed to many of the same political and cultural influences as feminists in Anglo-American countries. At the same time, however, Nordic feminists were exposed to local geopolitical and scholarly settings that were in parts quite distinct from Anglo-American settings. This required theoretical adaptations, which in turn led to some specific characteristics of the development of feminism in psychology in the Nordic countries that we hope this chapter will elucidate. This chapter gives a picture of this development to the present day. It begins with a short description of the discipline of psychology in general in our countries. Then, the authors introduce earlier Nordic activists and researchers in related fields who paved the way for feminists in psychology. The collaborations with these women, and with researchers in other disciplines, led to typically cross-disciplinary approaches by many feminists in Nordic psychology, which the chapter briefly describes. The authors then look briefly at how feminist research in general, and feminist research in psychology in particular, were institutionalized in these countries from the 1970s onward. Then, the authors present some experiential narratives about participants in the developments of feminism in Nordic psychology. Finally, they describe some central topics and scholarly themes as they have appeared in Nordic feminist psychology.";"Book Section";2011;"E. Magnusson and H. Haavind";"Feminist approaches to psychology in the Nordic countries: The fates of feminism in psychology in modern welfare societies";"Handbook of international feminisms: Perspectives on psychology, women, culture, and rights.";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2701;"Although feminist supervision approaches have been advanced in the literature as alternatives or adjuncts to traditional supervision models, little is known about those who utilize feminist supervision practices. This study was designed to examine if feminist supervision practices were related to one's own feminist identity and various beliefs regarding feminism in general in a sample of 135 clinical supervisors. Results revealed that feminist supervision was significantly negatively correlated with passive acceptance of traditional gender roles and positively correlated with feelings of anger over sexism, connection with women's communities, commitment to feminist activism, and beliefs that are consistent with five prominent feminist philosophies. Multiple regression analysis found that greater use of feminist supervision practices was uniquely related to being a woman; being lesbian, gay, or bisexual; and having a greater commitment to feminist activism. Research and practice implications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2005;"D. M. Szymanski";"Feminist Identity and Theories as Correlates of Feminist Supervision Practices";"The Counseling Psychologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2702;"This article examines the relationship between feminist identities and engagement with feminist activism in everyday life, including collective action and individual resistance. I draw on in-depth interviews with women and men in knitting communities, which some have identified as part of contemporary feminist culture. I found variety in feminist identities, including those who identified publicly as feminists and those who identified as feminists only privately. Other participants held postfeminist positions, represented by support for feminist issues but declining a feminist identity. I found that feminist identity was inconsistently associated with feminist activism. Participants with public feminist identities, with definitions of feminism that drew on discourses of equality (rather than choice), and those with broader knowledge of feminist issues were more likely to be engaged with feminist activism. In defining activism, participants put significant emphasis on individual resistance or everyday feminism.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Kelly";"Feminist identity, collective action, and individual resistance among contemporary U.S. feminists";"Women's Studies International Forum";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2703;"This study identifies the characteristics of eligible African Americans who are not receiving food stamps. Secondary analysis of the American Community Survey focused on 14,443 African American citizens aged 18 and over who were living below the poverty line. Bivariate and logistic regression analyses were used to compare the 6,558 recipients of food stamps with the 7,885 non-recipients. Less than half of impoverished African American adults used food stamps in the previous year. Food stamp use was higher among females, younger respondents, and those who had not completed high school. FSP participation was associated with co-residing with children, receiving welfare benefits and reports of functional limitations. This study can inform food security activism and improved outreach to impoverished African Americans.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. Redmond and E. Fuller-Thomson";"Food stamp program participation among impoverished African Americans";"Race and Social Problems";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2704;"During the last decade, numerous studies of the internet's civic dimensions have taught us a considerable amount about the form of new technologies. They have, for instance, analysed how the internet's interactive character, its multimodality and its open character create civic opportunities, not least for young people. The field has, however, rather neglected a number of important issues. For instance, the category of 'producers' of civic content has received little attention. Hence, research has neglected questions such as the following. What interests inspire producers of civic websites? How is the production being carried through? What views of the internet inspire their work? This article begins to redress this neglect by analysing the producers of three different websites. The three websites are brought from different spheres of civil society—party politics, commercial media and activism—and they are analysed through producer interviews. The article reveals and critically discusses differences and similarities between different modes of producing civic web resources.";"Journal Article";2008;"T. Olsson";"For activists, for potential voters, for consumers: Three modes of producing the civic web";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2705;"This article examines how U.S. sex worker rights activists articulate 'rights-based frames' to counter mainstream 'victim frames' that conflate sex work and sex trafficking. Drawing on interviews with 19 U.S. sex worker rights activists conducted between 2010 and 2012, and participant observation of a national sex worker rights conference in Las Vegas, Nevada in 2010, I illustrate how activists create sex worker rights frames that (1) contest the labeling of sex workers as victims and (2) contest the accuracy and emotionality of stories and statistics used in mainstream anti–sex trafficking efforts. This rights-based framing draws on two master frames, labor rights and equal rights, to redefine the criminalization and stigmatization of sexual labor as a social problem, rather than prostitution itself. In the framing conflict over sex work, a rights-based approach also problematizes the intent and outcomes of anti–sex trafficking efforts to protect and rescue. To the extent that U.S. policy and advocacy efforts assume that sex work is a social problem and morally reprehensible, and that abolition of prostitution is a sound goal, those who challenge these assertions are at a disadvantage for acquiring credibility, voice, and support.";"Journal Article";2016;"C. A. Jackson";"Framing sex worker rights: How U.S. Sex worker rights activists perceive and respond to mainstream anti–sex trafficking advocacy";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2706;"This article introduces the concept of 'free spaces' as an important site for the development of theory and practice around youth activism, teacher development, and the transformation of public and private space in urban schools and communities. Nearly a quarter of a century ago, Evans and Boyte (1986) introduced the concept of 'free spaces' in their book: Free spaces: the sources of democratic change in America. Their goal was to highlight the invisible ways in which ordinary people organize themselves and democratize their communities. The authors in this special issue implicitly and explicitly use the concept of 'free spaces' to chronicle how lives unfold in contested spaces--not flat, seemingly 'neutral' spaces--but socially produced spaces, spaces imbued with racialized, gendered, and hetero-normative values and the hidden agenda of our society (Lefebvre, 1974; Hayden, 1995). Specifically, the authors seek to broaden our understanding of the social forces impacting on education inside and outside schools, with a focus on the role of agency to respond in transformative ways to these conditions.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. A. Akom";"Free spaces: Excavating race, class, and gender among urban schools and communities";"International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2707;"Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to assess the role that transient interpretation jobs play in the career development of skilled migrants. Design/methodology/approach: Based on interviews and correspondence with ethnic Albanian interpreters in the USA and Britain, this study analyzes the bonding and bridging effects of transient careers. Respondents include a diverse group of freelancers, as well as volunteer and professional interpreters and the interpretation experiences of the dozen Albanian skilled migrants are analyzed through a grounded theory approach. Findings: Interpretation jobs enable highly-skilled immigrants to initially sustain themselves abroad while adjusting to the host country. Interpretation is one area where skilled women can find a professional voice. Yet, the social capital value of interpretation exceeds its economic benefits. Migrant interpreters acquire human capital and social and cultural networks through their jobs and pass this 'know-how' to their communities through their volunteer work. Research limitations/implications: Further research beyond the limited ethnic scope of the study is necessary to assess the links between migration and translation activism. Practical implications: As an initial career choice for migrants, interpretation jobs remain typically transient, ad hoc and low-wage, and the important functions they provide in economic, social and cultural capital, and their role in enabling migrants to get skilled through their migration remain unrecognized in studies of career development. Social implications: Talented young immigrants in a transient career also get skilled through their migration process. Originality/value: Young Albanian interpreters, invisible as immigrants and refugees, are indicative of the potential talent hidden in many such transient careers. The social, economic and cultural gains from interpretation indicate the need to view transient careers as more than short-term strategies to make a living.";"Journal Article";2013;"B. A. Ellis";"Freelancing eagles: Interpretation as a transient career strategy for skilled migrants";"Journal of Management Development";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2709;"Drawing on theories of social movements and environmental sociology, this article considers a frame transformation that is taking place within ecological social movements. This transformation produced a new frame: 'total liberation.' We explore this phenomenon by analyzing interviews with activists, fieldwork observations, and documents from radical environmental and animal rights movement networks in the United States. Beyond introducing the total liberation frame, the article expands current understandings of how and why frame transformations occur through a consideration of how multiple frames, as well as intra‐ and intermovement tensions and influences, shape frame transformation.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. N. Pellow and H. N. Brehm";"From the new ecological paradigm to total liberation: The emergence of a social movement frame";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2710;"Many people have opinions on abortion, but relatively few contribute a substantial amount of time and effort to actively support their causes. This study investigated factors associated with level of activism in the abortion movement. The issue was addressed from a cost-benefit framework based on theory and research from other social movements. In a sample of 178 Ss (49 men, 197 women, and 32 who did not disclose their gender, ranging in age from under 30 yrs-over 70 yrs) drawn from pro-life and pro-choice organizations, activism was related to attitude salience, attitude polarization, social ties to abortion activists, and agentic self-esteem. Potential constraint variables (e.g., employment) and social approval from important others showed little relation to activism. Factors affecting activism were similar for pro-choice and pro-life activists. Findings were generally consistent with studies of political activism for other social causes.";"Journal Article";2001;"D. Kaysen and J. E. Stake";"From thought to deed: Understanding abortion activism";"Journal of Applied Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2711;"This article seeks to expand the discourse on sexuality education in the United States by examining ways in which youth are mobilizing to educate their own schools and communities about gender identity. The author conducted a descriptive case study within the GSA (Gay-Straight Alliance) Network, a youth-based community organization in the San Francisco Bay Area that provides leadership and networking opportunities for youth involved in gay-straight alliance clubs throughout California. Youth in this community are significantly expanding the categories of sexual and gender identification, which they situate directly within an activist and educational outreach agenda in their schools. This article explores how gender activism and educational outreach focus on a right to be protected from discrimination and also a right to expand the possibilities for gender identity and expression.";"Journal Article";2008;"J. E. Schindel";"Gender 101--Beyond the binary: Gay-straight alliances and gender activism";"Sexuality Research & Social Policy: A Journal of the NSRC";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2712;"Prior literature on women's participation in terrorism has paradoxically interpreted this involvement as a sign of women's newfound empowerment, and as an indication of ongoing gender oppression. The study examines the hypothesis that Palestinian women's involvement in terrorism indicates women's liberation. The data are derived from in-depth interviews with fourteen women who were detained or incarcerated in Israeli prisons for security offenses. The interviews shed light on the women's pathways to terrorism, the roles that they play in terrorist activity, and the aftermath of their security offenses within Palestinian society and culture. The study underlines the 'no return' option and 'no win' situation that Palestinian women who embark on terrorist activities encounter. The results demonstrate that although some women became involved in terrorism due to the sense of liberation that it provided, the women largely became disempowered in the aftermath of their offenses; rather than receiving praise for their activism as they had expected, they were shunned by others for their violation of gender expectations, and failure to fulfill traditional gender roles. The social and personal costs of involvement in terrorism for Palestinian women are analyzed, and policy implications of the findings for theory and practice are discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"A. Berko and E. Erez";"Gender, Palestinian women, and terrorism: Women's liberation or oppression?";"Studies in Conflict & Terrorism";"Israel";"Act";"Youth"
2713;"This article examines how activist identity is constructed in the Russian opposition youth movement Oborona. The research is based on fieldwork among youth activists in Moscow and St Petersburg. The author analyses how activist identity is classed and gendered, as well as its relations to the Russian civic field. The article suggests, first, that the activist identity is marked by an affiliation with the intelligentsia: activists have grown up in intelligentsia families and articulate their activities through the intelligentsia’s ‘markers’, such as intelligence, discussion skills and education. Secondly, activists follow a dissidents’ cultural model, by emphasizing the importance of non-conformism and traditional dissident values, and draw parallels between the contemporary government and the totalitarian Soviet state. Thirdly, this traditional intellectual dissident identity is associated with cosmopolitanism through the movement’s international connections and appropriation of the forms of action of global social movements. Sometimes the activist practices and aspirations conflict with the group’s ideals. Furthermore, the activist identity is gendered and embodied in the right activist ‘look’, which is defined by masculinity. Regardless of the movement’s liberal ideals in regards to democracy, questions of gender and sexuality are not discussed, and activists do not question traditional understandings of gendered divisions of labour.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Lyytikäinen";"Gendered and classed activist identity in the Russian oppositional youth movement";"The Sociological Review";"Finland";"Act";"Youth"
2714;"In this chapter, we emphasized Germany's history of war and peace, in particular, how the hard lessons learned from war influenced national security and foreign policy issues during the Cold War and after German reunification. Reunified Germany has progressively moved toward military 'normalization,' and a peace culture that developed in the antinuclear and antimilitarism movements of the 1950s, the Easter March Movement of the 1960s, and the astonishing peace movement of the 1980s. These movements continue echoing in contemporary Germany, seen most recently in antiwar protests related to the Iraq invasion. This peace culture is also voiced by the German respondents to the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS); although pessimistic toward the possibility of peace achievement, a great majority believes that peace is a basic right. Most importantly, most of them believe that individuals have a crucial role in promoting positive peace and that protesting in favor of peace and those rights is worthwhile. The item concerning a country's right to order torture of prisoners of war was the one that elicited the most consensus and strongest disapproval, with individuals stating that wartime cannot be an excuse for human rights infringement. This adamant position may be related to awareness of the negative consequences of war, such as higher tolerance toward human rights violations; if it is true that the majority of our participants did not have any direct experience with wartime, it is also true that reflection upon the lessons of the past was demanded by postwar generations. From monuments, museums, and documentaries to history books and academic debates, German citizens are being constantly reminded of the negative consequences of war and the importance of peace. Nevertheless, the participants' responses also reflected the debate on whether the lessons from the past mean 'no more war' or the need for military intervention under the 'no more Auschwitz' icon. Arguments relating to the defense of human rights were used on either side of the argument concerning the acceptability of invasion. Despite increasing efforts to promote equality and social justice and the country's adherence to international agreements on human rights, tensions remain between Germans and immigrant groups in some areas. Thus, it was interesting to verify that half of the participants view peace as meaning more than mere absence of war or violence, implying having basic rights such as equality, dignity, and justice respected. In fact, a major argument used by our sample to support their belief in a basic right to peace was 'equality'; in the words of one of our participants, 'peace is a universal right, no matter of what race, color or creed.'";"Book Section";2009;"E. A. Leembruggen-Kallberg, M. Barbosa and J. König";"Germany";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 2: Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and the Middle East.";"Netherlands";"Act";"Youth"
2715;"The purpose of this article is to investigate the community involvement (e.g., volunteerism, activism) of Latino gay and bisexual men and transgender persons (GBT) in two areas: AIDS/LGBT and other general causes. Drawing from volunteering and identity theories, we explore the following: Who is likely to get involved? What factors affect variation in the levels of involvement? Where do Latino GBT participate and what do they do? Data come from a cross-sectional sample (N = 643) of Latino GBT in Chicago, Illinois, and San Francisco, California. We found high levels of involvement, but primarily focused on AIDS/LGBT. Involvement appears to be driven by income, early involvement, role modeling, and childhood stigmatization of gender nonconformity.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. Ramirez-Valles, L. M. Kuhns, R. Vázquez and G. D. Benjamin";"Getting involved: Exploring Latino GBT volunteerism and activism in AIDS and LGBT organizations";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: The Quarterly Journal of Community & Clinical Practice";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2716;"The applications of psychology to war have been substantial and well documented. In the United States, the application of psychology to the design of weaponry and the selection and training of men during World War 11 has been hailed by some military scholars as the single most important intellectual contribution to winning the war, next to physics. Today, in the US, psychologists continue the tradition of applying psychology in an effort to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the armed forces, just as they have for nearly 100 years. At the same time, a less visible stream of research and practice in applied psychology has sought to serve humanity through the promotion of peace and social justice. In 1906, William James set the tone for psychologically based perspectives on peace when he delivered an address at Stanford University on 'The Moral Equivalent of War.' He argued for a civic substitute for war that would animate youth and instill some of the same virtues associated with military service, including duty, loyalty, and the advancement of group interests over self interests. As a pacifist, James' perspective on war was an outlier in the field of psychology, especially when measured against the many and varied contributions of psychologists to war, particularly during the first half of the twentieth century. James' perspective, however, would comport well with the views of psychologists in the second half of the twentieth century, a time when some psychologists in the US and around the world broke with the tradition of supporting war and began focusing their scholarship and activism on the prevention of war and promotion of peace. Today, peace psychology is a vibrant area of psychology that is global in scope and seeks to develop theory and practice aimed at the prevention and mitigation of organized violence and the pernicious worldwide problem of structural violence. The current presentation offers an overview of the origins, growth, scope, and content of peace psychology and concludes with some contributions of psychologists to policies that promote peace, social justice, and human well-being.";"Book Section";2014;"D. J. Christie";"Global developments in the science and practice of peace psychology";"Psychology serving humanity: Proceedings of the 30th International Congress of Psychology, Volume 2: Western psychology.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2717;"In a world in which youth around the world are denied their basic human rights, it is extremely heartening that an organization like Global Youth Connect exists. Global Youth Connect (GYC) is an organization that connects young activists all over the world, allowing them to work together and learn from each other. The organization develops projects and programs for individuals from more than 15 countries who are passionate about human rights, empowering them through their shared commitment and dedication to this cause. GYC is dedicated to educating and inspiring young individuals to advance human rights and create a more just world. The organization envisions a world where all young people—regardless of nationality, ethnicity, religion, class, gender or other differences—are encouraged and empowered to non-violently claim their own rights and serve as advocates for the rights of others. To achieve this vision, GYC develops a variety of programs that help youth (ages 14–30) from a wide range of ethnic, national, economic and religious backgrounds with opportunities to enhance their ability to take action on pressing human rights issues. The programs combine experiential training and workshops; skills development in grassroots organizing, conflict transformation, human rights activism and leadership; mentoring and technical support for on-going organizing efforts; on-the-ground experience in human rights organizations and doing human rights work; and connection to a global community of youth activists. To achieve their goals, GYC works together with existing human rights activists and NGOs in the selected communities, strengthening local youth to become leaders in their community and giving them a voice that many of them would otherwise lack, thereby increasing their ability to impact their societies. By working with young people in the community, GYC is equipping the next generation of leaders with the skills and tools to enact change their communities so desperately need.";"Journal Article";2009;"J. Heistein";"Global Youth Connect: A model of youth activism on behalf of human rights, education and health";"Counselling Psychology Quarterly";;"Act";"Youth"
2718;"The contemporary rise of popular support for fascism is investigated in this article through an examination of Golden Dawn's remarkable appeal to a section of Greek youth. This leads to the problematization of mainstream explanatory and interpretive discourses that attribute Golden Dawn's electoral and political attractiveness almost exclusively to anger and a will to punish the political system which is regarded as being responsible for the country's collapse and the harsh consequences of austerity and recession. Drawing upon the findings of ethnographic research on Golden Dawn and its young voters’ and supporters’ ideology and political activism conducted as part of the MYPLACE project, we argue that Golden Dawn's young voters and supporters are much more than angry youth. Their choice to support a fascist political agenda and practice cannot be reduced solely to an emotional reaction to the crisis but rests on wider ideological and political affinities and links that have been building over the previous two or three decades. In this sense, the contemporary rise of fascism in Greece appears as not merely a straightforward and simple outcome of the crisis but the complex result of previous socio‐political transformations, sharpened, magnified and accelerated by the current systemic crash.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Koronaiou, E. Lagos, A. Sakellariou, S. Kymionis and I. Chiotaki‐Poulou";"Golden Dawn, austerity and young people: The rise of fascist extremism among young people in contemporary Greek society";"The Sociological Review";"Greece";"Act";"Youth"
2719;"This case study highlights the challenges and successes of a small grassroots effort to change the learning environment for GLBT youth in a local public school district located within the conservative social climate of a small city in Colorado. Strategies included tailoring the social action agenda to the unique characteristics of the conservative community; finding allies in the school district; recruiting volunteer professional talent; and reframing social justice issues to focus on the educational value that every child is entitled to a physically and psychologically safe and supportive learning environment in order to achieve full academic potential.";"Book Section";2004;"A. O. Faulkner and A. Lindsey";"Grassroots Meet Homophobia: A Rocky Mountain Success Story";"Gay and lesbian rights organizing: Community-based strategies.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2720;"In 1970, a sixty-five-year-old Philadelphian named Maggie Kuhn began vocally opposing the notion of mandatory retirement. Taking inspiration from the civil rights and anti-Vietnam War movements, Kuhn and her cohorts created an activist organization that quickly gained momentum as the Gray Panthers. After receiving national publicity for her efforts—she even appeared on the Tonight Show with Johnny Carson—she gained thousands of supporters, young and old. Their cause expanded to include universal health care, nursing home reform, affordable and accessible housing, defense of Social Security, and elimination of nuclear weapons. Gray Panthers traces the roots of Maggie Kuhn's social justice agenda to her years as a YWCA and Presbyterian Church staff member. It tells the nearly forty-year story of the intergenerational grassroots movement that Kuhn founded and its scores of local groups. During the 1980s, more than one hundred chapters were tackling local and national issues. By the 1990s the ranks of older members were thinning and most young members had departed, many to pursue careers in public service. But despite its challenges, including Kuhn's death in 1995, the movement continues today. Roger Sanjek examines Gray Panther activism over four decades. Here the inner workings and dynamics of the movement emerge: the development of network leadership, local projects and tactics, conflict with the national office, and the intergenerational political ties that made the group unique among contemporary activist groups. Part ethnography, part history, part memoir. Gray Panthers draws on archives and interviews as well as the author's thirty years of personal involvement. With the impending retirement of the baby boomers, Sanjek's book will surely inform the debates and discussions to follow on retirement, health care, and many other aspects of aging in a society that has long valued youth above all.";"Book";2009;"R. Sanjek";"Gray Panthers";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
2721;"The differential effect of cognitive and affective group relative deprivation on protest orientation was investigated, among 120 Indian South African adults. Using Cantril's (1965) ladder to assess group cognitive relative deprivation, a list of 6 emotions to gauge affective group relative deprivation, and the Muller (1972) and Grofman and Muller (1973) measure of potential for collective violence to assess protest orientation, the authors found that Blacks' position was perceived as worse off, Whites' position as better off, and Coloureds' position as similar to that of the in-group. The results of a multiple regression analysis indicated that the affective component explained a greater proportion of the variance, confirming the importance of distinguishing between the cognitive and affective components of group relative deprivation when predicting protest orientation.";"Journal Article";1996;"C. de La Rey and P. Raju";"Group relative deprivation: Cognitive versus affective components and protest orientation among Indian South Africans";"The Journal of Social Psychology";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2722;"This article explores the processes of construction of collective identity of women activists in the state of Andhra Pradesh in south India. Utilizing methods such as the Twenty Statements Test and a semi-structured interview format with 10 activists, the study focused on their self-description as activist, formative influences on their decision to engage in activism, and their recall and narration of a significant collective action incident. Broadly, two dimensions of collective identity—sharing of a collective action frame and connection with a broader community rather than with narrow familial or personal identities—were found to characterize the way the participants construct their selves. The self-perceptions framed by political ideology and collective action experiences contained psychological overtones of subjective well-being that serve to explain in part the sustainability of their involvement with the organization.";"Journal Article";2012;"U. Vindhya";"Guns and roses: Collective identity processes of women activists in India";"Feminism & Psychology";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2723;"Suicide attacks are an important, and effective, terror tactic in Al Qaeda and other Islamist Movements' (AQOIM) tool kit as they wage jihad al saghir (lesser jihad) against the kuffar (infidels). The successful 9/11 terrorist attacks on American soil would not have been possible without the willingness of 19 young Arab men to commit intihar (suicide). AQOIM's 'marketing' of suicide attacks in their propaganda campaigns as 'martyrdom operations,' leads one to ask: Is the use of suicide as a military tactic in war against the kuffar sanctioned in Islam both scripturally and/or by the interpretations/opinions of Muslim scholars and religious figures, as well as by the Muslim public? This article explores the ongoing jihad (struggle) within Islam on what does and does not constitute 'martyrdom operations.' It does so by exploring the legality of such acts through the lens of Islamic doctrine (Quran and Hadith), as well as studying the interpretations of respected ulema (scholars) on whether or not suicide attacks are indeed 'martyrdom operations' to be praised as 'halal,' or to be condemned as 'haram' (forbidden).";"Journal Article";2011;"S. K. Burki";"Haram or Halal? Islamists' use of suicide attacks as 'Jihad'";"Terrorism and Political Violence";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2724;"The concept of hegemonic masculinity has had a profound impact on gender activism and has been taken up particularly in health interventions. The concept was part of a conceptual gendered vocabulary about men which opened up analytical space for research on masculinity and prompted a generation of gender interventions with men. Academic work focused primarily on relations between men, to the neglect of relations with women, while paradoxically acknowledging the power that men had over women. Interventions that drew on theories of masculinities focused on the content of hegemonic masculinity, identifying hegemony with oppressive attitudes and practices. Hegemonic masculinity was considered singular and universal, with little acknowledgment given to research-based work that argued for a model of multiple hegemonic masculinities. An unintended consequence of efforts to promote gender equity through a focus on men and hegemony has been a recent popular discursive backlash. In this, Jacob Zuma and Julius Malema, presidents of the African National Congress (ANC) and the ANC youth league respectively, have sought to valorize an African masculinity that is race-specific, backward-looking, and predicated on the notion of male superiority. In this article, the authors argue that the concept of hegemonic masculinities retains a utility in both scholarship and activism but that its use needs to be located within a broader gendered understanding of society which in turn needs to confront race and class-based national realities.";"Journal Article";2012;"R. Morrell, R. Jewkes and G. Lindegger";"Hegemonic masculinity/masculinities in South Africa: Culture, power, and gender politics";"Men and Masculinities";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2726;"HIV is a significant social, political and economic problem in Zimbabwe. However, few researchers have explored peoples’ experiences of living with HIV in that country. Drawing on 60 qualitative interviews conducted with Zimbabweans living in Harare in 2010, this paper focuses on how people from four different urban communities cope with HIV-related social stigma. To provide theoretical context to this issue, we utilised the ideas of Erving Goffman for exploring the individual experience of stigma and the concept of structural violence to understand stigma as a social phenomenon. This paper considers the relevance and role of stigma in the context of a country undergoing significant social, political and economic crisis. We investigated the strategies adopted by the Zimbabwean state and the influence of traditional and religious interpretations to appreciate the historical roots of HIV-related stigma. We took into account the ways in which the articulation of HIV with gender has caused women to experience stigma differently than men, and more intensely, and how grassroots activism and biomedical technologies have transformed the experience of stigma.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. O'Brien and A. Broom";"HIV in Harare: The role and relevance of social stigma";"African Journal of AIDS Research";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2727;"The social identity model of collective action (SIMCA) proposes that collective action flows from identity, perceived injustice, and efficacy beliefs but do these drivers apply for activists in all situations? Intuitively, the social structure that confronts activists should influence when and how they act. In two studies, we consider how activists incorporate the opinions of other people, groups, and institutions as part of their own reality or social structure. In Study 1, quantitative data from 248 activists campaigning for reconciliation between Indigenous and other Australians showed less support for SIMCA when activists faced a divided social movement. In Study 2, qualitative data from 40 online activists suggested that interactions involved identity presentation, used to sharpen and present views of the world and an idealized social structure. Together, findings highlight the practical importance for activists to have a consensual position about social structure, and of activists’ efforts to reach that consensus.";"Journal Article";2016;"L. K. Hartley, G. Lala, N. Donaghue and C. McGarty";"How activists respond to social structure in offline and online contexts";"Journal of Social Issues";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2728;"This study compares the opinions of men's movements' participants of each other. Nineteen profeminist, 17 men's rights, and 18 mythopoetic activists returned surveys. Overall, the respondents had little awareness of each other. The profeminist and men's rights respondents had negative views of each other, while the profeminists were more familiar with the mythopoetic men's issues than with men's rights issues. Further, profeminist respondents were split regarding their opinions of the mythopoetic men's movement. Men's rights respondents had lukewarm opinions of the mythopoetic men's movement, and the mythopoetic men's movement participants were not familiar enough with either the profeminist or men's rights men's movements to respond. This study shows that men's movement rhetoric is unreliable in its representation of how men's movement participants view each other.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. Fox";"How Men's Movement Participants View Each Other";"The Journal of Men's Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2730;"This paper examines the experiences of young Canadian women working in Toronto and New York who have undertaken unpaid internships in the creative sector. Interviews focused on their internship experiences, ability to secure paid employment, knowledge of the legal status of unpaid internships, and familiarity with emergent activism against unpaid internships. Findings reinforce the class‐based privilege of unpaid internships in the creative sector. Despite the economic precarity of unpaid internships, the young women articulated strong desires to find meaningful, secure, and paid employment.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. R. Shade and J. Jacobson";"Hungry for the job: Gender, unpaid internships, and the creative industries";"The Sociological Review";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2732;"African American women and men antirape activists evidenced a combined race and gender political consciousness when their reasons for participating in an antirape protest ad were analyzed for content. Both women and men activists stressed 'the need to speak out' about rape and 'the need to support Black women' in their responses. However, the activists qualified their answers in genders-specific ways. Women's qualifications emphasized their vulnerability to rape. Men's qualifications emphasized the need to hold rapists accountable. Together, activists' responses conveyed how the problem of rape compromises African American solidarity. Moreover, their responses exemplified the African-derived communal concept 'I am because we are; and since we are, therefore I am' in both pro-Black and pro-feminist ways.";"Journal Article";2001;"A. M. White";"I am because we are: Combined race and gender political consciousness among African American women and men anti-rape activists";"Women's Studies International Forum";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2733;"The present research examined the relation between in-group identification and the use of social identity—enhancing strategies for dealing with the discomfort associated with inconsistency between personal beliefs and in-group behavior (intragroup dissonance). Consistent with the hypothesis that social identity—enhancing strategies would be more effective at reducing intragroup dissonance for those highly identified with the in-group, Experiment 1 demonstrated that level of group identification moderated the effectiveness of group affirmation for reducing psychological discomfort associated with intragroup dissonance, but not the effectiveness of self-affirmation. In Experiment 2, which manipulated level of group identification, participants in a high-identification condition, relative to those in a low-identification condition, were more likely to choose to reduce intragroup dissonance with a strategy that enhanced social identity (i.e., out-group derogation) over a strategy less effective at social identity enhancement (i.e., activism to change the behavior of the group). Implications for intergroup relations are discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. E. Glasford, J. F. Dovidio and F. Pratto";"I continue to feel so good about us: In-group identification and the use of social identity-enhancing strategies to reduce intragroup dissonance";"Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2735;"Using Holland, Lachicotte, Skinner, and Cain's (1998) theory of identity and their concept of figured worlds, this article provides an overview of how twenty-four Mexican Americans came to produce Chicana/o Activist Educator identities. The desire to raise consciousness (teach for social justice pero con ganas) and 'give back to the [their] community' became a very important part of this identity. Using an ethnographic interview as well as a life history interview methodology, this article specifically focuses on the participants' conceptual and procedural identity production in local Chicana/o activist figured worlds (usually in colleges and universities). In these local figured worlds, the participants produced a more complex process of identity production that was both conceptual and procedural. The article concludes with broad implications for urban teacher education.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. Urrieta, Jr.";"Identity production in figured worlds: How some Mexican Americans become Chicana/o activist educators";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2736;"Explores the relationship between identity, emotion, and feminist collective action, focusing on the understanding of the emotional experiences of women as they alternate between participation in feminist organizations and events and interaction in nonmovement settings. In-depth, semistructured interviews were conducted with 45 women, ranging in age from early 20s to 60 yrs and older, who attended the 1991 Winter Institute Weekend Workshop in North Queensland, Australia. Participants were given an initial interview and a follow-up interview 12 mo later that explored the extent and nature of feminist involvement and any changes in thoughts and feelings about feminism during the time between interviews. The analysis confirms the central importance of anger in collective action and its particular significance for feminist identity and activism. As an emotion thought deviant for women, the anger inherent in feminist collective action frames created problems for participants in relationships with partners, friends, and work colleagues. Participants performed emotion work to deal with negative responses to their feminist identity, but this depleted emotional energy and created stress. Participation in movement events provided needed emotional support and an outlet for deviant emotions.";"Journal Article";1999;"C. Hercus";"Identity, emotion, and feminist collective action";"Gender & Society";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2737;"In the wake of the Tucson Unified School District dismantling its highly successful Mexican American Studies (MAS) program, students staged walkouts across the district to demonstrate their opposition. Student-led walkouts were portrayed as merely 'ditching,' and students were described as not really understanding why they were protesting. After these events, a group of student activists called UNIDOS organized and led the School of Ethnic Studies. This was a community school dedicated to teaching the forbidden MAS curriculum. In this article we present counternarratives from organizers, presenters, and participants in the School of Ethnic Studies. These narratives demonstrate the transformative resistance of students who created their own form of liberatory education. Our analysis highlights how student organizers led the creation of an autonomous, community-based educational space to allowed young people to engage in political analysis, self-reflection, and strategic organizing. We conclude with the implications for Ethnic Studies, urban education, and counternarrative.";"Journal Article";2013;"N. L. Cabrera, E. L. Meza, A. J. Romero and R. C. Rodríguez";"'If there is no struggle, there is no progress': Transformative youth activism and the School of Ethnic Studies";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2738;"This discussion focuses on the rationales employed by animal rights activists to explain their involvement in, and support of, protest tactics that are controversial both inside and outside the animal rights movement. The paper centers on the use of residential picketing ('home demos') in a campaign against a private, multinational animal testing firm. Using ethnographic data and semistructured interviews with activists, the discussion demonstrates that these activists are aware of the marginality of their tactics. Despite some ambivalence, however, activists accept full responsibility for their actions and justify their behavior by utilizing supportive rationales that stress the perceived efficacy of home demos. Specifically, they appeal to the immediate and long-term psychological and direct and indirect material impacts on protest targets. These narratives are explored as constructions that are shaped and disseminated within the context of the state's preoccupation with 'ecoterrorism' and the movement's internal debates regarding acceptable protest tactics.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. R. Goodman and C. R. Sanders";"In favor of tipping the balance: Animal rights activists in defense of residential picketing";"Society & Animals: Journal of Human-Animal Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2739;"Presents the story of Mai, a 29-yr-old Hmong woman, as an effort to interrupt the obscuring effect of the intertwined master narratives of the passive model minority and the homogeneity of the Asian American community. Through the presentation of Mai's story, the authors hope to make visible the unique experiences of young Hmong women coming of age in the US. Their largely untold stories are often narratives of family trauma, cultural conflict, racism, and success, narratives of the struggle to both affirm and transform their place as Hmong American women both in and out of the Hmong community.";"Book Section";1999;"T. Xiong and B. D. Tatum";"'In my heart I will always be Hmong': One Hmong American woman's pioneering journey toward activism";"Women's untold stories: Breaking silence, talking back, voicing complexity.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2740;"Art activities that explore self-identity with students help young people reify their individual voices, which, in turn, can help them envision their part(s) in society. Once children are secure with their current identities, their 'personal concerns may become social concerns' and it is then that they begin to dream about alternatives inspired by the artworks they encounter and/or create. This process may involve, in part, recognizing privilege and power, identifying complex social problems, theorizing alternatives, and then mobilizing against injustice. Scholars refer to socially engaged art education with a variety of different labels. Marit Dewhurst notes that among the most popular terms are the following: activist art, community-based arts, new public art, art for social change, art for democracy, theater of the oppressed, and community cultural development. Not all scholars, though, perceive these terms are interchangeable. For example, Beverly Naidus distinguishes between two of the most commonly used terms—socially engaged art and activist art; she conceptualizes socially engaged art as a practice that can be done either individually or in collaboration with a community, and activist art as typically aligned with a 'social movement'. Despite the semantic disagreement, one commonality among terms is the desire 'to create art that draws attention to, mobilizes action towards, or attempts to intervene in systems of inequality or injustice.' Teachers who implement socially engaged art curricula must themselves have a developed sense of social imagination. As Henry Giroux urges, teachers who wish to incorporate socially transformative curricula into their classrooms must be committed to a set of ideals, including teaching as transformation, schools as democratic public spheres, and the desire to foster public discourse. Some scholars suggest that activist art teachers require specialized teacher education courses or programs. Consequently, a strong argument can be made for foundational pre-service teacher coursework that prepares educators to teach about social issues in all content areas—coursework in democratic education, sociology of education, and deliberation.";"Book Section";2014;"M. Spearman";"Incorporating the visual arts into a study of social issues";"Educating about social issues in the 20th and 21st centuries: A critical annotated bibliography, Vol. 3.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2741;"This chapter explores the unique perceptions of war and peace from Indian respondents. In our study, 144 participants provided explanations to items in the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS), providing a glimpse into Indian views on issues such as whether one country has the right to invade another country as well as whether individuals have a right to protest against war. Participants rated their level of agreement with statements concerning state rights to aggression and individual rights to peace on 7-point scales ranging from 1 (totally disagree) to 7 (totally agree) and then provided explanations for their rating scale responses. To facilitate understanding of our participants' views, the chapter provides an overview of Indian history—pre-Partition and post-Partition—depicting India's external and internal struggles with intergroup conflict. The chapter also elaborates on political, economic, and social influences on Indian perspectives on the rights to war and peace.";"Book Section";2009;"E. Puri, T. Zaveri and N. Raj";"India";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2742;"In the study reported in this chapter, Indonesian participants completed the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey. Their attitudes regarding war, peace, government right to aggression, individual rights to peace, terrorism, and torture were documented. The Indonesian sample suggests that contemporary Indonesian society is a strongly peace-oriented society. There are a number of indicators for this, although perhaps the strongest indicator is the 100 percent of the sample who agreed that peace ought to be regarded as a right. It is interesting to note that in 1984, the United Nations General Assembly formally recognized peace as a universal right, and it is further interesting to note that support for this resolution was strongest among developing (Global South) countries. One possibility as to why those within Global South countries are more vehement in supporting statements about peace is that it is often the people within the Global South who have experienced violence at a personal and national level, and who are therefore able to see through the institutional support for governmental violence. In other words, one can argue that it is precisely because Indonesians have experienced governmental violence that there is such a strong support for peace. The responses for Indonesia also provide some indirect evidence for cautious optimism about the future of Indonesia. Some might argue that the sample is too limited to draw any wide conclusions, and yet the content of the responses was very strong. Indonesia remains, in the words of Colin Brown, an 'unlikely nation' although in reality all nation-states are unlikely because they are, as Benedict Anderson argues, 'imagined communities.' The key to the future is what people imagine these communities to be and to become. The survey results suggest there is a powerful groundswell of opinion within Indonesia today that envisages the future of the Indonesian nation-state as a peaceful, democratic, and multicultural nation. The very fact that this sentiment exists is some cause for cautious optimism.";"Book Section";2009;"J. Page, S. R. Soebhan and J. Peterman";"Indonesia";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2743;"This collective commentary is based on the narratives of the author-protagonists, three South African higher education developers who were involved in political activism during their youth. The commentary investigates the continuities between the author-protagonists’ youth and their later professional engagements. Drawing from social realism, the concepts of agency and reflexivity provide a helpful analytic lens. Together, the narratives suggest that these concepts may be more complex when viewed against individual narratives and that some of the differences between social realist Margaret Archer and her critics are worth bridging. Undertaking an investigation of one’s own past is beneficial for professionals engaged in higher education development.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Leibowitz, J. Garraway and J. Farmer";"Influence of the past on professional lives: A collective commentary";"Mind, Culture, and Activity";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2744;"The current study selected young educated adults as the target group because this segment ranks among the more undecided populations when it comes to recycling (Goldenhar & Connell, 1992-1993). The review of the literature provides the background and structure for the key premise of this study that personal beliefs, external behavior modification attempts, and self-empowerment thoughts predict recycling behavior. More specifically, we hypothesize the following relationships regarding self-reported recycling activity: (1) Young adults who hold positive beliefs about community activism and emotional connections toward nature are more likely to recycle than those who do not. (2) Young adults who are likely to be influenced by others' opinions and environmental education are more likely to recycle than those who do not. (3) Young adults who have a strong sense of self, that is, feel self-empowered, are more likely to recycle than those who do not. Because previous research has shown that sociocultural and demographic variables are related to self-reported recycling behavior, we add the following research question: What roles do demographic and sociocultural variables play in explaining the recycling behavior of young adults? This study uses survey methodology to assess the relationship between young adults' personal beliefs, feedback from others, self-image, and their recycling behavior. Five psychological constructs (environmental activism, environmental sensitivity, interpersonal influences, environmental literacy, and perceived empowerment) were chosen for our conceptual framework. In addition to these key measures, data were collected on a number of control variables. Specifically, we assessed respondents' age, gender, socioeconomic status, religious devoutness, and political orientation. The first hypothesis asserts that personal beliefs about social activism and emotional sensitivity toward nature significantly predict recycling behavior among young adults; this hypothesis was partially supported. The second hypothesis proposes that recycling behavior of young adults is determined by behavior modification via learning (literacy) or the influences of important others. This hypothesis is only partially supported as well. Finally, the third hypothesis states that perceived self-empowerment predicts recycling behavior among young adults; this hypothesis was supported. The research question asks about the significance of demographic and sociocultural variables in explaining the recycling behavior of young adults. Among all sociocultural variables, only gender and age emerge as significant predictors for this group of respondents. In general, the combined effects analysis reveals that the perception of self-empowerment, a personal belief in the value of community activism, and gender emerge as key predictors of young adults' recycling behavior.";"Book Section";2006;"O. Werder";"Influences on the Recycling Behavior of Young Adults: Avenues for Social Marketing Campaigns";"The environmental communication yearbook, Vol. 3.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2746;"Suggests 7 measures behavioral educators can take to make effective educational procedures available in public schools. Suggestions include making the 1st priority of behavioral educators the dissemination of effective technology, developing comprehensive educational systems, simplifying and beautifying existing effective procedures, creating a market for effective educational technology, obtaining new measures of educational success, beginning a program of educational activism, and foraging in new fields. These measures are offered in light of the fact that many urban youth face bleak futures, even though the educational technology to correct this problem has existed since the 1970s. Part of the problem is that public school teachers have the right to reject educational procedures that are unappealing to them, that are labor intensive, or that are seen as stifling their creativity.";"Journal Article";1993;"S. Axelrod";"Integrating behavioral technology into public schools";"School Psychology Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2747;"This article investigates whether school activism diminishes the alienation that accompanies urban youths’ observations of unequal educational conditions, and often leads to underachievement and school rejection. The study is based on interviews with 13 urban youth about their participation in a community- based program that supports education organizing. Findings reveal that school activism is a promising intervention that encourages more constructive responses to schooling. However, the opportunity to participate in school activism was more influential for students who were already integrated into school life and initially felt less acutely alienated. Implications for enhancing the prevalence of success among urban students are considered.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Taines";"Intervening in alienation: The outcomes for urban youth of participating in school activism";"American Educational Research Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2748;"highlight some of the feminist activism of the young women [at a British] Youth Council / explore how they see themselves and their lives in relation to feminism and to consider which factors have motivated them to become activists / [argue that] at present, young women are not a significant part of feminist discourse / explore why this is so and examine the implications for feminism / [argue why feminists] can no longer afford to ignore young women, how we need to be investing in them and making these connections because not only do they have a lot to offer, but feminism will be stronger with them";"Book Section";1995;"D. Morgan";"Invisible women: Young women and feminism";"Feminist activism in the 1990s.";;"Act";"Youth"
2749;"Issues of war and peace may have a particular salience for Iraqis that may not be as immediate or telling in individuals more buffered from the realities of armed conflict. In this chapter, respondents completed the Personal and Individual Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). The survey respondents ranged in age from 18 to 77 years with an average age of 40 years old. All respondents were born in Iraq, as were their parents. Fifteen respondents were Moslems, and two were Christian. About 60 percent of the respondents were married. Half of the participants had engaged in university or postgraduate study. Most respondents had a family member who had served in the military. Two participants reported serving in the military, one for 30 years and one for 22 years. None of the participants had participated in any conflict resolution or peace education programs in a school or community setting. The survey documented Iraqi adult attitudes toward governmental aggression and peace, war, terrorism, torture, and national security.";"Book Section";2009;"A. K. AlObaidi and L. Jeffrey";"Iraq";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 2: Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and the Middle East.";"Iraq";"Act";"Youth"
2750;"Although the 1960 student sit-ins were not nearly as uncoordinated as contemporaneous and subsequent accounts suggested, their repeated characterization in participants' accounts as 'spontaneous' merits explanation. Analysis of campus newspaper articles and letters to the editor, speeches, and organizational and personal correspondence shows the emergence of a coherent and compelling narrative of the sit-ins, in which spontaneity denoted not a lack of prior coordination but independence from adult leadership, urgency, local initiative, and action by moral imperative rather than bureaucratic planning. Narratives of the sit-ins, told by many tellers, in more and less public settings, and in which spontaneity was a central theme, helped to constitute 'student activist' as a new collective identity and to make high risk activism attractive. It was the storied character of representations of the sit-ins that compelled participation. This case suggests the more general importance of narrative—as distinct from collective action 'frames'—in accounting for mobilization that takes place before the consolidation of movement organizations.";"Journal Article";1998;"F. Polletta";"'It was like a fever…' Narrative and identity in social protest";"Social Problems";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2751;"The authors report on the development of a novel construct, internal environmental locus of control (INELOC), which captures consumers’ multifaceted attitudes pertaining to personal responsibility towards and ability to affect environmental outcomes. Using data gathered from a sample of consumers, the linkages between INELOC and a wide array of environmental behaviors were investigated. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses revealed four first‐order dimensions ('green consumer,' 'activism,' 'advocate,' and 'recycling attitudes') embedded within a second‐order INELOC factor. Structural equations modeling techniques showed that INELOC was a strong positive predictor of many behaviors. However, the nature of the attitude–behavior relationship varied considerably across behavioral contexts, implying that people do not consistently behave in a proenvironmental manner.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Cleveland, M. Kalamas and M. Laroche";"'It's not easy being green': Exploring green creeds, green deeds, and internal environmental locus of control";"Psychology & Marketing";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2752;"Outsiders often see Australia as a place that has achieved a remarkable degree of tolerance for social and cultural difference. It has a reputation for a successful and enlightened national HIV/AIDS strategy and as an important gay tourist spot, particularly during Sydney's Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras. Legalized sex between men in all jurisdictions has been achieved, most of it during the era of the HIV epidemic. Reforms in anti-discrimination law and the recognition of gay and lesbian relationships are further examples of significant social change concerning sexuality. These achievements suggest that real gains have been made by gay and lesbian political activism and have been used to indicate that there is a new, more open space for Australian gay people to live their lives, accepted as citizens and treated equally. This is true to some extent, but an analysis of a recent, popular 'reality' television programme, Big Brother, reveals a different picture and suggests that the acceptance of gay men in Australia comes at a price. The HIV epidemic has made its own contribution to these social changes, but this too is a mixed blessing for gay men in particular. Just how far Australia has come on this road to social reform concerning sexual equality is assessed.";"Journal Article";2003;"G. W. Dowsett";"'Johnnie comes marching...where?' Australian Gay men, masculinity, HIV/AIDS and sex";"Culture, Health & Sexuality";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2753;"Background: Though muslim females exclusion from physical activities and sports has concerned scholars for years, they are still being theorized out of context and out of history and not as agents in their own lives. Within the prevailing context of the ‘War on Terror,’ muslim females are becoming more racialized in sports and are unnecessarily constructed as needing protection and void of any agency. In 2010, a crisis emerged out of the International Federation of Association Football's (FIFA) erratic interpretation of Law 4 which excluded muslim females players with a head/cover gear deemed unsafe on the field. This crisis highlighted the importance of understanding not only the targeted exclusion of muslim female players but also the importance of working with muslim female national football players and the possibilities of them resisting the racializing and gendering logics of a mega-sport institution such as FIFA. Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to understand how five women football players on the Jordanian national team negotiated FIFA's ‘hijab ban’ of 2011. Particularly, it seeks the perspectives of the players themselves – whether they are wearing the head and/or neck cover or not and whether their muslimness is visible or not – and their stories of how they negotiated FIFA's ‘hijab ban’ (2011–2012). Methodology: This paper is part of a larger critical qualitative study based on (1) dialogical interviews with five football players on the Jordanian national team, (2) material the players crafted and used to campaign against FIFA's ‘hijab ban,’ (3) players’ journals, (4) email correspondence and (5) web-based campaigning material. I deploy arab-muslim feminist scholars’ more complicated understanding of the hijab and theorize of how muslim women's bodies are regulated by two interconnected hijabophobias, the Islamist and Western-Islamophobic. Findings: The findings are organized in the following themes: (1) experiencing humiliation and injustice, (2) exposing FIFA's Islamophobic standpoint and (3) resisting through solidarity and activism. The results suggest that the muslim female football players on the Jordanian national team exposed the FIFA's Islamophobic hijabophobia in its interpretation of Law 4. They acted with resilience and political savviness to regain the right to play while being muslim female under FIFA's laws. This suggests that muslim females are active agents in their own lives and on a global level. They are able to counter the racializing injustices produced by very powerful sport institutions. Non-muslim/Western policy-makers, researchers, teachers and trainers working among muslim women and youth need to consider this example as a frame to their participatory research, critical pedagogies, and physical education (PE) and sport curricula. They need to recognize that we are living a moment in history in which muslim women's bodies are sites of both the Islamist and the colonialist anxieties in their struggles for power. Thus, they need to urgently be engaged in the theories and pedagogical approaches that challenge both the Islamist and the Islamophobic hijabophobias in sport and PE.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Hamzeh";"Jordanian national football Muslimat players: Interrupting Islamophobia in FIFA’s hijab ban";"Physical Education and Sport Pedagogy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2754;"When training for multi-cultural competence, I often ask participants to develop a one-page cultural biography about their early experiences with diverse individuals and how those experiences shaped their attitudes today. Recently, when working with early childhood educators, they asked to see my cultural biography, I was taken aback at first, then I rose to the challenge and constructed my own narrative, I wrote about how my parents had migrated from the South to upstate New York and bought a brownstone house. In this home, we temporarily housed a host of relatives on both my father's and mother's side, as our extended family also migrated from Alabama and Mississippi. During my early childhood years, as the youngest and only girl in my immediate family, I roamed our brownstone—three stories and a basement—and interacted with aunts, uncles, cousins, grandparents, and even non-blood 'kin.' The experience of constructing my own cultural biography was insightful for me; it made me realize that I had acquired my community competencies at an early age.";"Book Section";2013;"C. A. West-Olantunji";"Kicking and screaming: My social action journey";"Helping beyond the 50-minute hour: Therapists involved in meaningful social action.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2755;"In spring 2011, thousands of Wisconsin residents protested a controversial bill spearheaded by Governor Scott Walker. Protest engagement via social media was popular, especially among young people. The current study examines the relationship between young people's informational and expressive uses of four social media—Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and Blogs—and their offline protest engagement. Survey results reveal that although college students used these social media to obtain information about the budget repair bill protests, only expressive uses related to offline protest engagement. We move research forward by examining the implications of multiple uses of political social media surrounding a compelling case study.";"Journal Article";2012;"T. Macafee and J. J. De Simone";"Killing the bill online? Pathways to young people's protest engagement via social media";"Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2756;"We analyze data from the 2010 General Social Survey to illuminate the relationship of social capital with pro-environmental behavior, a willingness to make sacrifices for the environment, and participation in organized environmental activism. Three kinds of social capital are examined: relational social capital, generalized trust, and community social capital. Specifically, we find that time spent with neighbors was positively correlated with both environmental lifestyle and willingness to sacrifice variables, whereas time spent with relatives was negatively correlated. Generalized trust was positively correlated with willingness to sacrifice variables, as well. Social evening spent with friends was associated with a single outcome variable: having attended an environmental issue demonstration. These findings are consistent with previous research concerning the influence of community-level dynamics on behavior, and suggest that social capital may be an important, though as of yet not well explored, mechanism for understanding shifts toward pro-environmental behavior.";"Journal Article";2016;"T. Macias and K. Williams";"Know your neighbors, save the planet: Social capital and the widening wedge of pro-environmental outcomes";"Environment and Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2758;"In this chapter, Kuwaiti adults completed responses to the Personal and Individual Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). The Kuwaiti participants in our study, consistent with the positive and forward-looking perspective of their country, have a positive attitude toward peace and believe they have a right to stage protests against war in favor of peace. They also hold that no government has a right to torture anyone, even a prisoner of war, because torture is a violation of human rights. Perhaps based in part on their own experience and observations, they view war as a nightmare, as a completely destructive process for people, and as a source for planting resentment in the minds of innocents. Terrorist attacks are against the moral principles of the Islamic religion, and our participants are aware of this. The majority of respondents pointed to the negative effects of invasion on society, but they still believe that world peace is achievable. Although our sample is relatively small, it has many positive, attributes. It includes the voices of approximately equal numbers of men and women and best represents the views of educated people from the middle classes and higher, many of whom will be the leaders of tomorrow or the parents of the leaders of tomorrow.";"Book Section";2009;"H. Mohammed and R. Tayeh";"Kuwait";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 2: Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and the Middle East.";"Kuwait";"Act";"Youth"
2759;"In the study reported in this chapter, Hmong immigrants living in the United States completed the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). Their perspectives on government acts of aggression, peace and protest, national security, torture, and violence were documented. The Hmong people have had their agrarian lifestyle dramatically altered by war and relocation. The vestiges of their past lifestyle can be seen as they struggle to create a new lifestyle in a new country. Immigration issues such as poverty, lack of employment, literacy, illegal status, acceptance, and integration into society to avoid discrimination and racism continue to plague this population. Recent immigrants have experienced the ravages of war, the continued effects of poverty, fear, and feelings of displacement that come from living in refugee camps, and the pervasive sense of uncertainty that can simply wear down the human spirit as they struggle to make sense out of their new surroundings. The participants in this study echo a desire for safety, a belief in peace, and the important role that peace plays in life along with the need for governance.";"Book Section";2009;"J. E. Jones, P. E. Priester and C. Vang";"Laos";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2760;"The percentage of Latinas/os decreases at each stage in the educational pipeline and is especially proportionally low at the post-baccalaureate level. This study investigates the complexities of the quest to increase post-baccalaureate participation for Latina/o students. We present data on post-baccalaureate education by utilizing 2 comprehensive survey instruments distributed at 3 California State University campuses (Hispanic-Serving Institutions), 1 for current Latina/o students and alumni and the other for faculty and administrators. Findings indicate that students evaluate the value of post-baccalaureate studies based on sometimes problematic undergraduate experiences, cost, and perceived opportunity.";"Journal Article";2014;"G. A. Berg and K. Tollefson";"Latina/o student perceptions of post-baccalaureate education: Identifying challenges to increased participation";"Journal of Latinos and Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2761;"Community involvement (e.g., volunteerism, activism) in HIV/AIDS may be an effective prevention strategy. Through involvement in HIV/AIDS-related organizations, individuals may develop a positive sense of themselves, maintain HIV preventive behaviors, and create community change. In this paper we examine the types of activities, motives, consequences, and deterrents to community involvement among Latino gay men using both community organizations' and Latino gay men's perspectives. Data come from an exploratory study in Chicago. It included telephone interviews with HIV/AIDS organizations (N=62) and in-depth interviews with Latino gay men (n=6 volunteers; n=7 non-volunteers). Subjects were aged 23-48 yrs. We found that organizations have few Latino volunteers and that the deterrents to involvement are stigma of HIV/AIDS and homosexuality, racism, and apathy. Among the positive consequences, we found an increase in self-esteem, sense of empowerment, and safer sex behaviors.";"Journal Article";2003;"J. Ramirez-Valles and A. U. Brown";"Latinos' community involvement in HIV/AIDS: Organizational and individual perspectives on volunteering";"AIDS Education and Prevention";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2762;"Semi-structured interviews with key environmentalists conducted in 2002 suggest strategic decision makers, organisational spokespeople and Green politicians are key leaders of the Tasmanian environmental movement, although charismatic leadership persists following movement routinisation. Routinisation is associated with the rise of non-protest environmental movement organisations addressing mainstream issues such as soil erosion, while protest oriented organisations champion the protection of old growth forests. Disproportionate federal government funding of non-protest organisations underpins tensions between movement leaders. An environmental council representing the diverse interests of the groups and organisations comprising the movement mitigates tensions and strengthens leader integration. Entrenched leaders from the ‘baby boom’ generation hinder the rise of younger leaders. Leader mentoring schemes adopted by movement organisations offer a potential solution to leadership succession in a mature social movement.";"Journal Article";2009;"B. Tranter";"Leadership and change in the Tasmanian environment movement";"The Leadership Quarterly";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2763;"Becoming an animal rights activist is not just a process of identity change and re-socialization but also implies, as this article suggests, a 're-engineering' of affective cognitive repertoires and processes of 'sensibilization' in relation to nonhuman animals. Activists thereby develop their mental responsiveness and awareness and refine their embodied sensitivity and capacity for sensing. The article proposes a theoretical perspective for understanding these processes. Empirically, this article examines the development of affective dispositions informing activists' subjectivity and embodied sensibilities. It looks at the ways in which visceral, bodily, or affective responses are cultivated to reinforce activist commitments. First, the analysis identifies 'micro-shocks' and 're-shocking' experiences as mechanisms for sustaining commitment. Second, 'emphatic identification' and 'embodied simulation' are highlighted as mechanisms for nurturing empathy towards animals. Finally, it identifies the role of 'affective meat encounters' and the cultivation of disgust as mechanisms for nurturing sensibilities. The analysis is based on a case study of animal rights activists in Sweden.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Hansson and K. Jacobsson";"Learning to be affected: Subjectivity, sense, and sensibility in animal rights activism";"Society & Animals: Journal of Human-Animal Studies";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2764;"Dominant feminist scholarship in the West has tended to equate being Arab or Muslim with oppression and to negate the active histories of resistance of women in these societies. In addition, feminist and disability studies scholarship has largely omitted an exploration of the experiences of women with disabilities. This paper attempts to addresses these tendencies and gaps in the scholarship by presenting the findings of a case study adopting a critical disability research approach. The study explored the activism role and experiences of 14 women with disabilities and their allies working in various regions of Lebanon during situations of war. Relying on a feminist postcolonial analysis and focusing on the intersection of gender and disability in the experiences of the activists, several main themes emerged from the semi-structured interviews: awareness of oppression; mitigating the impact of oppression; and the balancing acts negotiating motherhood and activism.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. Wehbi";"Lebanese women disability rights activists: War-time experiences";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2765;"What can the experiences of White antiracist activists teach psychologists about social justice training, practice, and advocacy? Not only have the perspectives of these individuals received little in the way of scholarly exploration, their activities are largely unknown to mainstream society. In this qualitative analysis, we studied the views, actions, turning points, and challenges reported by 18 adults whose self-reported antiracist activities ranged from organization and leadership to speaking out in everyday situations. Participants demonstrated a complex structural conceptualization of race and racism, and considered their antiracist activities to be rewarding and meaningful despite the interpersonal conflict that had accompanied them. The results of the analysis are tied to suggestions regarding the multicultural/social justice training of applied psychologists.";"Journal Article";2010;"L. Smith and R. M. Redington";"Lessons from the experiences of White antiracist activists";"Professional Psychology: Research and Practice";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2766;"The 2005 Canada‐wide legalization of same‐sex marriage provided same‐sex couples with access to an institution they had previous been excluded from. Yet not all couples choose to marry. In this paper, we examine why this is the case, considering the role of personal, political, and historical factors. We draw on 22 interviews with people in common‐law same‐sex relationships in Toronto to examine how they understand their relationship within the new context of marriage equality. We find that participants feel they are held accountable to marriage as a default relationship legitimacy norm, indicating that this new institutional access is accompanied by a set of social expectations. Despite their awareness of the need to navigate a social context favoring marriage, participants individualize their relationship decisions as personal rather than political. Participants often contradict themselves as they articulate what marriage means to them, suggesting that, in this period of legal and social transition, people are negotiating multiple meanings, societal messages, and traditions when it comes to making sense of their relationship. We discuss the implications of these findings for LGBQ activism and the framing of sexuality‐based inequalities in Canadian society.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. A. Lyon and H. Frohard‐Dourlent";"'Let's talk about the institution': Same‐sex common‐law partners negotiating marriage equality and relationship legitimacy";"Canadian Review of Sociology";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2767;"This study contests the distinction of LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer) organizations suggested by earlier scholars as ‘respectable’—i.e. normalizing, professionalizing and conforming to the dominant cultural and institutional patterns—and ‘queer’, meaning challenging the cultural and institutional forces that ‘normalize and commodify differences’. Using Bernstein's model of identity deployment, it is found problematic to distinguish LGBTQ organizations this way because when the actions of LGBTQ organizations are more complex to describe, it is not warranted to conflate identity goals with identity strategies—whether normalizing (respectable) or differentiating (queer). To examine these concerns, a qualitative inquiry was used to study five LGBTQ organizations in India where the intersections of post‐colonial ethnicity, gender, social class and sexuality offer an intriguing context through which to study queer activism. Based on the findings, it is argued from a post‐colonial perspective that when the socio‐cultural and historical existence of non‐homonormative queer communities and practices is strong, LGBTQ organizations challenge the heteronormative and/or other forms of domination to become ‘queer’. But they may simultaneously become ‘respectable′ by conforming to the diversity politics of non‐profit business, donors, and social movement organizations they seek support from, and turn out as ‘respectably queer’.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Ghosh";"LGBTQ activist organizations as ‘respectably queer’ in India: Contesting a Western view";"Gender, Work and Organization";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2768;"This article examines the interrelations between psychology and feminism in the work of feminist psychologists and radical feminists in Toronto in the early 1970s. For Canadian feminist psychology as well as for second-wave activism, Toronto was a particular hotspot. It was the academic home of some of the first Canadian feminist psychologists, and was the site of a lively scene of feminists working in established women’s organizations along with younger socialist and radical feminists. This article analyzes the interrelations of academic feminist psychology and feminist activism by focusing on consciousness-raising, a practice that promised to bridge tensions between the personal and the political, psychological and social liberation, everyday knowledge and institutionalized knowledge production, theory and practice, as well as the women’s movement and other spheres of women’s lives.";"Journal Article";2015;"N. Ruck";"Liberating minds: Consciousness-raising as a bridge between feminism and psychology in 1970s Canada";"History of Psychology";"Austria";"Act";"Youth"
2769;"The Osaka Human Rights Museum, Liberty Osaka, is located in Naniwa on the site of a historic outcaste community. It was established primarily through the efforts of members of the Buraku Liberation League in 1985, offers exhibits on the history and contemporary realities of Burakumin and 12 other Japanese minority groups, and includes displays on relatively well-known minority groups. The museum is dedicated to educating people from all backgrounds about the realities of minority life in Japan, but it also represents an important attempt to bridge the generational gap between aging activists and a new generation of youth who principally learn about the plight of Japan’s minority groups in classroom settings and through the familiar lexicon of human rights. Visitations to the museum provide an important opportunity for cross generational learning about human rights and political activism. It is not merely a site for them to articulate their grievances but also a place where genuine intergenerational interaction takes place with groups who will bear the responsibility for securing and promoting human rights issues in Japan into the future.";"Journal Article";2010;"T. D. Amos";"Liberty Osaka: Creating opportunities for intergenerational learning about human rights";"Journal of Intergenerational Relationships";"Singapore";"Act";"Youth"
2770;"How to write about violence? Most recent anthropological works have dealt with this question in terms of either political economy, narratives, or performance. Using J. M. Coetzee's Life & Times of Michael K as a pre-text, an ethnological inquiry into violence is proposed through the biography of a young South African woman. The reconstitution of her life story through informal interactions and in-depth interviews embedded in long-term research in her home community attempts to inscribe her life in its times, in other words, to articulate an experience of extreme poverty and sexual abuse and later of living with HIV and becoming involved in AIDS activism with the historical condition of apartheid and its aftermath. Taking seriously the young woman's perspective on her biography implies both epistemological and ethical issues. As it unfolds through her narrative, relocated in its social context, her story can be read as the progressive appropriation of an imposed fate, the slow shift from subordination to subjectification and, finally, a form of political education to violence.";"Journal Article";2008;"D. Fassin, F. Le Marcis and T. Lethata";"Life & times of Magda A: Telling a story of violence in South Africa";"Current Anthropology";"France";"Act";"Youth"
2771;"Media coverage of the uprising in Egypt in 2011 focused almost exclusively on Tahrir Square in Cairo. How was the revolution lived in other parts of Egypt, including the countryside? I offer a glimpse of what happened in one village in Upper Egypt where, as elsewhere, daily lives were deeply shaped by devastating national economic and social policies, the arbitrary power of police and security forces, and a sense of profound marginalization and disadvantage. Youth were galvanized to solve local problems in their own community, feeling themselves to be in a national space despite a history of marginalization. They also used a particular language for their activism: a strong language of social morality, not the media-friendly political language of 'rights' and 'democracy.'";"Journal Article";2012;"L. Abu-Lughod";"Living the 'revolution' in an Egyptian village: Moral action in a national space";"American Ethnologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2772;"Globalization processes are putting pressure on traditional modes of democratic social action and rendering some ineffective. How does grassroots activists’ knowledge of globalization influence their strategies for working toward community change? This article draws on a qualitative analysis of 24 in-depth interviews with activists and community organizers in the Midwestern United States to identify their perspectives on globalization, the local impacts and challenges that globalization creates, and the strategic adaptations of models for community organizing and local activism in the contemporary global era. We found that most organizers and activists are critically aware of globalization processes and the difficulties these dynamics pose for their communities. Further, they often view their locally focused work as a direct response to the demands of globalization. The findings offer a counterpoint to depictions of local social action as myopic or irrelevant for the global era.";"Journal Article";2012;"B. D. Christens and J. J. Collura";"Local community organizers and activists encountering globalization: An exploratory study of their perceptions and adaptations";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2773;"The commentary made here by this intervention researcher arises from a ‘place’ in which school-based interventions are used to build knowledge, and thereby to bring relief to a young democracy—at once highly diverse and in transition—with aspirations for eradicating inequality. I use the concept of place as a theoretical lens to argue that intervention researchers, whose task it is to consider the meaning of intervention findings in different contexts, require a cognisance of pluriversality and geopolitical variance as a result of unequal development. In this study, I deliberately and reflexively integrate familiar education-place descriptions in my commentary. By means of this representation, I substantiate the argument that intentional reporting of place (rather than assumptions of school-places as normative) informs quality when adapting interventions. I frame my commentary around activism and engagement, ideology and politics, identity culture, and connectedness, which all influence sense of place in school-based intervention. I first show that using activism and engagement to make sense of place may denote emancipatory research in the case of one place, and theory-derived, hypothesis testing in another. I then explain how ideology and politics mean that marginalisation is embodied in high risk schools. Within high risk school settings, randomised control trials become unlikely, and interventions require both fluidity to adapt to crises, and extended time for implementation. I explain that identity culture requires interventions that promote effective literacy instruction in multilingual spaces, and that compel multiple implementation languages. Lastly, I discuss the benefits of partnerships that connect researchers and teachers to an intervention. I conclude that besides the evidence that shows that place variability requires consideration for quality intervention, commonalities also exist across intervention research, irrespective of place. Sharing descriptions of strategies to overcome common challenges in school-based inquiry can be used to plan and implement interventions with a high level of integrity.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Ebersöhn";"Making sense of place in school-based intervention research";"Contemporary Educational Psychology";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2774;"This qualitative study investigates the contemporary landscape of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) politics and activism, specifically the concept and identities of 'straight allies.' Through in-depth interviews with 13 individuals who identify as straight allies, we explore how these heterosexuals engage in LGBT politics and activist cultures. We take a grounded theory approach to data analysis, through which the concept of 'passive' and 'active' activism emerges as a framework to understand these allies’ meaning-making practices, as well as how they negotiate the emotional, interpersonal, life-historical, and mass-mediated complexities of being straight allies when interacting with LGBT communities and engaging in pro-LGBT politics. We draw upon Thompson’s (2005) theory of ontological choreography to posit 'identity choreography' as way to describe and make sense of the heterogeneous knowledges and experiences our participants use to constitute their straight ally identities and to evaluate others’ ally identities and activisms. Implications for future research on LGBT politics and straight allies, particularly in terms of education, attitude change, and activism, are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. R. Grzanka, J. Adler and J. Blazer";"Making up allies: The identity choreography of straight LGBT activism";"Sexuality Research & Social Policy: A Journal of the NSRC";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2775;"In the study reported in this chapter, Malaysian adults completed the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS). Their attitudes regarding the following topics were documented: governmental aggression, terrorism; torture, peace, protest, human rights, and war. The struggle among Malays over the proper relationship between the Malaysian state and Islam in everyday life has long roots. Recent Malaysian social and developmental policies termed Islam Hadhari (Civilization of Islam) stress piety and faith in Allah combined with public morality, integrity, mastery of science, and attainment of a high standard of living. Malaysians seek to maintain a fully developed, prosperous, and ethical society that embraces science and protects the rights of all Malaysians, regardless of religion or ethnic background. Moderation, tolerance, and national unity have long been stressed in Malaysia. Overall, as Ben Thirkell White notes, 'Malaysia provides a marked contrast to much of the Middle East where Islamic radicalism has built on the failures of authoritarian regimes. Relatively good governance in Malaysia, rapid poverty reduction, expanding employment opportunities for Malays and so on has undermined popular support for a radical agenda or for the kinds of social movements that might support violent opposition to westernization.' The history of Malaysia, a tolerant, multilingual, multicultural trade center for millennia that values collectivity, cooperation, hospitality, and adat is probably what is most responsible for the tolerant, peace-loving views expressed by Malaysian citizens in response to the PAIRTAPS.";"Book Section";2009;"J. Jaafar, S. McCarthy and H. Muhamad";"Malaysia";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"Malaysia";"Act";"Youth"
2776;"International field placements are a unique educational opportunity for social work students to develop the skills they need for social work practice in a globalized world; however, outcomes of international placements have not been rigorously studied. This article reports on the International Volunteer Impacts Survey (IVIS), a 48-item survey administered to 983 respondents that measures perceived outcomes of international service. Using factor analysis procedures, the authors assess factor structure and reliability of major outcomes of international service including international contacts, open-mindedness, international understanding, intercultural relations, life plans, civic activism, community engagement, media attentiveness, and financial contributions. Further development of the IVIS and the implications for using it to assess student outcomes in international social work field placements are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"B. J. Lough, A. M. McBride and M. S. Sherraden";"Measuring international service outcomes: Implications for international social work field placements";"Journal of Social Work Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2778;"Despite the eager embrace of the anti-trafficking movement by activists occupying a wide spectrum of political positions—one that extends from radical feminist groups like the Coalition against Trafficking in Women and Equality Now to such well-established Christian-right organizations as Focus on the Family—in this essay I shall argue that what has served to unite this coalition of strange bedfellows is not simply a humanitarian concern with individuals trapped in 'modernday slavery', as commentators such as Hertzke have maintained, nor activists' underlying commitment to 'traditional' ideals of gender and sexuality, as various left-leaning and critical feminist commentators have offered. Instead, this article seeks to demonstrate the extent to which evangelical and feminist anti-trafficking activism has been fueled by a shared commitment to carceral paradigms of social, and in particular gender, justice and to militarized humanitarianism as the preeminent mode of engagement by the state. I draw upon my ongoing ethnographic and policy research with feminist and evangelical anti-trafficking movement leaders in the United States to argue that the alliance that has been so efficacious in framing contemporary anti-trafficking politics is the product of two historically unique and intersecting trends: a rightward shift on the part of many mainstream feminists and other secular liberals away from a redistributive model of justice and toward a politics of incarceration, coincident with a leftward sweep on the part of many younger evangelicals away from the isolationist issues of abortion and gay marriage and toward a globally oriented social justice theology.";"Journal Article";2010;"E. Bernstein";"Militarized humanitarianism meets carceral feminism: The politics of sex, rights, and freedom in contemporary antitrafficking campaigns";"Signs";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2779;"As part of a major restoration project, every scrap of information that could be found about the landscape of the Thomas Edison winter estate in Fort Myers, Florida, was collected, collated, and analyzed. Material evidence, in all its forms, was utilized (newspaper articles, letters, postcards, photographs, magazines, oral histories, diaries, biographies, books, and journal articles by professional botanists, avocational botanists, and local gardeners). Initially, the focus was on a famous inventor whose work spoke directly to the common man: electric lights, records, motion pictures, and national defense. His wife stayed in the background. Mina Miller was a very young woman when she married Edison, raised to live in a woman's world, and not to venture far into the spaces perceived as masculine. As more information appeared, it became clear that she grew from a homemaker into a reformer who helped transform American culture by making it laudable for women to act as active agents for public change in their communities. Mina Miller Edison was actively redefining the positions of women in public arenas—places that can be seen as political microworlds. When the placement and borders of Mina's public activities are mapped, they stand well beyond her home and are complemented by her conversion of domestic space into public space. Archaeologists assume a fundamental link between life events and change in the material record; sometimes the linkage is clear and undeniable. It is less clear how shifts in self-identity affect artifact distributions or the archaeological features that reveal the practice of space. Here evidence of Mina Miller Edison's activities during her passage from young bride to older widow is analyzed in tandem with her command and use of space. Particular attention is paid to the influence of Chautauqua women and the reform movements they supported, a topic not fully touched upon in earlier studies of Mina Miller Edison. It also focuses on the transition from masculine work space to feminine landscapes at her estate. Following Mina across her garden shows that nature was one medium that swept her into a wide sphere of public activity, social activism, and national influence. What this essay shows is that she gained a stronger sense of self as she matured and, as she did so, had a stronger and more visible influence in different facets of her life. But, to see these, I had to dig deeper into a history overlain with myths: myths about Thomas Edison the inventor, myths about her role in his life, and myths that obscure women's acquisition of civic power.";"Book Section";2013;"A. E. Yentsch";"Mina Miller Edison, education, social reform, and the permeable boundaries of domestic space, 1886-1940";"Historical and archaeological perspectives on gender transformations: From private to public.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2780;"Mobilizing Generation 2.0 is a practical and immediately useful guide for nonprofits, political campaigns, organizers, and individuals who want to better understand how to use Web 2.0 technologies. In easy-to-understand terms, this accessible book describes how readers can leverage new media (blogs, social-networking websites, photo- and video-sharing websites, mobile phones, wikis, online maps, and virtual worlds) to recruit, engage, and mobilize young people. Bringing together valuable guidance; big picture advice from recognized experts like Seth Godin, Evan Williams, and Mitch Kapor; as well as real-life stories of success; the book provides the information you need on the most widely used technologies like Blogger, MySpace, YouTube, Facebook, Flickr, and Second Life. Chapter by chapter, the author walks you through How Organizations Are Using It, How It Works, How to Get Started, Strategic Considerations, and Challenges and Opportunities. The book, and its up-to-date website (www.mobilizinqyouth.org), are filled with handy resources, tips, best practices, and more.";"Book";2008;"B. Rigby";"Mobilizing generation 2.0: A practical guide to using Web 2.0 technologies to recruit, organize, and engage youth";;;"Act";"Youth"
2781;"Pundits and politicians often opine on the irrelevance of feminism and the women's movement today. Some commentators describe the state of feminism as 'post-feminist,' alongside equally questionable claims of Barack Obama's election as signaling a 'post-racial' America. Modern Misogyny examines contemporary anti-feminism in a 'post-feminist' era. It considers the widespread notion that the feminist movement has ended, in large part because the work of feminism has been completed. In fact, the argument goes, women have been so successful in achieving equality, it is now men who currently are at risk of becoming irrelevant and unnecessary. These sentiments make up modern anti-feminism. Modern Misogyny argues that equality has not been fully achieved and that anti-feminism is now packaged in a more palatable, but stealthy form. This book addresses the nature, function, and implications of modern anti-feminism in the United States. Modern Misogyny explores the landscape of popular culture and politics, emphasizing relatively recent moves away from feminist activism to individualism and consumerism where 'self-empowerment' represents women's progress. It also explores the retreat to traditional gender roles after September 11, 2001. It interrogates the assumption that feminism is unnecessary, that women have achieved equality, and therefore those women who do insist on being feminists want to get ahead of men. Finally, it takes a fresh look at the positive role that feminism plays in today's 'post-feminist' era, and how feminism does and might function in women's lives. Post-feminist discourse encourages young women to believe that they were born into a free society, so if they experience discrimination, it is an individual, isolated problem that may even be their own fault. Modern Misogyny examines that rendering of feminism as irrelevant and as the silencing and marginalizing of feminists. Anderson calls for a revived feminism that is vigilant in combatting modern forms of sexism.";"Book";2015;"K. J. Anderson";"Modern misogyny: Anti-feminism in a post-feminist era";;;"Act";"Youth"
2782;"More Destruction to These Family Ties' looks at the long history of non-Native intervention in the lives of Native American families. It maintains that the desire to educate and raise indigenous children culminated in the 1970s with a catastrophic quarter of Native American youth living away from their families and nations. This article argues that Native women activists were central to arresting the crisis; that they launched a multifaceted agenda to address challenges (rooted in colonialism) that indigenous families faced; and that they championed a framework that complicates existing narratives of women and activism in the United States during the 1970s.";"Journal Article";2016;"M. D. O’Sullivan";"'More destruction to these family ties': Native American women, child welfare, and the solution of sovereignty";"Journal of Family History";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2783;"The collection of essays in this book, Mourning, Memory and Life Itself, is the life work of a well-known art therapist. This book represents ideas that are peculiarly fascinating, and reflects the variety of interests that has startled and provoked the author for many years. Many of the chapters are written from a feminist point of view that acknowledge Junge's interest in female artists and art therapists. Presented in five parts, Part I examines mourning, memory, life itself, the AIDS Quilt, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the perception of doors in twentieth-century painting, and Georgia O'Keeffe on attachment and separation. Part II covers creative realities and systems approach, women and creativity, feminine imagery, a young woman's search for identity, and two case studies of the artists Frida Kahlo and Diane Arbus. Part III explores the art therapist as social activist, people of color in art therapy, and reflections and visions. Part IV discusses art therapy as a woman's profession, the art therapist and aging, and reconsiders the wars between art and therapy. Part V defines family art evaluation and therapy, including preventive art therapy techniques to help families deal with the death of a family member. This book will be of primary interest to art therapists, artists, art educators, art lovers, and other mental health professionals.";"Book";2008;"M. B. Junge";"Mourning, memory and life itself: Essays by an art therapist";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
2784;"In this ethnographic study, a womanist framework was used to investigate the process of recovery from domestic violence. A purposive sample of African American women (N=21) was interviewed to gain understanding of their recovery process. Survivorship-thriving was the overarching process. Six themes related to survivorship-thriving thriving were identified: (1) Sharing secrets/Shattering silences--sharing information about the abuse with others; (2) Reclaiming the Self--defining oneself separate from abuser and society; (3) Renewing the Spirit--nurturing and restoring the spiritual and emotional self; (4) Self-healing through Forgiveness--forgiving their partners for the abuse and violence; (5) Finding Inspiration in the Future--looking to the future with optimism; and (6) Self-generativity by Engaging in Social Activism--participating in prosocial activities to promote social change. This article presents recovery oriented towards survivorship-thriving as a transformative process overall characterized by resilience and self-generativity. This represents more than just recovery as return to homeostasis or 'back to normal.' Implications for survivor-informed practices are included.";"Journal Article";2004;"J. Y. Taylor";"Moving From Surviving to Thriving: African American Women Recovering From Intimate Male Partner Abuse";"Research and Theory for Nursing Practice: An International Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2785;"This article analyzes perspectives on the goals of the social work profession and social activism of a cohort of MSW students before and after attending their graduate program. This study provides insights into the question about whether and how preexisting values, experiences, and background characteristics affect beginning and ending students' views of the goals of social work and also whether they anticipate being socially active in the future, utilizing a range of strategies to effect change. It found that students from all methods began with a dual (micro and macro) view of social work goals and much activism and then left the MSW program with the same confirmed person-in-environment perspective and a commitment to all types of social activism in even greater numbers.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. Mizrahi and S.-J. Dodd";"MSW students' perspectives on social work goals and social activism before and after completing graduate education";"Journal of Social Work Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2786;"Our purpose in writing this chapter is to integrate US multicultural and critical race feminist theories into a third-wave feminist framework for examining the multiplicity, fluidity, and intersectionality of social phenomena in individuals' and families' lives. A critical premise of this project is our recognition that aspects of self-identity such as race, ethnicity, class, gender, sexuality, nationality, ability, age, and religion are not fixed but dynamic. This conceptualization has enabled us to transcend limiting categories, thereby creating a unique space from which to understand the lived experiences of diverse people. We advocate using multicultural feminist theories to encourage the careful analysis of within-group diversity and to promote debate of the politics of location within family studies. Topics include: theorizing difference, theorizing identity, theorizing intersectionality, multicultural and critical race feminist theories, theorizing families, feminist research methods, and feminist research as activism. Additional sections include: 'Spotlight on Theory: Veiled Heads: A Middle Eastern Feminist Perspective' by Manijeh Daneshpour, 'Spotlight on Methods: Kentucky Homeless Mothers' by Joanna M. Badagliacco, 'Case Study: Challenges Faced by Nonelite Women in Higher Education' by Norma Burgess, and 'Discussion and Extension: Integrating Youth Into Our Feminist Theory, Research, and Practice' by Kristine M. Baber.";"Book Section";2005;"L. A. De Reus, A. L. Few and L. B. Blume";"Multicultural and Critical Race Feminisms: Theorizing Families in the Third Wave";"Sourcebook of family theory & research.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2788;"The internet’s potential for political mobilization has been highlighted for more than a decade, but we know little about what particular kinds of information and communication technologies are most important when it comes to getting people involved in politics and about what this means for the active exercise of engaged citizenship. On the basis of ethnographic research in two congressional campaigns in the USA, I will argue that specific mundane internet tools (like email) are much more deeply integrated into mobilizing practices today than emerging tools (like social networking sites) and specialized tools (like campaign websites). Campaigns’ reliance on mundane internet tools challenges the prevalent idea that sophisticated ‘hypermedia’ turn people into ‘managed citizens’. Instead, I suggest we theorize internet-assisted activism as a process for the coproduction of citizenship and recognize how dependent even well-funded political organizations are on the wider built communications environment and today’s relatively open internet.";"Journal Article";2011;"R. K. Nielsen";"Mundane internet tools, mobilizing practices, and the coproduction of citizenship in political campaigns";"New Media & Society";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2789;"Beginning in the 1960s I focused on the analysis of public issues—not just contemporary Issues, but public issues that persist over time and across cultures—as the core of secondary social studies. In our three years of teaching public issues in a public high school (Newton North, Newton, MA) while developing this curriculum, Oliver and I were struck with how the culture of schooling deterred students from taking the material very seriously. They would comply by 'playing the game of school,' but even the most immediate and problematic public issues didn't seem to excite them to care much about improving the quality of their reasoning. We concluded that in spite of a curriculum that connected public Issues to students' lives and teaching that offered plenty of opportunity for discussion, the Isolation of youth life In school from participation in the larger community seemed to barricade students from serious engagement in almost anything assigned in school. This analysis led to our 'Education and Community' article, which argued that formal educational structures were too far removed from more vital learning opportunities in the community at large. When I moved to Wisconsin In 1968, I tried to link discussion of public issues in school to student involvement In the broader community through volunteer service and citizen action.";"Book Section";2012;"F. M. Newmann";"My experience with social issues and education";"Researching and teaching social issues: The personal stories and pedagogical efforts of professors of education.";;"Act";"Youth"
2791;"The article examines poor women's responses to direct and structural violence in Karachi, Pakistan, by combining goals and themes from liberation psychology with transnational feminism. We draw on interviews with Mohajir women survivors to analyse constructions of psychosocial trauma and attempts to rebuild post-conflict life-worlds, in a bid to understand the scope and contours of their agency within their 'limit situations'. Although agency, resistance, and critical consciousness remain constrained by multi-layered power relations, women's narratives reflect crucial insights about social structures impacting their lives, and point to the need for interventions that integrate trauma alleviation and opportunities for local, national, and transnational grassroots activism, advocacy and policy initiatives.";"Journal Article";2009;"L. N. Chaudhry and C. Bertram";"Narrating trauma and reconstruction in post-conflict Karachi: Feminist liberation psychology and the contours of agency in the margins";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2792;"Most identity‐based models of activism assume that action is motivated either by a disadvantaged identity (predicting own‐group activism), or a feeling of solidarity with disadvantaged groups (predicting ally activism). They do not account for advantaged and disadvantaged identifications within the same person. Yet many activists have both advantaged and disadvantaged identities. Two interview studies from Hungary and the United States (N = 47) were used to examine how both disadvantaged and advantaged identities influence politicization and activism (both own‐group and ally), via both direct and indirect experiences of marginalization and privilege. We also discuss the emergence of new identities from activist engagements and how such new activist identities recursively influence activism and politicization. We conclude our analysis by arguing that identity‐based organizations may be more successful emphasizing multiple and intersecting identities and the structural aspects of disadvantages rather than singular disadvantaged identities.";"Journal Article";2016;"N. Curtin, A. Kende and J. Kende";"Navigating multiple identities: The simultaneous influence of advantaged and disadvantaged identities on politicization and activism";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2793;"Women's community participation re(creates) community and identity. In this article the author explores the collective identities that are built around motherhood, rape-crisis work, Latino empowerment, and political activism for 39 Anglo and 11 Latina women. The reflexive relationship between communities and identities in relation to class background, gender, age, generation, and race-ethnicity are examined. It is argued that women embrace—as well as negotiate—cultural expectations of mothers, homemakers, and elders through their community participation. The author explores work in the community as a venue for women to stretch across class-based interests and race-ethnic identities even while both influence women's community involvements. Finally, the often overlooked relationships between women's community participation and discourses of state responsibility for citizens are considered by indicating ways in which women channel state resources and expand the parameters of the needs and meaning of 'community.'";"Journal Article";1996;"N. Abrahams";"Negotiating power, identity, family, and community: Women's community participation";"Gender & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2794;"This chapter is written by three women Ph.D.'s who chose to pursue nontraditional academics (NTAs) so that they could spend time with their young children. They write in part, 'Making the decision to leave accepted career paths and care for our children full time has empowered us to explore new intellectual directions while enriching our own lives tremendously. However, it is a difficult road. The three of us feel extremely lucky to have found each other and to be able to analyze critically what we do and how we feel about what we do, and identify ways to make it easier and more satisfying to remain active in intellectual pursuits. We call on other NTAs to join us in building a community for support and activism. There is tremendous societal value in affirming the lifestyle choices made by NTAs, and supporting their continued contributions to intellectual discovery and educational improvements, but we need to draw together as a group in order to get this done.'";"Book Section";2008;"S. Bassow, D. Campbell and L. Stockwell";"Nontraditional academics: At home with children and a PhD";"Mama, PhD: Women write about motherhood and academic life.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2795;"The aim of this paper is to present the emergence of a new group of political subjects in the Brazilian feminist movement: young feminists. Throughout this text, we regard the 'feminist movement' as a plural entity insofar as we point to the various groups and political subjects that make up the various currents of Brazilian feminism. We understand 'political subjects' to be those who are constituted discursively by both power relations and the values defended by one or more social groups to which they belong.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Barbosa-Araujo and K. G. Adrião";"Notes on the constitution of 'feminist youth' in Brazil";"Feminism & Psychology";"Brazil";"Act";"Youth"
2796;"Investigated the contributions of concerns with nuclear weapons, personal control beliefs, and social responsibility values to the determination of antinuclear activism beyond the effects of attitudes and attitude strength. 172 undergraduates (mean age 22.14 yrs) completed measures on antinuclear activism, antinuclear concerns, social responsibility, antinuclear attitude, and attitude strength. Results indicate concerns about the danger of nuclear weapons, perceptions of personal control, and social responsibility values accounted for a larger portion of the variance of antinuclear activism than antinuclear attitudes and attitude strength combined. Findings are discussed in terms of the nature of attitudes and beliefs and the relevance of these factors to involvement in peace and other social issues in a global community.";"Journal Article";1996;"P. Horvath";"Nuclear weapons concerns, agency beliefs, and social responsibility values in disarmament activism";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2797;"The proliferation of Internet technologies has paved the way for technology adoption among marginalized communities and individuals for advancing varied political and civic agendas. Social movement scholars advocate that technology is becoming an integral component of the social movement repertoire, and building on their work, Internet scholars have examined the evolving nature of movement organizations and formal networks. Adopting resource mobilization and social network theories as the conceptual framework, this study examines political bloggers' social networks. Through 41 in-depth interviews and 76 survey responses, we collected data on political bloggers' activism participation and their organizational affiliations. Social networking patterns are linked to different organizational affiliation types—membership with formal organizations rooted in the offline context; membership with issue-based online organizations which assume a temporal nature and non-membership. Focusing on the dialectics between offline and online, permanence and temporality, the study showed that activists who belonged to offline-based organizations experienced greater social influence and collectiveness with one another. However, activist bloggers who belonged to online-based groups shared strong ties and sustained communication even after a campaign ended. More significantly, the findings show that online movement groups, although temporal in nature, foster what Sunstein [(2009). Republic.com 2.0 (pp. 19–45). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press] termed as ‘enclave deliberation’, attributed to the inclusive and open networks of online-based movement organizations.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Soon and H. Cho";"OMGs! Offline-based movement organizations, online-based movement organizations and network mobilization: A case study of political bloggers in Singapore";"Information, Communication & Society";"Singapore";"Act";"Youth"
2798;"I was a pink diaper baby, born in the Bronx in the depression to two young parents. My parents, Helen and Jack, were part of a generation that labeled itself as 'progressive,' a term used then for anyone with left/socialist ideology. Hence, while I grew up in a typical working class Jewish family, the family religion as espoused by my mother’s idealistic memories of her wonderful social activist parents was Marxism. Such phrases as 'we are working class' and 'never make money out of someone else’s labor' were family creeds. The greed of the rich and capitalists and the need for a reorganization of society that spoke of people working together to share the profits of their own labor formed my own schema of values. However, the Jewish religious path was not for me. Given all of the losses, I have increasingly found spiritual solace in Buddhism. From my early workshops in Gestalt therapy, where my trainers were into Vipassana meditation, to more recent work with the Tibetan community in Dharmasala, India, I have found in Buddhism what I did not find in my own religion. Ironically, many of the best American Buddhist teachers are also Jewish. I find the Buddhist teachings that focus on present centered awareness useful for remaining centered and for teaching mindfulness to clients.";"Journal Article";2010;"I. G. Fodor";"On being and not being Jewish: From pink diapers to social activist/feminist";"Women & Therapy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2800;"In the UK, many have argued that the past five years or so have seen an increase in the radicalism and visibility of feminist activism, jarring somewhat with the strong emphasis on loss in much recent scholarship—as well as media commentary—on feminist politics. Against this backdrop, this article asks how, and to what extent, this resurgence of feminist activism has unsettled the centrality of loss within the affective economies of contemporary British feminism, by examining a range of recent texts produced within (pro-feminist) academic, activist, publishing and media spheres. After arguing that attachments to loss remain remarkably intransigent, the latter part of the article draws on Sara Ahmed’s account of ‘sticky affects’ to provide a theoretical account of why notions such as ‘young women are not feminist’ and ‘feminist activism is a thing of the past’ continue to yield such force despite empirical evidence to the contrary.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Dean";"On the march or on the margins? Affirmations and erasures of feminist activism in the UK";"European Journal of Women's Studies";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2801;"This article describes the integration of human rights content and a national arts-activism initiative—One Million Bones—into a bachelor’s-level macro practice class as a human rights teaching strategy. Two previously validated scales, the Human Rights Exposure (HRX) in Social Work and the Human Rights Engagement (HRE) in Social Work (McPherson & Abell, 2012) were used to evaluate student increases in HRX and HRE. Students in the intervention class increased their HRX by 36% by semester’s end and showed significantly higher levels of HRE and HRX than students in a comparison classroom. This project is the first to evaluate a human rights teaching intervention in social work, and it intends to contribute to the literature on human rights in social work education.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. McPherson and L. P. Cheatham";"One Million Bones: Measuring the effect of human rights participation in the social work classroom";"Journal of Social Work Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2802;"As the ‘next generation’ guardians of the environment, there appears to be limited inquiry into young Canadians' environmental concerns. At the same time, online social networking is a predominant method of communication among young adults. This research explored online conversations regarding environmental concerns among young Canadian adults targeting the university student population. A qualitative content analysis was conducted using posted conversations from the online social media network Facebook. Conversations addressing environmental issues were summarized into four major themes. The first theme, ‘Built Environment’ (127 postings) centred on housing and transportation. The second theme, ‘Natural Environment’ (55 postings) accounted for issues of air quality, pollution and water quality. The third theme, ‘Environmental Restoration’ (52 postings) highlighted young Canadian adults' plans for environmental recovery. The fourth theme, ‘Engagement and Activism’ (31 postings) underscored students' use of the online social networking site for environmental advocacy. Young adults appeared to be environmentally conscious and, through the use of social networking, exchanged knowledge and opinions, and advocated for environmental change. Online social networking sites, such as Facebook, can serve as a communication channel that facilitates health information sharing and more importantly cultivates community capacity focused on environmental health promotion among young adult users.";"Journal Article";2012;"N. Martinello and L. Donelle";"Online conversations among Ontario university students: Environmental concerns";"Informatics for Health & Social Care";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2803;"The publication of 12 cartoons depicting the Prophet Muhammad by the Danish newspaper Jyllands‐Posten on September 30, 2005, created a great deal of controversy over self‐censorship, freedom of speech, and accusations of religious incitement. Muslim activists organized protests, and later hundreds of people were killed and hundreds of others were injured due to violent reactions to the cartoons. This article focuses on how people used YouTube to react to these cartoons by analyzing 261 video clips and 4,153 comments. Results show that the majority of the video clips and comments were moderate and positive in tone toward Islam and Muhammad; however, a small percentage either called for jihad against the West or made lethal threats against the artist. Other comments carried curses or insults against Denmark, while a few others were anti‐Islamic. The fact that these online reactions were highly varied in tone suggests that the online public sphere is very much divided.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Al‐Rawi";"Online reactions to the Muhammad cartoons: YouTube and the virtual ummah";"Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2804;"Social identity theory, intergroup emotions theory (IET), and related approaches offer the potential to understand the social psychological aspects of collective behavior such as movements that protest against or argue for war. Social identification, however, tends to be a weak predictor of collective action intentions. We argue that in order to understand the fault lines of collective action it is useful to consider identification with opinion-based groups. We illustrate this in relation to support for and opposition to the war on terror (WoT) in Australia. Comparing predictions based on IET with those based on opinion-based group identification, we found limited support for the sets of connections hypothesized by IET. Alternatively, social identification with pro- and anti-WoT opinion-based groups was a strong predictor of different emotional reactions and associated action intentions. In particular, highly identified supporters of the WoT were angry at terrorists, and this anger in turn predicted offensive action tendencies against the terrorists. Stronger yet were the emotional reactions of anger at the government reported by highly identified opponents of the WoT, which strongly predicted anti-war protest action intentions. The results point to the utility of the opinion-based group concept for understanding the collective, yet contested, aspects of political support for war and peace in contemporary society.";"Journal Article";2008;"L. Musgrove and C. McGarty";"Opinion-based group membership as a predictor of collective emotional responses and support for pro- and anti-war action";"Social Psychology";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2805;"The emergence of fathers' rights groups, predominantly composed of men who have been personally affected by child support and custody laws, have been understudied up until this point. This article, based on 158 in-depth interviews, identifies individual motivations of members who join these groups, as well as their impressions on overcoming obstacles to further growth. Contrary to popular perception, the desire to change public policy is only one of the many reasons these men choose to join; equally, if not more important, are their needs for legal and emotional assistance. While acknowledging barriers to attracting new members, most are optimistic that their network of grassroots groups will soon become a strong, national social movement working on behalf of fatherhood issues. The article concludes with several recommendations for policymakers to consider these groups' claims.";"Journal Article";2006;"J. E. Crowley";"Organizational Responses to the Fatherhood Crisis: The Case of Fathers' Rights Groups in the United States";"Marriage & Family Review";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2806;"The author, a young bisexual Christian seminarian, journals his experiences during the planning of a queer awareness week at Lancaster Theological Seminary. Various challenges and barriers are mentioned and calls for action are presented to the Church and bisexual community at large.";"Journal Article";2002;"D. W. Hain";"Organizing a GLBT week at a Christian seminary: A bisexual's journey";"Journal of Bisexuality";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2807;"Two questionnaire studies were conducted (N = 80 and N = 175) to examine the structure and the social anchoring of the organizing principles of personal and governmental involvement concerning human rights. The results indicated that these organizing principles had 1 abstract and 1 applied dimension. The 2nd study evaluated the correlations between these dimensions and values. Results were consistent with S. H. Schwartz's (1992) model predicting both the internal structure of values and their relations with other variables. Among other results, self-transcendence values were positively correlated with the abstract involvements and the applied personal involvement, and negatively with the applied governmental involvement. The results concerning the correlations between conservation values and the 4 organizing principles were the opposite. Results concerning the links between different levels of social anchorings, particularly between the value types and variables such as religious affiliation and practice political preferences, and social and political activism were also presented and discussed.";"Journal Article";1998;"D. Spini and W. Doise";"Organizing principles of involvement in human rights and their social anchoring in value priorities";"European Journal of Social Psychology";"Switzerland";"Act";"Youth"
2808;"The current article focuses on the feminism and the women's rights in Portugal. In Portugal, as in many other contexts, since the 1970s feminism has taken a mostly liberal/institutional approach. This ‘second-wave’ ideology generated greater public consensus and benefited from national aspirations for legal reforms that would ensure more equal and fair treatment of men and women. However, nowadays, such feminism is being reinvented in light of social transformations both beyond and within the feminist movement.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. I. Magalhães and C. Cerqueira";"Our place in history: Young feminists at the margins";"Feminism & Psychology";"Portugal";"Act";"Youth"
2809;"In recent years, fear of ‘the other’ has focused particularly on ‘home grown’ second-generation Muslims. In the aftermath of the 7 July 2005 bombings in London, there was particular horror and incredulity expressed about the fact that many of the bombers had been born and raised in Britain, and universities have been increasingly regarded by various analysts and politicians as potential ‘hotbeds of extremism.’ Yet apart from sensationalistic images of British Muslims as threatening radicals, we still have relatively little in-depth information about the vast majority of ordinary British Muslim young people in higher education. This article explores young British Muslim students’ views and experiences of Islamic Student Associations (ISOCs) at three universities in the southeast. What motivates Muslim students to join ISOCs and can we determine clear differences between those who join ISOCs and those who do not? While there is growing evidence that younger British Muslims are more politicized than their parents, and are more likely to mobilize around their identity as Muslims, most British Muslim students’ involvement in ISOCs does not pose a threat to British society or to their ability to negotiate their British and Muslim sense of selves.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Song";"Part of the British mainstream? British Muslim students and Islamic student associations";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2811;"What promotes action competence for sustainability? This question is phenomenologically explored through researching in depth the life stories of three Swedish young adults who for several years have limited their own ecological footprints, led environmental initiatives of activist character, engaged in ecosystem protection, and participated in advanced non-activism in the public sphere. Narrative analyses of their life stories have resulted in six common themes: emotions creating a desire to change conditions; a core of values and contrasting perspectives; action permeation; feeling confident and competent with what one can contribute; trust and faith from and in adults; and outsidership and belongingness.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Almers";"Pathways to action competence for sustainability—Six themes";"The Journal of Environmental Education";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2812;"Objective: To assess whether literacy, numeracy, and optimism are related to low-income adults’ satisfaction with their healthcare provider's communication skills. Methods: Low-income adults (N = 131) were recruited from seven counties in Indiana through University extension programs. To achieve research triangulation, participants were surveyed and interviewed about their communication satisfaction with health providers. Results: Survey data revealed that four variables significantly predicted satisfaction: age, race, literacy, and optimism. Low-income adults in the current study were more critical of their healthcare provider's communication skills if they were younger, White, functionally literate, and pessimistic. Follow-up interviews confirmed this pattern and suggested it was a byproduct of patient activism. Conclusion: In low-income populations, communication satisfaction may be lower for groups that are traditionally active in doctor–patient interactions (e.g., younger patients, patients with higher literacy skills). Practice implications: Healthcare providers should be aware that older, non-White, optimistic, and literacy deficient patients report greater communication satisfaction than their younger, White, pessimistic, and functionally literate peers. Both groups may be coping with their situation, the former by withdrawing and the latter by actively pushing for a higher standard of care. Healthcare providers should continue to seek out ways to facilitate dialogue with these underserved groups.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. D. Jensen, A. J. King, L. M. Guntzviller and L. A. Davis";"Patient–provider communication and low-income adults: Age, race, literacy, and optimism predict communication satisfaction";"Patient Education and Counseling";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2814;"Much research in recent years has identified the importance of meaning as an element of recovery from significant loss. The majority of models and measures of meaning have focused on meaning as 'sense-making'; in other words, as an effort to integrate the loss with coherent and positive narratives about world and self (e.g., Davis, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Larson, 1998; Gillies & Neimeyer, 2006; Janoff-Bulman, 1992; Park & Folkman, 1997). In contrast, a recent literature review identified a distinct conceptualization of meaning as life significance: the perception of value associated with a goal, relationship, or aspect of life experience that exists or is pursued in the present and future (Hibberd, 2013). Life significance is what is meant when we speak of something that 'means a lot' to us; it is intrinsically, transcendently, existentially valued. For example, experiences such as watching one's young children play soccer, working hard on a political or activism project, writing a book, or watching the sunset may produce feelings of life significance. Qualitative research and theoretical models suggest that life significance may be an important and by no means guaranteed outcome in grief recovery, as individuals strive to identify what 'matters' when an important relationship is fundamentally altered (Armour, 2003; Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996; Wheeler, 2001). Bereavement may strip a mourner of important life roles (e.g., parent, wife), and significant moments may seem empty in the absence of someone with whom to share them (Hershberger & Walsh, 1990). Confrontation with death also brings issues of significance to the forefront; individuals may question the point of living at all, or a renewed awareness of life's scarcity may produce a sense of appreciation (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1996). The Perceived Life Significance Scale, a new measure of life significance, seeks to quantify the perceived intrinsic value of one's activities, relationships, and everyday experiences (Hibberd & Vandenberg, in press). In clinical practice, the PLSS can be useful as a measure of change in life significance across a course of therapy, as well as to stimulate discussion of life meaning with grieving clients.";"Book Section";2016;"R. Hibberd";"Perceived Life Significance Scale (PLSS)";"Techniques of grief therapy: Assessment and intervention.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2815;"Investigated the relations between an individual's political stance and perceptions and representations of the social reality. Questionnaires were completed by 200 young political activists (mean age 23 yrs) of 4 different Italian parties (from left to right): Rifondazione comunista, Democratici di sinistra, Forza Italia, and Alleanza nazionale. Data were analyzed by simple, multiple and lexical correspondence analysis. Results show that militants of different parties had different perceptions and representations of the social reality. Psychological differences between right-wing and left-wing activists are discussed.";"Journal Article";2002;"S. Gattino, M. Roccato and L. Tamagnone";"Percepción de la realidad social y afiliación politica. Un estudio sobre jóvenes militantes. = Perception of social reality and political affiliation. A study of young militants";"Psicología Política";"Italy";"Act";"Youth"
2816;"Through an examination of the power relations embedded in the international movement of sport for development, we consider the dominant ‘lack of evidence’ discourse, which calls for more rigorous, scientific proof to validate the sport for development field. We argue that the lack of co-creation of knowledges, the politics of partnerships, and donor-driven priorities have subjugated sport for development practitioners’ knowledge, and therefore fueled this lack of evidence discourse. Acknowledging and privileging the contributions that typically female, young, black African sport for development grassroots practitioners’ knowledges make to the field will concomitantly result in a more robust evidence base and challenge the lack of evidence discourse.";"Journal Article";2011;"S. Nicholls, A. R. Giles and C. Sethna";"Perpetuating the ‘lack of evidence’ discourse in sport for development: Privileged voices, unheard stories and subjugated knowledge";"International Review for the Sociology of Sport";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2818;"This study investigates how obedience in a Milgram‐like experiment is predicted by interindividual differences. Participants were 35 males and 31 females aged 26–54 from the general population who were contacted by phone 8 months after their participation in a study transposing Milgram's obedience paradigm to the context of a fake television game show. Interviews were presented as opinion polls with no stated ties to the earlier experiment. Personality was assessed by the Big Five Mini‐Markers questionnaire (Saucier, 1994). Political orientation and social activism were also measured. Results confirmed hypotheses that Conscientiousness and Agreeableness would be associated with willingness to administer higher‐intensity electric shocks to a victim. Political orientation and social activism were also related to obedience. Our results provide empirical evidence suggesting that individual differences in personality and political variables matter in the explanation of obedience to authority.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Bègue, J. L. Beauvois, D. Courbet, D. Oberlé, J. Lepage and A. A. Duke";"Personality predicts obedience in a Milgram paradigm";"Journal of Personality";"France";"Act";"Youth"
2819;"This chapter highlights the perspectives on protest held by persons living in the Middle East. The sample included 431 individuals (217 females, 210 males) ages 18 to 81 from Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, Iran, and Afghanistan. Attitudes toward protest and responses to police brutality were assessed using two items from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Governmental Aggression and Peace Survey. In response to attitudes toward protests, 4% of responses were coded as anti-protest, 89% were pro-protest, and 6% were coded as indeterminate status, which capture the responses 'I do not know' or 'it depends.' Seventy-five percent of responses to the police beating item were coded as pro-social agency, 10% were anti-social agency, and 14% represented lack of agency.";"Book Section";2013;"N. Scruggs, J. Cox, M. Ashy, H. Mohammed, H. S. Desivilya, R. Tayeh, A. K. Al-Obaidi, L. Smith, D. Yassour-Boroschowitz, K. Smith, L. Jeffrey, W. Tastle, F. Turan, A. Yalcinkaya and R. Youssef";"Perspectives of protest in the Middle East";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2820;"This chapter highlights the perspectives on protest held by those living in East Asia. The sample included 321 participants (171 females, 149 males) ages 18 to 80 from China, Japan, Korea, and Taiwan. Attitudes toward protest and responses to police brutality were assessed using two items from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Governmental Aggression and Peace Survey. Eighty-two percent of all responses indicated support for the right to protest, 2% of all responses expressed disapproval of the right, and 6% expressed perceived realism (e.g. protesting won’t change anything). In regard to the police scenario, 76% of the responses provided evidence of pro-social agency, 12% demonstrated antisocial agency, and 9% reflected a lack of agency.";"Book Section";2013;"H. M.-S. Kim, M. Schauer, A. Mendlein, A. Murata, M. Murata and A. Jones-Rooy";"Perspectives on protest in East Asia";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2821;"This chapter describes a study examining the attitudes that residents of English speaking countries (Great Britain, Northern Ireland, Canada, the United States, and Australia) have toward antiwar and pro peace protests. Because important peace and antiwar movements have occurred throughout history in these countries, the current study focuses on antiwar movements against the 2003 US-led Iraq invasion. The Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Scale was administered to 946 participants in these countries. Specifically, this study focuses on the participants' responses to two items about protest: 'Individuals have the right to stage protest against war and in favor of peace' and 'Police are beating peaceful antiwar demonstrators. What would you want to do?' Respondents indicate their level of agreement to each item on a 7-point Likert scale and then why they choose that rating. In response to the right to protest item, 88% of the responses affirmed the right of the individual to protest. Those who supported the right view it as a moral responsibility, as nonviolent, and as a socially sanctioned right. Only 5% of responses were coded for rejection of the right, perceived reality received 6%, and nonspecific arguments received 1%. Eighty-one percent of the police beating protestors item were pro-social agency, 11% were antisocial agency, and the remaining were coded as lack of agency.";"Book Section";2013;"A. Mercurio, J. Page, A. Mendlein, E. Bales, J. Davis, C. Davis, M. Whitely and D. West";"Perspectives on protest in Great Britain, Northern Ireland, Canada, the United States and Australia";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2822;"This chapter highlights the perspectives on protest held by those living in Latin America. The sample included 869 individuals (437 females, 253 males) ages 18 to 79 from Argentina, Brazil, Columbia, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Peru, Puerto Rico. Attitudes toward protest and responses to police brutality were assessed using two items from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Governmental Aggression and Peace Survey. Ninety-seven percent of all responses indicated support for the right to protest, 1% of all responses expressed disapproval of the right, 1% stated that the right to protest depended on the situation, and 1% focused on the perceived reality of the protest. Seven percent were coded for the perceived reality categories. In regard to the police scenario, 83% of the responses provided evidence of pro-social agency, 6% demonstrated antisocial agency, 8% reflected a lack of agency, and 2% suggested hopelessness on the part of the respondent.";"Book Section";2013;"J. L. Torres, A. Muente, P. Hanlin, M. Stevens, A. Clinton, S. McCarthy, R. Barahona, R. Angelino, E. Carillo, E. DeSouza and L. Karine de Souza";"Perspectives on protest in Latin America";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"Peru";"Act";"Youth"
2823;"This study explores the perspectives of ordinary people from four European countries (Greece, Russia, Serbia, and Slovenia) on the individual's right to protest against war and in favor of peace, as well as to explore different forms of personal agency displayed in qualitative responses to a scenario in which police are described as beating peaceful protesters. The Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression and Peace Scale (PAIRTAPS) was administered to 608 participants (363 women, 235 men, 10 undisclosed) aged 18 to 90. Two items from the PAIRTAPS were used for this study. One item assessed the belief that individuals have the right to protest against war and in favor of peace. The other asked how the respondent would react if they saw a police officer beating an antiwar protestor. With regards to the protest question, 84% of respondents supported the right to protest, 3% were anti-protest, and the rest were unable to be classified. In response to the police beating question, 68% of responses were coded as prosocial agency, 14% were coded as antisocial, 12% were coded as lack of agency, 3% as focusing on perceived reality, and 2% were unable to be categorized.";"Book Section";2013;"C. Tsatsaroni, S. McCarthy, N. Petrovic, V. Miheljak, M. Polič, A. Medvedeva and A. Yalcinkaya";"Perspectives on protest in Russia and the Balkan Peninsula";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2824;"This chapter highlights the perspectives on protest held by those living in South and Southeast Asia. The sample included 619 participants (341 females, 276 males) ages 18 to 75 from India, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Attitudes toward protest and responses to police brutality were assessed using two items from the Personal and Institutional Rights to Governmental Aggression and Peace Survey. Eighty-eight percent of all responses indicated support for the right to protest and 5% of all responses expressed disapproval of the right. In regard to the police scenario, 83% of the responses provided evidence of pro-social agency, 8% demonstrated antisocial agency, and 7% reflected a lack of agency.";"Book Section";2013;"M. R. E. Estuar, N. Canoy, D. Japa, J. Jones, S. McCarthy, E. Puri, M. Reif, D. Shah, H. Muhammad, N. Raj and J. Jafaar";"Perspectives on protest in South and Southeast Asia";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"Philippines";"Act";"Youth"
2825;"This chapter describes a study examining the attitudes of Western Europeans toward anti-war and pro-peace protests. The Personal Institutional Rights to Aggression Survey (PAIRTAPS) was administered to 379 women and men ages 18 to 76. Respondents were from France, Germany, Iceland, Portugal, Spain, and Sweden. The PAIRTAPS included two prompts regarding an individual's right to protest against war. First, participants were asked to rate their level of agreement with the statement, 'individuals have the right to stage protests against war and in favor of peace,' and to explain the reasoning behind their response. The second prompt asked participants to describe what they would want to do if they are immediately and dramatically exposed to a situation where 'police are beating peaceful anti-war demonstrators.' Anti-protest arguments comprised only 1% of all responses to the right to protest. These responses were divided among three coding categories (denial of personal responsibility, pseudo-moral reasoning, and distorting consequences). Ninety-five percent of all responses to the right to protest item supported an individual's right to protest against war. The most common responses referenced socially sanctioned rights, nonviolence, and civic duty. The remaining 4% of responses to the right to protest item focused on the perceived reality of protesting, including the belief that protesting is futile. Approximately 85% of responses to the police beating scenario indicated that the participant would want to take action if he or she saw police beating protestors. The prosocial agency responses included activism, personal initiative, institutional initiative, other solutions, and legal action. Antisocial agency responses included unlawful activism and support for the police. Responses demonstrating lack of agency including lack of initiative and helplessness.";"Book Section";2013;"M. Corgan, B. Pescatore, M. Barbosa, D. Miranola, S. B. Omarsdottir, J. König, M. Salmberg, C. Machado, E. Leembruggen-Kallberg and C. Roland-Levy";"Perspectives on protest in Western Europe";"International handbook of peace and reconciliation.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2826;"Few studies have examined the challenges facing physician activists: health care providers who engage in unpaid, non-clinical work to effect change in social issues pertaining to public health. We conducted focus groups with 19 health care providers active in violence prevention; data were analyzed using qualitative methods. Five themes emerged: (1) personal experience had generated participants' activism; (2) physicians believed they were uniquely qualified as violence prevention activists; (3) violence prevention inside the health care setting often overshadowed outside activism; (4) they feared being overwhelmed by demands of activism; and (5) they felt isolated and valued networking, especially locally, to relieve isolation. Findings illustrate the complex demands of violence prevention work on today's busy physicians.";"Journal Article";2003;"B. Gerbert, K. Herzig, L. Marecek and P. Salber";"Physicians as violence prevention activists-A qualitative study";"Women & Health";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2828;"With a focus on African American male athletes as product endorsers, the purpose of this study was to examine the influence of activism type and level of racial identity on perceptions of trustworthiness and athlete-product fit. Participants (N = 73 White undergraduate students) participated in a 2 (activism type: anti-obesity, anti-war) × 2 (level of racial identity: low, high) experimental study. Results indicate that perceptions of trustworthiness were highest when the athlete was engaged in non-controversial activism and had a strong racial identity. These perceptions were significantly associated with endorser-product (i.e. New Balance shoes) fit, even beyond the effects of activism type, level of racial identity, and athlete attractiveness. Results are discussed in terms of theoretical and practical implications.";"Journal Article";2012;"G. B. Cunningham and M. R. Regan, Jr.";"Political activism, racial identity and the commercial endorsement of athletes";"International Review for the Sociology of Sport";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2829;"This article argues that Bourdieu’s theory of practice provides a useful and dynamic framework which may be used to examine the reproduction of political practice. I use the Bourdieusian theoretical model to analyse and interpret data collected from 30 semi-structured interviews with British anti-capitalist activists from a range of anarchist and socialist political organizations and networks. The interviews reveal a clear case of political distinction between anarchists and socialists. The political history, political methods, and ideology of the activists become embodied and routinized over time. This explains why and how there is a durable ideological division which is consistently reproduced over and over again within sections of the British anti-capitalist movement.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Ibrahim";"Political distinction in the British anti-capitalist movement";"Sociology";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2830;"Described the interpretive practice (J. F. Gubrium and J. A. Holstein, 1994) through which the participants in this study construct individual political identities that make sense of their activism. Two case studies are presented of 2 men who have a history of political activism on 'women's' issues (WIs). The analysis treats identity as a narrative construction and also demonstrates that the context of this identity work is itself a construction. When Ss talked about their involvement in WIs, they simultaneously constructed an image of the political landscape, their own identities, and a relationship between the 2. In their narratives, the 2 Ss constructed very different images of the political landscape and identities in relation to it. One S interpreted the autobiography he constructed in terms of socialization and social learning in an effort to demonstrate an ongoing engagement with feminist concerns. The other S invoked a folk theory, consistent with feminist standpoint epistemology, that used his gender to 'define him out' of activism on WIs.";"Journal Article";1997;"M. Cohan";"Political identities and political landscapes: Men's narrative work in relation to women's issues";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2831;"This study explored perceptions of social justice advocacy among liberal, moderate, and conservative members (N = 214) of the American Counseling Association (ACA). Results showed that conservative participants had somewhat less favorable perceptions of social justice advocacy, but generally did not differ statistically from liberal and moderate participants. Statistically significant differences, however, were found among extremely liberal participants. All participants generally supported the use of ACA resources for social activism. Implications and limitations are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. M. Steele, G. H. Bischof and S. E. Craig";"Political ideology and perceptions of social justice advocacy among members of the American Counseling Association";"International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2832;"Too little is known about human functioning amidst chronic adversity. We addressed that need by studying adult Palestinians in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), a population that has experienced longstanding economic and political hardships. Fourteen group interviews were conducted in February, 2010 in Arabic by local fieldworkers with 68 participants representing the main stratifications of Palestinian society: gender, region, refugee status, and political affiliation. Interview tasks included each participant: describing someone doing well and not well, free listing domains of functioning, and prioritizing domains to the three most important. Thematic analyses highlighted the dominating role of the political domain of functioning (e.g., political structures, constraints, effects, identity, and activism) and the degree to which political conditions impacted all other realms of functioning (economic, education, family, psychological, etc.). The discussion links the findings to relevant theory and empirical work that has called attention to the need to include the political in frameworks of quality of life. It also emphasized that values, such as justice, rights, dignity and self-determination, that underlie political structures and policies, are key elements of human functioning. This is the case not only in the oPt, but in any society where power imbalances marginalize segments of the population.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. K. Barber, C. Spellings, C. McNeely, P. D. Page, R. Giacaman, C. Arafat, M. Daher, E. El Sarraj and M. A. Mallouh";"Politics drives human functioning, dignity, and quality of life";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2833;"The present work departs from the problematization of two aspects. Firstly, a conventional view about youth’s political action which deters from investigating new forms and spaces of activism in youth’s daily life; secondly, the view of the school as a pre-political space unsuitable for the political. In an empirical investigation conducted with 1,291 students of private and state schools of Rio de Janeiro, we looked for the ways whereby they created a new position for themselves at school despite the prevalent logic of subordination which locates them as learners. The analytical categories resulting from the analysis—the modelling of students’ action, the construction of the students’ point of view and youth’s political-ideological profile and their action at school—show the difficulties and the potentialities of the process of politicizing youth and adults’ relationships at school.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. R. de Castro and E. M. do Nascimento";"Politizar as relações entre jovens e adultos? A construção da experiência escolar pelos estudantes. = Politicize youth and adults’ relationships? Students’ construction of their school experience";"Estudos de Psicologia";"Brazil";"Act";"Youth"
2834;"Positive self-identity is an important component of well-being. For lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender/transsexual (LGBT)-identified individuals in Spanish-speaking countries, forming and maintaining a positive identity is important to countering the negative impact of minority stress. An online survey collected self-reported data from participants in 15 Spanish-speaking countries (n = 121). Qualitative thematic analysis revealed eight positive identity themes: personal insight and strong sense of self; strong connections with family and friends; belonging to a community and being a role model for others; authenticity and honesty; involvement in social justice activism; freedom from gender-prescribed roles and to explore sexual expression and different types of relationships; empathy and compassion for others, including an awareness of prejudice toward others; and irrelevance or neutrality of sexual or gender identities. These findings suggest that people across nationalities may have similar experiences of positive identity and well-being related to their sexual and gender identities. Community leader- and counselor-facilitated interventions that empower LGBT individuals and groups are discussed as opportunities for enhancement of well-being through engagement and activism.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Almario, E. D. B. Riggle, S. S. Rostosky and M. C. Alcalde";"Positive themes in LGBT self-identities in Spanish-speaking countries";"International Perspectives in Psychology: Research, Practice, Consultation";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2835;"The aim of this work is to discuss the results of a research study that investigated the concepts and practices related to anti-AIDS activism amongst members of an NGO/AIDS in the city of Campina Grande-PB. We interviewed 31 members, 20 men and 11 women. Two aspects related to the concept and practice of activism among them were pointed out: the weakening/lack of motivation for collective activism and the compliance to the treatment as a tool for motivation in the anti-AIDS battle. We observed that the NGO under study faces daily problems of compliance and lack of mobilization, as it detaches itself from the mobilization agenda in order to align itself with the governmental sectors that provide financing through the development of projects. As a direct consequence, the NGO has been unable to mobilize the affected individuals for street activities.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. S. Q. de Farias and M. Dimenstein";"Práticas e discursos de usuários de uma ONG/AIDS sobre ativismo. = Practice and discourse of users of an NGO/AIDS about activism";"Psicologia & Sociedade";"Brazil";"Act";"Youth"
2836;"Although battles over gay and lesbian rights have appeared prominently in political arenas, scholars have created few empirical studies on gay and lesbian activism. To address this absence, this quantitative study identified factors that inspired greater electoral engagement among gays and lesbians in the United States (n = 285). After integrating 'resource,' 'mobilizing,' and 'framing' variables into regressions, this study found that electoral activism was inspired by many sorts of motivators. In sum, activist tendencies were swayed by educational levels, perceptions of political potency, a desire to conceal sexual orientations, surviving hate crimes, and joining certain political groups. Interestingly, this study supported 'new social movement' theories that downplay economic factors as predictors of involvement in gay and lesbian rights campaigns.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Swank and B. Fahs";"Predicting electoral activism among gays and lesbians in the United States";"Journal of Applied Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2837;"Predictors of change in feminist activism were studied in a group of 519 women and 143 men enrolled in 48 women's and gender studies (WGS) classes on six college campuses in a large Midwestern urban area. Over the semester-long classes, students increased their feminist activist behaviors and intention to engage in future activism. Although women had greater activist behaviors and intentions than men, increases were similar for women and men across time. African American and Euro American students increased to a similar extent and more so than Asian American students. Predictors of change included student initial gender attitudes, changes in attitudes over time, and feelings of empowerment gained from the class. Feelings of distress and anger were unrelated to activism. Both awareness of sexism and gender egalitarianism were predictive of changes in activist intentions, whereas only awareness of sexism predicted changes in activist behaviors. Empowerment mediated the relation between attitudes and activism. Pedagogical and methodological implications are discussed.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. E. Stake";"Predictors of change in feminist activism through women's and gender studies";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2838;"While social workers advocate against domestic violence, sexual harassment, and restrictive reproductive practices, there have been virtually no studies on the reasons behind their feminist activism. To address this oversight, this study documented the extent of feminist activism among American undergraduate social work students (n = 159). When moving to explanatory analysis, our data suggest that feminist activism was related to greater educational attainment, knowing activist peers, recognizing heterosexism, and internalizing a commitment to social justice. Moreover, electoral activism was tied to the rejection of traditional gender norms in the family and perceptions of social movement tactics were crucial to protesting for women's rights.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. Swank and B. Fahs";"Predictors of feminist activism among social work students in the United States";"Social Work Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2839;"The present study investigated potential predictors of the psychological sequelae of torture among 143 former political activists who had been detained during the apartheid era in South Africa. Using multiple regression analyses, the authors found that the number of times detained for political reasons, negative social support, strong religiousness, female gender, and number of days detained significantly predicted psychological distress and symptoms of traumatization as measured by the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (adjusted R² = .183) and the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25 (adjusted R² = .152). The number of times detained for political reasons, negative social support, strong religiousness, and female gender emerged as salient risk factors for psychological distress, whereas duration of imprisonment appeared to protect against posttraumatic symptoms. This article discusses these results in terms of the current research on factors associated with traumatization.";"Journal Article";2010;"J. Ø. Halvorsen and A. Kagee";"Predictors of psychological sequelae of torture among South African former political prisoners";"Journal of Interpersonal Violence";"Norway";"Act";"Youth"
2840;"How do professionals respond to the commodification of health care? Using an interactionist perspective, we answer this question by referring to the findings of five qualitative studies of hospital surgeons, mental health-care professionals, emergency and ambulance personnel, and youth workers in the Netherlands. We find that differential levels of professional autonomy, dominance and discretion spawn different combinations of the logics of the market, bureaucracy and professionalism. We discern five new ways of enacting professionalism: (1) entrepreneurialism: embracing commodification as integral part of professionalism; (2) activism: rallying against encroachment on the profession; (3) bureaucratization: seeking reassurance in procedures; (4) pretending: faking compliance to protect autonomy; and (5) performing: upholding the profession through conscious and skillful management of appearance in the eyes of patents and the public. Hidden strategies of opposition, however, support commodification since most professionals outwardly play by the rules and mix the logic of care with those of the market and bureaucracy, rendering alternative courses of action and solidarity more difficult. Uncertainty is increasing for all professionals, leading to feelings of insecurity and reflexivity but also to creativity. Professionalism is increasingly 'disembedded', called into question, and de-routinized.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Tonkens, C. Bröer, N. van Sambeek and D. van Hassel";"Pretenders and performers: Professional responses to the commodification of health care";"Social Theory & Health";"Netherlands";"Act";"Youth"
2841;"The current article reflects the privilege of transgender in a female sexuality (FemSex) group. (FemSex) is a Consciousness Raising (CR) group open to anyone who identifies as a woman or an ally. As a CR group, FemSex aims to bring people from different backgrounds together to question the dominant social system through group dialogue, using empowerment as a channel for social justice. Similar examples of such CR groups that weave activism into academia can be found in research focused on sexual education for young women in schools. As participants and facilitators of FemSex, in this paper we explore our ever-changing relationship to feminism(s) in the context of the growth and discomfort we experienced through FemSex.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Janson and J. Uyttewaal";"Privilege and transgender in/exclusivity in a female sexuality group";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2842;"Reports on a study of the local knowledge of a group of young African development activists in the Eastern Cape region of South Africa. It was hypothesized that participants' notion of problem solving was different from that presented in the course. It was argued that insight into the participants' local knowledge could contribute to the development of appropriate methodologies for training in rural African settings. Data for the study consisted of transcripts of interviews and group discussion with 28 adult research Ss. An interpretive grounded theory approach was used to ascertain the Ss' conceptual and procedural knowledge of the concept problem solving. A further interpretation of this data led to the elucidation of the Ss' epistemic principles underlying their concept of problem solving. Results reveal that the Ss' perceptions of the concepts of problem and problem solving were firmly embedded within the African philosophy of Ubuntu, with the notions of social harmony, holism, pursuit of practical purpose and primacy of collective reality providing the epistemics for their actions and cognitions. The research data show some evidence of emerging assumptions about problem solving which deviated from the traditional African philosophy towards a more Western philosophy.";"Journal Article";1999;"H. Van Vlaenderen";"Problem solving: A process of reaching common understanding and consensus";"South African Journal of Psychology";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2844;"Project H.O.M.E. (Housing Opportunities, Medical Care and Education) is an innovative, multi-faceted homelessness prevention program in Philadelphia, PA, designed to reduce individual, community/neighborhood and societal risk factors for the recurrence of homelessness among individuals with severe mental illness and/or substance use disorders. Tailored to the needs and abilities of each individual, Project H.O.M.E. uses a combination of prevention strategies that includes street outreach, three levels of housing, extensive on-site services (education, employment, health care, addictions counseling, and social activities) and linkages to other services. Project H.O.M.E. also advocates for the homeless population through political activism.";"Journal Article";1999;"K. Coughey, K. Feighan, K. Lavelle, K. Olson, M. DeCarlo and M. Medina";"Project H. O. M. E.: A comprehensive program for homeless individuals with mental illness and substance use disorders";"Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2845;"In the fall of 2010, the superintendent of the School District of Caldwell asked one of her deputies to convene a meeting of high school principals. The superintendent wanted to assemble the district's high school principals to discuss the question of whether or not youth organizing groups should be permitted to have chapters inside the schools. The School District of Caldwell is a large, urban district serving more than 130,000 students, 87% who are considered 'economically disadvantaged.' The two youth organizing groups scrutinized in this meeting were Students for Educational Equity (SFEE), which was started in 1994, and Youth Voices (YV), which organized its first school chapter in 1997. This chapter looks closely at the experiences and perspectives of two of those principals who had favorable relationships with youth organizers in their schools. These two case studies were selected to illuminate potentially promising practices for school-level administrators who are interested in building effective, collaborative relationships with youth organizers. In this analysis, the author draws on interviews with the principals, interviews with the youth organizers at the two school sites, and artifacts pertinent to their school-level campaigns, including newspaper articles as well as SFEE organizational artifacts. The two cases in this chapter demonstrate that school principals can work effectively with youth organizers inside their schools to improve students' experiences and to realize positive change. These administrators can engage youth whether they are trying to disrupt the status quo and turn a school around or maintain a strong record of excellence while further strengthening institutional culture. The school principals in this chapter demonstrate what is possible when those in formal positions of power not only 'model the way,' showcasing transformational leadership, but also make way for students to lead; when they not only step forward and step back, distributing leadership, but also step alongside their students, thereby making the road together.";"Book Section";2016;"J. Conner";"Promising practices for principals: Partnering with youth organizers inside schools";"The power of community engagement for educational change.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2846;"Objectives: To explore midwives’ perceptions regarding virginity control and hymen ‘reconstructions’, and how these practices can be debated from a gender perspective. Methods: An international group of 266 midwives answered an open-ended question in a Web survey. The great majority came from the Western world, among them, the majority were from Europe. Data were analysed using qualitative content analysis. Results: Three themes emerged: misogynistic practices that cement the gender order, which revealed how the respondents viewed virginity control and hymen ‘reconstructions’; raising public awareness and combatting practices that demean women, which were suggested as strategies by which to combat these practices; and promoting agency in women and providing culturally sensitive care, which were considered to improve health care encounters. Conclusions: Virginity control and hymen ‘reconstructions’ are elements of patriarchy, whereby violence and control are employed to subordinate women. To counter these practices, macro and micro-level activities are needed to expand women’s human rights in the private and the public spheres. Political activism, international debates, collaboration between sectors such as health care and law-makers may lead to increased gender equality. A women-centred approach whereby women are empowered with agency will make women more capable of combatting virginity control and hymen‘ reconstruction’.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Christianson and C. Eriksson";"Promoting women's human rights: A qualitative analysis of midwives’ perceptions about virginity control and hymen ‘reconstruction’";"The European Journal of Contraception and Reproductive Health Care";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2847;"This article explores how the Italian filmmaker and novelist Lorenza Mazzetti (1928-) has appropriated psychoanalysis. By looking at her novels and basically at her column of personal advice within the Communist weekly Vie Nuove during the 1960s, the article shows her increasing use of psychoanalytic insights as a form of defending a secular sexual morality and changes in gender relations as well as way of analysing the relationship between youth and politics. The article highlights Mazzetti's initial distrust towards psychoanalysis, and contrasts it with her increasing enthusiasm for psychoanalysis as a necessary companion of revolutionary activism. It takes Mazzetti's case as evidence of the receptivity towards psychoanalysis among Italian Communists.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. Pasqualini";"Psychoanalysis to the people!: Alienation, anguish, and the unconscious in a review of the Italian left, 1961-9";"Psychoanalysis and History";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2848;"Previous research on heterosexuals’ attitudes toward gays is characterized by a focus on negative attitudes and minimal use of behavioral dependent variables. In an attempt to rectify this situation, the present study explored the psychological antecedents of heterosexuals’ pro-gay activism behavior in an undergraduate sample using the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991). Findings suggest that intentions predict activism behavior (in the form of signing an online petition supporting the construction of a new lesbian, gay, and bisexual resource center on their campus). In addition, attitudes toward the possible outcomes of the behavior, attitudes toward the behavior itself, and self-identity were found to predict intentions. Directions for future research on pro-gay activism are discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"W. W. Wilkinson and B. J. Sagarin";"Psychological antecedents of heterosexuals' pro-gay activism behavior";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2849;"Critics of women's studies (WS) have charged that WS teaching overemphasizes students' personal experience and is overly politicized. They claim further that WS classes discourage critical, independent thinking and stifle open, participatory learning, causing student dissatisfaction. This study provides empirical evidence of the process of WS teaching from the perspective of 111 teachers and 789 of their students from 32 campuses in the United States. Contrary to WS critics, WS faculty and students reported strong emphases on critical thinking/open-mindedness and participatory learning and relatively weaker emphases on personal experience and political understanding/activism. In addition, student ratings of positive class impact were higher for WS than non-WS classes. The results support the pedagogical distinctiveness of women's studies.";"Journal Article";2000;"J. E. Stake and F. L. Hoffmann";"Putting feminist pedagogy to the test: The experience of women's studies from student and teacher perspectives";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2850;"Scholarly commentary has underscored the importance of new information and communication technologies (ICTs) in organizing the Global Social Justice Movement (GSJM). This study examines key communicative assumptions regarding technology and activist participation in the GSJM by asking three research questions: (a) what impacts of ICT-enabled brokerage are evident in the GSJM in Aotearoa New Zealand; (b) how are activists' attitudes embedded in the metaphors they use; and (c) what concerns do activists express about ICTs? Findings suggest strong associations between GSJM activists' conceptualizations of communication and their highly diverse attitudes toward and engagement with ICTs. Contrasts between activists and scholarly discussions of ICTs and the GSJM are highlighted.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. Ganesh and C. Stohl";"Qualifying engagement: A study of information and communication technology and the global social justice movement in Aotearoa New Zealand";"Communication Monographs";"New Zealand";"Act";"Youth"
2851;"Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to analyse the representations and experiences of beauty amongst fat women to understand how females located outside of the normative ideal consume, express, challenge and resist 'straight' beauty. Design/methodology/approach: A netnographic approach is taken to analyse 922 blog posts written by five female 'fatshionistas' who play a significant role in the Australian fat activism movement. Findings: The research findings illustrate that fatshionistas (re)negotiate cultural notions of beauty through three performative acts—coming out as fat, mobilising fat citizenship and flaunting fat. Research limitations/implications: The study demonstrates how beauty is negotiated as a mode of praxis, a performance in the interaction of day-to-day life, whereby the possibilities for multiple and provisional beauties are highlighted. Practical implications: Given the active participation of those outside of the idealised form in 'mainstream' beauty consumption, practitioners should make visible multiple bodily representations that are not reduced to an unhelpful construction of what is considered to be 'real'. Originality/value: By emphasising the lived experience of beauty as something subjective, communal and resistant, this research poses a challenge to mainstream marketing that constructs beauty as normative, singular and conformist. The paper further calls for a 'queering' of the gender research agenda within marketing to better interrogate the linkages between an individual’s fluid and contested identity work, consumption and marginalised or excluded status within the marketplace.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Gurrieri and H. Cherrier";"Queering beauty: Fatshionistas in the fatosphere";"Qualitative Market Research: An International Journal";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2852;"This article discusses about the personality, achievements and philosophies of Rabindranath Tagore. Tagore was once remarked as a ‘freak’ of nature. In one person he embodied frontline brilliance and creativity in an astonishing variety of subjects. In most of these subjects considered individually there have been others who may be judged to have made comparable contributions; but none can be cited to have shone in one body in so many directions. A 'myriad-minded man', as he was cited by the Oxford University. The first element in Tagore's philosophy—collectivism in social life to which individualism must surrender—is manifestly an unrealistic, utopian dream that few would take seriously. The second element—the expected role of women in taming male aggressiveness and even liberating the demon in the male—is one that invokes women’s movements of the world to be concerned not merely with equal gender rights but with something more fundamental in our concern for bringing out the best in the human. The third element in Tagore's philosophy—seeking to inspire the youth to work for humanity and to unite humankind with nature—can hardly be questioned. These are the implications of Tagore's concern for a better humanity in a more practical light than this utopian philosopher himself articulated. And this calls for social action, and social movements all over the world.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. A. Rahman";"Rabindranath Tagore, the ‘myriad-minded man’: A call for social activism";"Action Research";"Bangladesh";"Act";"Youth"
2853;"The purpose of this study was to examine three forms of race-related stress (i.e., cultural, institutional, and individual) and six racial identity dimensions (i.e., Pre-Encounter Assimilation, Miseducation, and Self-Hatred, Immersion-Emersion Anti-White, and Internalization Afrocentricity and Multiculturalist Inclusive) as predictors of involvement in African American activism in a sample of 185 African American undergraduate women and men. When examined concurrently, these race-related variables accounted for more than one fourth of the variance in involvement in African American activism scores. Results indicated that cultural race-related stress, Immersion-Emersion Anti-White, Internalization Afrocentricity, and Internalization Multiculturalist Inclusive were the only significant and unique positive predictors of involvement in African American activism. In addition, Internalization Afrocentricity attitudes mediated the cultural race-related stress → activism link and both Immersion-Emersion Anti-White and Internalization Afrocentricity attitudes mediated the institutional race-related stress → activism link.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. M. Szymanski and J. A. Lewis";"Race-related stress and racial identity as predictors of African American activism";"Journal of Black Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2854;"This study explored the racial and gender attitudes and feminist activism of 100 self-identified African American feminists (50 women and 50 men) to determine (a) whether Black feminists possess weak racial identities due to feminist influences stereotypically associated with White American culture, (b) if Black feminist men share similar gender attitudes, beliefs, and feminist activism levels with Black feminist women, and (c) whether racial and gender identity attitudes predict feminist activism. Multivariate analyses revealed strong racial and feminist identities (measured by the Racial Identity Attitudes Scale-Form B [RIAS-B] and the Gender Role Journey Scale, respectively) and no significant gender differences. However, Black women reported a wider range of feminist activism than Black men. A hierarchical regression analysis revealed that sexual orientation, preference for the label feminist, and high scores on the Gender Role Journey Personal-Professional Activism subscale were important predictors of feminist activism. Empirical findings refute common stereotypes characterizing feminism as White, emasculating, of no interest to men, and divisive.";"Journal Article";2006;"A. M. White";"Racial and Gender Attitudes as Predictors of Feminist Activism Among Self-Identified African American Feminists";"Journal of Black Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2855;"The purpose of this study was to examine racist events and three individual coping styles (reflective, suppressive, and reactive) as predictors of involvement in African American activism in a sample of 269 African American women and men. In addition, it examined the moderating roles of individual coping styles in the racist events-African American activism link. Results indicated that racist events, reflective coping, and the interaction of racist events and reflective coping uniquely and significantly predicted involvement in African American activism, accounting for 33% of the variance. Racist events and reflective individual coping styles were related to involvement in African American activism. Results also supported a moderating role of individual reflective coping styles in the link between frequency of racist events and involvement in African American activism. That is, participants with high reflective coping engaged in more African American activism than participants with low reflective coping when experiences of racist events were low, but a larger number of racist events mitigated this effect.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. M. Szymanski";"Racist events and individual coping styles as predictors of African American activism";"Journal of Black Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2856;"This paper explores the ‘spaces’ left over for Muslims to be ‘radical’ and the management of minority identities in light of their securitization in the UK. The paper considers a key site of this management of ‘radical’ identities: the university. The university works as prototypical case because of the ways in student activism and identity are a priori drawn together but also because of the prevalence of higher education among terrorists in the UK and USA. As a result, universities have been specifically targeted in counterterrorism and counter-radicalization measures. The paper reveals through student narratives how security discourses of ‘radicalization’ constrain their activism, university experience and identities. Yet, alternative identity constructions emerge that work against the moderate/radical binary. These narratives show how incomplete the process is of incorporating Muslims into the nation.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. E. Brown and T. Saeed";"Radicalization and counter-radicalization at British universities: Muslim encounters and alternatives";"Ethnic and Racial Studies";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2857;"Sex workers are particularly vulnerable to sexual assault. However, until recently, there were significant barriers to the prosecution of those who raped sex workers. Prostitutes were seen as 'commonly' available to men, as always consenting to sex and thus as incapable of being raped. This article examines 51 judgments -- from the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and New Zealand -- where evidence of prostitution was presented between 1829 and 2004. It demonstrates an important change in the 1980s and 1990s when, for the first time, men began to be prosecuted and convicted for raping sex workers. This change was partly due to rape law reform, but also to feminist activism and broader changes in social attitudes to rape. The article argues that sex workers have recently been 're-made' in law as women vulnerable to rape, as individuals able to give and withhold sexual consent. This development needs to be taken seriously so that law and policy addressed to the sex industry works to enlarge (not reduce or constrain) the making of prostitutes as subjects with consensual capacity. This necessarily involves attention to more legal rights for prostitutes, as workers, and calls into question the conceptualisation of prostitution as always involving rape.";"Journal Article";2007;"B. Sullivan";"Rape, prostitution and consent";"Australian and New Zealand Journal of Criminology";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2858;"This editorial introduces to the special feature of Feminism & Psychology. The editor invited authors to amplify parts of their pieces that refracted the collection as a whole, as well as pre-existing constructs-cum-tropes in feminism and psychology, whether 'old' or 'new'. Then, rather than predetermining the faces of their dialogue with one another, the editor randomized the order of their placement (including the extracts above); seeing any friction as generative potential, hoping for instances where the Young Feminist might escape expectation or explanation.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. J. Liebert and L. Thompson";"Recognition & reflexivity: Editorial introduction to the Special Feature";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2859;"The summer of 2007 marked the growing visibility of blogs and bloggers in the Bulgarian public sphere. A case in point was a spontaneous civic protest spurred by a decision of the Supreme Administrative Court to strip a territory in the south-east of Bulgaria (Strandja Mountain) of its status as a protected natural reserve. Young people and environmentalist groups went out in the streets to challenge the decision, their actions being organized and reported by blogs, websites and text messages. These brief but centrally placed and well-attended civic actions compelled not only the mass media, but also parliamentarians to put the issue on their agendas. This article analyzes the relationship between media messages and street action as well as the dynamics of inter-media exchanges and the profiles of the actors behind them.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Bakardjieva";"Reconfiguring the mediapolis: New media and civic agency";"New Media & Society";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2861;"The chapter authors emphatically reject that passive perspective, recognizing that social and political changes occur when people dislike the present situation, understand how it came about, want something better, and are prepared to do something about it. People do want to live in an ever-improving world. Therefore, education should be designed to help students become 'activist' agents for change rather than mere adapters. People should be pro-active. This chapter demonstrates how the foundational framework of collaborative projects underscores the activist stance needed to improve the human condition and guide decision-making that is ostensibly in the public's best interests. Having been facilitated to enjoy the activist educational experience that I took for granted in my youth, I hope the students described in this chapter continue to develop as active citizens and ambassadors of the on-going collaborative project of critical-activist education.";"Book Section";2014;"R. Lubensky";"Reflection on collective and individual transformation";"Collaborative projects: An interdisciplinary study.";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2862;"This editorial introduces to the special feature of 17 articles of the journal Feminism & Psychology. These articles focus on feminist movement, social justice, transgender, media interventions, educational campaigns, governmental policies, blogging, transnationalism and some other topics.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. J. Liebert and L. Thompson";"Reflexivity & (r)evolution: Editorial reflections on the Special Feature";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2863;"The Leadership Attitudes and Beliefs Scale (LABS-III; Wielkiewicz, 2000) was validated against a measure with a more traditional, position-based definition of leadership. Disagreement with Hierarchical Thinking was associated with a higher GPA. A Life-Long Learning scale was strongly associated with GPA, Systemic Thinking, and social activism. These results suggested there are likely to be multiple leadership development paths. Educational practitioners interested in leadership development may find it fruitful to broaden definitions of leadership development activities to include service learning trips, social welfare activities, learning communities, volunteering, internships, and other activities that develop social consciousness and life-long learning.";"Journal Article";2005;"R. M. Wielkiewicz, C. L. Prom and S. Loos";"Relationships of the Leadership Attitudes and Beliefs Scale with Student Types, Study Habits, Life-Long Learning and GPA";"College Student Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2864;"We present the original data, collected from a representative sample of 2,138 adults from the Italian population, which were administered the 18 items of a 'Religion-Spirituality' scale. Results show the presence of a widespread moderate religious sensibility, generally based on moral Christian values, but also with spiritualistic and animistic and sometimes almost spiritistic connotations; while a real participation in Church activities and cults is pretty low. There are three Religious Types: A) 'Catholics' (45.0%), who believe strongly in God, praying and attending functions with some regularity; very attached to family and children, have an attitude of solidarity towards neighbor; they are related to traditional culture and distrustful towards immigrants; they tend to be conformists and relatively superstitious; they are conscientious, concerned about the risks that life presents, and a little 'suffering'; they ate mote often women, married with children, older and culturally low. B) 'Conformists' (31.6%), which generally adhere to the values of Christianity, but without activism; they are intent mainly to their daily chores, sociable but a little suspicious towards others; they tend to give greatest importance to effective concreteness and success; they are relatively young and educated, but also married and with children; C) 'Lays' (23.4%), almost without interest for the topic of divinity, since relatively more independent, individualistic and introverted of all; they are also those who sympathize mote with immigrants, with a special curiosity about culture and news; they ate not fearful of life; they travel more and are the only ones to express some interest in politics; they are relatively younger and educated, mote often unmarried and without children.";"Journal Article";2008;"F. Perussia";"Religioni della modernità: Il tipo cattolico, il conformista e il laico. = Religions of modernity: Christians, conformists, and lays types";"Giornale di Psicologia";"Italy";"Act";"Youth"
2865;"Presents an obituary of Jim Mansell (1952-2012). Jim's activism as a student and pioneering research as a young academic that demonstrated the possibilities of community living for all people with intellectual disability is legendary. His research that established the evidence base for person-centered active support, and his profound influence on generations of community care practitioners as the founding director of the Tizard Centre at the University of Kent and on countless service organisations as a Commissioner for Social Care Inspection are all well known. Jim was exceptional in his approach to working in Australia, and became so much more than a visiting expert gifting knowledge developed elsewhere. He understood that context matters for policy implementation. He took the time to understand the peculiar Australian, and state-by-state, context bedevilled by rhetoric and grand but poorly resourced intentions, over which the states vie with the Commonwealth for power and control. He delighted in the freedom of being able to speak his mind in Australia as a visitor rather than someone embroiled in the system as he was in the UK. This left him able to draw on his experiences in the UK and, with steely conviction, ask whether some of the same trends may be happening here, such as reinstitutionalisation or simplistic notions of choice which leave people vulnerable and unprotected. With the eyes of an outsider, Jim identified and challenged us to address issues we had not noticed or that we took for granted, such as how in Australia we tended to wait for government to give direction on disability policy. This was not the UK experience, nor was it an optimum role of government to act in isolation and without good advice. Jim, people with intellectual disability and their families will miss your fearless pursuit of improved services and support; and colleagues will miss your insight, intellectual rigor, and fruits of intensive work. Jim has left a legacy by inspiring others, and would be very disappointed if we do not all rise to the challenge of continuing to advance understanding of issues for people with intellectual disability and doing something about it — despite his absence.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Bigby and C. Fyffe";"Remembering Jim Mansell";"Journal of Intellectual and Developmental Disability";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2866;"The present article presents advocacy for tobacco control policy to prevent epidemic, characterized by high and increasing rates of smoking in men and a dramatic reemergence of waterpipe smoking, especially in young people and women in the Arab countries. Active engagement and collaboration between various sectors committed to tobacco control has resulted in some success stories in the Arab world as well. The uniqueness of each society and each tobacco control policy needs a critical analysis of what works by those familiar with the intricacies of the local context. This approach is of paramount importance for the effective adaptation of global strategies to local settings.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Nakkash, R. Afifi and W. Maziak";"Research and activism for tobacco control in the Arab world";"The Lancet";"Lebanon";"Act";"Youth"
2867;"Resisting Reform brings together some of the leading voices of educators and parents who are standing up to the harmful educational practices that have been mandated by the federal government since 2002. As resistance grows to the over-testing of children and to the corporate assault on public education, this book will prove to be a useful guide to those who seek to protect their children and their community's public schools. This book tells the stories of the courageous and persistent efforts of teachers, parents and other citizens who understand the critical role that public education plays in a democracy. The reforms resisted are those which come from the private sector which view test scores like profits, and see public schools as potential markets. These authentic voices chronicle their personal struggles to protect public schools and the children they serve from ill-informed but well financed policies that would result not in school improvement, but in school decline. Through tears you will find hope. Through anger you will find resolve. Through insight you will find empowerment. Resisting Reform is a call to action like no other. From stories of despair of our youngest and most vulnerable students, to the collective raised voices of educators and parents, this book gives us hope in the face of seemingly insurmountable opposition.";"Book";2015;"K. VanSlyke-Briggs, E. Bloom and D. Boudet";"Resisting reform: Reclaiming public education through grassroots activism";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
2868;"Despite the emphasis on multicultural counseling competence and social justice in counseling psychology, the mechanisms behind building skills related to effective work remain elusive. This qualitative study explored the experiences of student-participants during a service learning course based on social justice principles in Belize. The researchers sought to inform how a non-traditional teaching methodology—immersion service learning activism—might affect these students’ development. The researchers used Consensual Qualitative Research to analyze interviews and journals through a collaborative and reflective process. Eleven domains emerged from the analysis. Results confirmed past research related to immersion and service learning, including personal and professional development and changes in diversity attitudes. There were also unanticipated themes related to complex interpersonal and group dynamics. These findings demonstrate the influence of immersion, service learning, and group process in intra- as well as interpersonal development and skill building related to cultural competency and social justice activism.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. M. Koch, J. B. Ross, J. Wendell and M. Aleksandrova-Howell";"Results of immersion service learning activism with peers: Anticipated and surprising";"The Counseling Psychologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2869;"Sexual violence prevention has shifted from centering around a message of ‘no means no’ toward a message of ‘get consent.’ This paper explores how young adults conceptualise consent in relation to how they talked about expressing a willingness to participate in sex. The analysis here argues that understandings of consent are disconnected from how young people understand communication about sex. Consent is viewed as a formal minimum requirement for ‘ok’ sex. At the same time, young people were more sophisticated when discussing how they understand and communicate a willingness to have sex. Implications for sexual violence prevention education and research on sexual consent are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. A. Beres";"Rethinking the concept of consent for anti-sexual violence activism and education";"Feminism & Psychology";"New Zealand";"Act";"Youth"
2901;"Violence against women is increasingly seen as a key women’s rights issue in India. Some efforts to address it have started to engage men. The current study focuses on the impacts of Men’s Action to Stop Violence Against Women (MASVAW), a network of men working on gender-based violence in the state of Uttar Pradesh, in India. The purpose of the study was to determine the extent to which MASVAW activists incorporate gender-equitable attitudes and practices into their own lives and to identify their influence on men around them. The cross-sectional study includes three groups: activists, men living in an area where activists conducted outreach activities and a control group living in an area with no MASVAW activities. Both activists and activist influenced men scored higher on measures of gender-equitable beliefs and practices than controls, suggesting that MASVAW activism is successful. Furthermore, men from the activist influenced group scored higher in gender progressiveness even if they did not have contact with MASVAW themselves, suggesting a diffusion effect of social change. However, there were some areas where the activists had low scores, suggesting need for additional inputs.";"Journal Article";2012;"A. Das, E. Mogford, S. K. Singh, R. A. Barbhuiya, S. Chandra and R. Wahl";"Reviewing responsibilities and renewing relationships: An intervention with men on violence against women in India";"Culture, Health & Sexuality";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2902;"Discusses the changing significance of rock music concerts for youth culture. The role played by technology in conveying a feeling of involvement and in overcoming alienation in large gatherings is considered. Changes in the intentions of performers from the social activism of the 1960's to the simple creation of physical and emotional experiences in current rock music are described. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1992;"C. Rørdam";"Rockkoncerten. = Rock concerts and rock-culture";"Psyke & Logos";;"Act";"Youth"
2903;"Ronald Hayward Louw was born on 27 December 1957. As his sabbatical started in early 2005, Ronald learnt that his mother Doreen had cancer. As she lay in a coma on 16 May, Ronald collapsed and was admitted to hospital with AIDS. His mother died on that day and on Sunday, 26 June 2005 Ronald passed away at the Westville Hospital, Durban. Before becoming a law lecturer at the University of KwaZulu-Natal, Ronald was employed as a teacher at Livingstone Senior Secondary School in Cape Town in the 1980s. He also joined the Factreton Youth Movement, the political stamping ground of Finance Minister Trevor Manuel and Lionel October. He was a 'workerist' and over the years he also became an active anti-militarist and refused to serve in the apartheid military. Central to Ronald's life, work and activism was a commitment to equality. Despite being an atheist, Ronald was deeply aware of the importance of the religious communities and their impact and influence in respect of social issues. He was an outstanding teacher. His students loved his teaching style, which was participatory, interactive and informed by humor and storytelling. He was also a productive scholar, author of several book chapters and articles in peer-reviewed journals. Ronald's memory demands that we reaffirm and intensify the struggle for freedom, equality, dignity and social justice.";"Journal Article";2007;"V. Reddy";"Ronald Hayward Louw (27 December 1957-26 June 2005)";"Sexualities";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2904;"Background: A community’s readiness for change is a precursor to the effective application of evidence-based practices for health promotion. Research is lacking regarding potential strategies to improve readiness to address obesity-related health issues in underserved communities. Community Context: This case study describes SaludABLEOmaha, an initiative to increase readiness of residents in a Midwestern Latino community to address obesity and adopt healthy lifestyles. Methods: SaludABLEOmaha emphasized 2 core approaches, youth activism and collaboration among public and private institutions, which we applied to planning and implementing tactics in support of 3 interconnected strategies: 1) social marketing and social media, 2) service learning in schools (ie, curricula that integrate hands-on community service with instruction and reflection), and 3) community and business engagement. Following the Community Readiness Model protocol (http://triethniccenter.colostate.edu/communityReadiness.htm), structured interviews were conducted with community leaders and analyzed before and 2.5 years after launch of the program. Outcome: The community increased in readiness from stage 3 of the Community Readiness Model, 'vague awareness,' at baseline to stage 5, 'preparation,' at follow-up. Interpretation: SaludABLEOmaha improved community readiness (eg, community knowledge, community climate), which probably contributed to the observed increase in readiness to address obesity through healthy lifestyle. Community mobilization approaches such as youth activism integrated with social marketing and social media tactics can improve community responsiveness to obesity prevention and diminish health disparities.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Frerichs, J. Brittin, R. Robbins, S. Steenson, C. Stewart, C. Fisher and T. T. K. Huang";"SaludABLEOmaha: Improving readiness to address obesity through healthy lifestyle in a Midwestern Latino community, 2011–2013";"Preventing Chronic Disease: Public Health Research, Practice, and Policy";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2905;"Rhetorical studies scholarship is not only wider, deeper, and more imaginative than ever before, it also has acquired a powerful melioristic bias. Social activism, once considered the enemy of the objective ideal, is growing every moment and every hour. Studies of economic rhetoric will grow in number and importance, as will analyses of power, inequality, and American economic decline. One of our historic missions will continue into the future: informing the increasingly powerless citizen what the people in power are up to.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. King";"Scholarship yesterday, today and tomorrow";"Quarterly Journal of Speech";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2906;"Context: The documentary film about U.S. education reform, Waiting for 'Superman,' was met with acclaim and controversy when released to theaters in 2010, and again when launching its grassroots 'host a screening' campaign in 2011. The campaign ran concurrent with 2011 state legislative sessions, during which several states (e.g., Ohio, Indiana, New Jersey, and Wisconsin) voted on education reform bills regarding teacher merit pay, probationary teacher contracts, school vouchers, changes to the school funding formula, charter school funding, and limiting teachers’ (and public workers’) collective bargaining rights—all issues touched on in the film. Purpose: To shed light on the relationship between popular media, public opinion, and social action regarding education, I examine responses to Waiting for 'Superman' across different viewer demographics and relate responses to educational policy stances. The following research questions are considered: 1. Why did people watch Waiting for 'Superman'? 2. How did different education stakeholders (preservice teachers, current teachers, academics, community members, etc.) react to the film? Were some groups more likely to accept, negotiate with, or oppose the film’s message? 3. What role, if any, did the film play in viewers’ stances on education reform or intention to take social action in the education reform movement? Participants: Participants include 168 self-selected audience members attending free public film screenings at a midwestern university. Research Design: Mixed methods research design compares audiences’ descriptive statistics alongside open-ended survey responses and interview data. Results: Viewers were majority young and female. Most attended because they were interested in the topic, wanted to learn more, or came with a friend. Audience responses were complex and nuanced, i.e., 38% volunteered positive reactions to the film and 30% criticized it in some way (not mutually exclusive). Emotional reactions were common (38%). Audience members tended to respond to the film based on their direct prior experience (or lack thereof) with the U.S. public education system. The majority of current teachers in the audience chose not to participate in the study, perhaps because of the contentious political climate. Fifteen percent of audience members were 'inspired' to act after viewing, and half of those were preservice teachers, but none were current teachers. Conclusions: In vilifying teachers’ unions, thereby marginalizing some great teachers, the film’s producers may have missed the chance to effect lasting change in the education system. While potentially polarizing, popular film may be an effective way to engage preservice teachers in complex education topics. Contextualizing discussion with a multiperspective panel afterward is recommended.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. W. Powell";"School, activism and politics at the movies: Educator reactions to the film Waiting for 'Superman'";"Teachers College Record";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2908;"The category transgender has no singular, fixed meaning. Rather, it is inclusive of identities and experiences of sex and gender variance, changing, and blending. Although no consensus exists about exactly whom this category includes, nearly all definitions share the use of a metaphorical umbrella, which activists agree is a useful tool for political organizing outside current understandings of binary sex and gender divisions. This article details activists' definitions of transgender and the identities covered by this umbrella to inform an analysis of how different understandings of transgender frame activists' efforts for social change. From transsexual separatists, intersex activists, and genderqueer youth to transgender activists, gender rights advocates, and others organizing within the category transgender, the author ethnographically evidences the political implications of inclusion and exclusion in terms of assimilation, social privilege, activist strategies, rights claims and policy changes, and the visions of social change forwarded by trans activists.";"Journal Article";2007;"M. Davidson";"Seeking refuge under the umbrella: Inclusion, exclusion, and organizing within the category transgender";"Sexuality Research & Social Policy: A Journal of the NSRC";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2909;"Background/Context: On January 29, 2008 the Toronto District School Board (TDSB) approved a city-wide Africentric elementary school under their Alternative School policy, sparking a contentious debate. Calls for Black-focused schools also arose in 2008 in London in response to the disengagement of African Caribbean youth. The historical record indicates, however, that community campaigns for Black educational programs stretch back over 40 years in both cities. Focus of the Study: This paper analyzes the development of Black-focused education in Toronto and London from 1968 to 2008 through the responses of Black parents and community activists to the historic underachievement of African Caribbean students (particularly males) in the public schools of both cities. Black-focused education is situated within the larger social, political, and national contexts and the critical incidents that fueled the development of race equality policy. The article explores how the 'politics of place' influenced the trajectory of Black-focused education in each city. Research Methodology: Two parallel historical case studies were conducted using primary source material from community-based archives, secondary sources on the history of African Caribbean immigration and the development of Black community organizations, and oral history interviews with 10 Black education activists in Toronto and 7 activists in London. Conclusions: This comparative study conceptualizes this transnational phenomena as 'resistance to racism' and examines how Black-focused curriculum and ideology was adapted to local conditions in Canada and Britain. Parents and community activists aimed to develop the citizenship rights of African Caribbean students, establish a diasporic sensibility, and promote the right of children of African descent to a quality education wherever they may reside.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Johnson";"Segregation or 'thinking Black'?: Community activism and the development of Black-focused schools in Toronto and London, 1968–2008";"Teachers College Record";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2910;"The circumstances surrounding the war in Serbia created a very strong background for the issues we investigate in the Personal and Individual Rights to Aggression and Peace Survey (PAIRTAPS) project. Our Serbian respondents were participants, victims, and bystanders in several wars during the last decade. Serbia itself has been blamed for inspiring and maintaining war in neighboring countries, and it also experienced war on (or perhaps it is better to say 'over,' because the NATO attacks consisted of air strikes only) its territory. It is likely that all of these circumstances strongly influenced the views of our participants concerning war, terrorism, torture, antiwar demonstrations, and peace. The majority of our respondents—independent of their ages, education, and social strata—provided explanations of their views on governmental aggression and peace that were indicative of a strongly humanistic orientation. However, people often accept some positive ideas generally when there are no counterforces challenging those views. We have no hard proof that in a potential situation of forced choice between different rights and values, our participants would be able to maintain and defend their basic humanistic values. Nevertheless, given the aggression to which they have been exposed in recent decades, their optimism is encouraging to all who value peace.";"Book Section";2009;"N. Petrovic, K. Pota and H. Castanheira";"Serbia";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 2: Central and Eastern Europe, Russia, and the Middle East.";"Serbia";"Act";"Youth"
2912;"A review of some of the historic findings and controversy regarding gender-related conditions is presented with a major focus on intersex syndromes. This area is one of intense activity and transformation. Change is rapid among the intersex populations themselves. Many have come out of their closets in a way that was unheard of only a few years ago and they operate with a new degree of activism. Instead of seeing themselves as males or females, some are identifying openly as intersexed or are willing to mix and match gender and sex. The author urges readers to be open to what your young patients tell you and help them probe their questions and doubts about identities and preferred behaviors. Additionally, the author argues that physicians should be aware of the shifting attitudes and needs of their patients and be aware that one's sexual profile is complex and are not made up only of what gender typical or atypical behaviors are manifest or what type of sexual orientation is professed. One's sexual profile is a constellation of a host of factors that should be explored to get a full appreciation of the patient's feelings and understandings.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. Diamond";"Sex, gender, and identity over the years: A changing perspective";"Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Clinics of North America";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2913;"The current study investigated men’s experiences of sexual harassment in the workplace, including sexually advancing harassment (e.g., unwanted touching) and gender harassment (e.g., derogatory comments). We examined the associations among engaging in feminist activism, being a sexual minority (e.g., gay, bisexual), and working in an organizational context that tolerates sexual harassment in predicting men’s experiences of harassment. Moreover, we examined whether activism was protective against negative personal and professional harassment-related outcomes. Our study utilized survey data from 326 working adult men. According to results, engaging in feminist activism and working in an organizational context that tolerates sexual harassment were significant predictors of the sexual harassment of men. Sexual orientation was not a significant predictor alone, although sexual minority men were more likely to engage in feminist activism. Sexual advance and gender harassment were both associated with decreased psychological well-being and job satisfaction, but engaging in feminist activism was protective for men’s psychological well-being. These findings support theoretical conceptualizations of sexual harassment as a form of punishment for men who deviate from the prescriptions of traditional masculinity. Our results suggest that organizations would benefit from comprehensive and gender-fair policies and trainings related to workplace sexual harassment.";"Journal Article";2016;"K. J. Holland, V. C. Rabelo, A. M. Gustafson, R. C. Seabrook and L. M. Cortina";"Sexual harassment against men: Examining the roles of feminist activism, sexuality, and organizational context";"Psychology of Men & Masculinity";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2914;"The purpose of this study is to understanding the process and experiences of coming out among young men and women in an urban setting in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Open ended individual interviews were conducted with ten participants. Content analysis was used to identify emerging themes. Four major themes emerged: feeling different and self-identification, gendered dimension of orientation, socio-cultural and religious context, expression of youth and freedom. Participants differed both in how much they disclose their sexual orientation and in the narrated experiences that follow from disclosure. Despite the very personal and private nature of coming out, sexual identities invariably seem to center around the complex relations between sexual expression, social, cultural, religious and political context. The expression of youth and freedom came as way of dealing with prejudice and barriers against gays and lesbians since most participants viewed coming out as a type of political activism in its own right.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. Naidoo and M. Mabaso";"Sexual orientation and disclosure: Coming out narratives by young men and women in urban setting in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa";"Gender & Behaviour";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
2915;"Public health indicators have plummeted throughout Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with exponential increases in sexually transmitted diseases reported among this society's young adults. Newly developing sexuality education programs provide insights into the ways local health providers interpret such public health challenges and conceptualize the educational needs of Russian youth. Moreover, these initiatives reveal the impact of both Soviet-era discourses and more recent, international anti-abortion activism on contemporary thinking about sexual health matters. This article explores the implicit and sometimes explicit ways that sex education lectures are being driven by debates over the significance of the Soviet past and anxieties over the perceived chaos of current transformations. Drawing on material from lectures, fieldwork, and interviews with sex educators, it is argued that sexuality education efforts reveal a persistent ambivalence between the hope to promote individual autonomy from state interests and the presumed need to control sexual expression and reproductive practices within an emerging moral economy of post-Soviet Russia.";"Journal Article";1999;"M. Rivkin-Fish";"Sexuality education in Russia: Defining pleasure and danger for a fledgling democratic society";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2916;"Examined the premise that the primary school is an asexual environment and that young children are innocent and in need of protection from sex and sexuality. Interviews with children, parents and teachers are used to demonstrate that primary schools are institutions structured by gender and (hetero)sexuality and which, in their practices, construct heterosexualized masculinities and femininities. Particular attention is given to the contingent nature of 'public' and 'private' in the primary school and its implications for the appropriateness of sexuality. The issues raised have implications for feminist and lesbian/gay/bisexual activism around diversity and education and indicate important areas for future research.";"Journal Article";2000;"A. Wallis and J. VanEvery";"Sexuality in the primary school";"Sexualities";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2917;"This study examined sexual-minority women's reports of sexism, heterosexism, and gendered heterosexism (discrimination that is both sexist and heterosexist) as predictors of social identity and collective action during college. A measure of gendered heterosexism was developed that assesses women's experiences with discrimination that is simultaneously sexist and heterosexist in nature. This measure was distinct from measures of sexism and heterosexism and had good internal consistency. The sample included 83 sexual-minority college women (mean age = 19.93 years). Significant differences occurred between groups of women based on their identification as lesbian/queer or bisexual. Lesbian/queer women reported significantly more heterosexist discrimination, social identity, and commitment to sexual orientation activism than did bisexual women. After controlling for reported sexism, heterosexism, and their interaction, reported gendered heterosexism uniquely predicted social sexual-orientation identity, commitment to feminist activism, and commitment to lesbian/gay/bisexual/queer (LGBQ) collective action. Thus, young LGBQ women may experience discrimination that is qualitatively different from sexism, heterosexism, or high levels of both sexism and heterosexism. Results are discussed in terms of the implications of intersectionality on sexual-minority women's experiences and identity development.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. Friedman and C. Leaper";"Sexual-minority college women's experiences with discrimination: Relations with identity and collective action";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2918;"This chapter discusses the life and accomplishments of Shane Price, leader of the African American Men Project and founder of the Wellness Center. Brother Shane's relationships with family members, particularly his children and the grandparents who raised him, are discussed in detail. His descent into a life of crime and drug abuse as well as his recovery from drug abuse and return to the values with which he had been raised are also discussed. His presence was not always a part of his children's early years. One of those children, his son, is a source of real pain for Brother Shane. Seeing what his own son lacked because he did not have the consistent presence of a father, and the consequences it has brought on him, has made Brother Shane a strong advocate and leader for young Black men and the importance of their role as fathers through the African American Men project. Shane goes into churches, barbershops, schools, prisons, and community centers to find young men, to connect them up with mentors, or to mentor them himself. He urges them to go beyond concern for only themselves, but to take into their lives a real activism with their families, their community, and their spirituality. Shane now counsels young Black men how to take an active role with their sons and daughters. This story, the one that forms the portrait of this leader and organizer of the African American Men project, is a story of resilience.";"Book Section";2006;"J. Landsman";"Shane Price: Father to Four Generations";"Black fathers: An invisible presence in America.";;"Act";"Youth"
2919;"Previous research demonstrates how activists who do not identify as feminist sometimes engage in 'implicitly feminist practices.' In this paper, I extend this research by asking: Do self-identified feminists also employ such implicit strategies in the course of their activist efforts? If so, why would they 'do' feminism implicitly? Based on participant observation and semistructured interviews at Girls Rock! Midwest—a week-long summer day camp program that aims to empower girls through rock music production—I develop the concept of implicit feminism. I define implicit feminism as a strategy practiced by feminist activists within organizations that are operating in an anti- and postfeminist environment in which they conceal feminist identities and ideas while emphasizing the more socially acceptable angles of their efforts. My research demonstrates how feminist-identified activists employ implicitly feminist practices as a strategic response to feminist dilemmas stemming from competing organizational demands, how they envision the possibilities and drawbacks of such a strategy, and what this suggests for the shape and future of feminist politics.";"Journal Article";2011;"D. M. Giffort";"Show or tell? Feminist dilemmas and implicit feminism at girls’ rock camp";"Gender & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2920;"Determining the factors that influence young adults’ engagement in environmental action is critical to further developing their active and important participation in environmental issues. In this paper, we designed two studies to identify life experiences of Chinese college students that foster environmental action. In Study 1, we used an open-ended survey to ask 34 young environmentally active citizens about the life experiences influencing their current engagement in environmental protection. In Study 2, we developed a significant life experience scale based on the results of Study 1 and recruited junior and senior students from seven universities to participate in an online questionnaire. We analyzed 606 valid questionnaires to understand whether the significant life experiences identified in Study 1 can distinguish environmentally committed students from other students and to what extent the significant life experiences can predict environmental action. Our results suggest that environmental organizations, college education, natural experiences and life principles could be important factors influencing the formation of environmental action, while other life experiences may also contribute to this process.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. Li and J. Chen";"Significant life experiences on the formation of environmental action among Chinese college students";"Environmental Education Research";"China";"Act";"Youth"
2921;"Studied social representations of the Dutroux affair, which involved the discovery of the bodies of 2 young girls, victims of pedophile Marc Dutroux, in Belgium in August 1996. 32 males and females aged mainly 30–69 yrs in Belgium were interviewed about their representations of the Dutroux affair and its causes. 14 Ss were members of the citizen-action 'White Committees' that were formed in reaction to the affair. The interviews were analyzed with the Alceste program (M. Reinert, 1993). The results indicate the existence of a structured explanation relying on an opposition between 2 categories of people: (1) innocent and pure citizens, victims, and victims' parents vs (2) impure high-ranking politicians, magistrates, and business people who were accused of involvement in a pedophilic network but who were protected from prosecution. The findings are discussed within the framework of ideas on the social psychological functions of conspiracy theories (S. Moscovici, 1987).";"Journal Article";2000;"L. Licata and O. Klein";"Situation de crise, explications profanes et citoyenneté: L'affaire Dutroux. = Times of crisis, lay explanations, and citizenship: The Dutroux affair";"Cahiers Internationaux de Psychologie Sociale";"Belgium";"Act";"Youth"
2923;"Prior to becoming a robust transnational movement, SlutWalk was a local movement in response to a local issue, influenced by the political, cultural, and historical realities of Toronto, Canada in 2011. This paper focuses on the specific local contexts that led to the movement's emergence in Toronto, and in so doing, can inform the diverse commentaries of SlutWalk both in academic publications and elsewhere. Contextualizing SlutWalk in this way allows for meaningful dialogue around the issues of the movement that can be critical, without simply criticizing. Contributing to feminist theory-building, it analyzes the challenges and opportunities that arise as younger generations of feminists assume leadership roles within feminist activism, and the inevitable frictions that arise when a local feminist movement is transnationalized. Positioning Slutwalk as a case study, this paper emphasizes the importance of context as a basis for first understanding, and then critiquing, feminist activism.";"Journal Article";2015;"L. Herriot";"Slutwalk: Contextualizing the movement";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2924;"Suggests that M. M. Braungart and R. G. Braungart's (see record [rid]1990-30806-001[/rid]) life-course developmental study of left- and right-wing student leaders in the 1960s does not provide insight into the circumstances that enabled the leaders to achieve what they did when they were young. The author, who was interviewed in the Braungart and Braungart study, reviews other work done on these activists. The activists' childhood experiences were imbedded in a particular subculture in the American middle class that over time established a framework for inculcating the shared perspectives of the 'intelligentsia.' Other studies have indicated that student radicals have all tried in some way to live in terms of the values they acquired in their youth. Implications for democracy and present-day activism are noted.";"Journal Article";1990;"R. Flacks";"Social bases of activist identity: Comment on Braungart article";"Political Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2925;"Purpose: This study aims to construct an integrated social entrepreneur system in the rural area of Hengshan, Taiwan, that could benefit four stakeholders, namely, tourists, business, community and government. Two social entrepreneur cases demonstrate a mutually beneficial situation of lowering the structural unemployment rate, returning young human capital to villages and innovating rural tourism through the activism of service science. Design/methodology/approach: Qualitative approach was applied to data obtained from 12 research projects spanning three years. Service experience engineering (SEE) methods were used to conduct a service design for social entrepreneurs in an integrated service system. The service system aimed to innovate rural tourism through the activism of service science. Findings: SEE methods explain a series of service design processes that helped our research team start up two social entrepreneur projects as service prototypes to offer service innovation based on cultural creativity to innovate rural tourism. These two social entrepreneurs in rural tourism offer job opportunities to young people and senior citizens alike. In addition, an integrated service system of interdisciplinary knowledge, multi-stakeholders and local resources fulfills various requirements of stakeholders to promote sustainable rural tourism. Research limitations/implications: Real action studies are limited in the research on social entrepreneurs. This case study provides research insights into service science and calls for action in practice to change the future of a local village. The results provide the philosophy and knowledge of service science that social entrepreneurs of rural tourism can use in the village. Designing service innovation for rural tourism has shaped its vision toward a sustainable tourism system. Originality/value: Few studies have shown that social entrepreneurs could innovate rural tourism. The present study presents an action case through the activism of service science.";"Journal Article";2016;"K.-L. Peng and P. M. C. Lin";"Social entrepreneurs: Innovating rural tourism through the activism of service science";"International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management";"Taiwan";"Act";"Youth"
2926;"This article addresses Alberta's conservative political and social milieu with attention to teachers engaged with their students in school activism on social justice issues. Its purpose is to shed light on the experiences of teachers who address extremism through school-based activism with young people. A brief historical overview of Canada's racist past includes a focus on Alberta's specific regional political scene and on hate-group activities over the past several decades. The effect is traced of this past on contemporary discourses about diversity. Examples of responses to diversity backlash and extremism are offered with reference to a particular student social justice program and current research that studies diversity activism in Canadian schools. Excerpts from interviews with teacher activists address how their work is affected by this context as they implement social justice initiatives in schools.";"Journal Article";2006;"D. E. Lund";"Social Justice Activism in the Heartland of Hate: Countering Extremism in Alberta";"Alberta Journal of Educational Research";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2927;"Feminist and liberation psychologies have emerged in contexts of marginalization and oppression and have developed in diverse, and sometimes synergistic, ways. I identify key themes for fostering critical consciousness and political action that arise from the intersections of feminist and liberation psychology. These themes include the need for more complex and diverse understandings of the personal and the political and of the connections between the two. These themes form the basis for a three-component model for courses and workshops that were delivered in communities in Ireland over a 5-year period. Questionnaires completed at the end of the courses and workshops indicated that participants benefited from a clear structural analysis, from making links between the personal and the political, and from exploring political action as a cyclical or developmental process. Political action is also seen as relational, that is, as involving interpersonal processes such as support, solidarity, and engagement with diversity in groups and communities.";"Journal Article";2010;"G. Moane";"Sociopolitical development and political activism: Synergies between feminist and liberation psychology";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"Ireland";"Act";"Youth"
2928;"This paper examines theories and concepts relevant to sociopolitical development (SPD). As an emerging theory, SPD expands on empowerment and similar ideas related to social change and activism in community psychology--oppression, liberation, critical consciousness, and culture among them. SPD is the process by which individuals acquire the knowledge, analytical skills, emotional faculties, and the capacity for action in political and social systems necessary to interpret and resist oppression. These concepts have been underemphasized in the social change literature of US community psychology. In the authors' view, SPD is vital to human development and the creation of a just society. As part of identifying and illustrating concepts and processes relevant to SPD theory, the authors draw from the words of young African American activists who were interviewed as part of a research study.";"Journal Article";2003;"R. J. Watts, N. C. Williams and R. J. Jagers";"Sociopolitical development";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2929;"Sexual harassment on the street is a form of 'non-criminal street violence' that has a remarkable impact on women's access to urban space. In red-light districts harassment is often aggravated but, nevertheless, research on these areas has rarely focused specifically on it. This article is based on a survey conducted in a red-light district in Helsinki, Finland. The survey was undertaken in the form of a postal questionnaire to women in two areas: the studied area where prostitution occurred and control area which consisted of the rest of inner Helsinki. The aim was to discuss how harassment is experienced and how women respond to the offences they face. Women work as active agents in public and have various practices of resistance. The article discusses the non-verbal, gestured and verbal strategies of resistance--from civic activism to evasive and operative individual strategies--that show how women reclaim space. While sexual harassment contributes to the 'gendering' of urban space, so do the practices of resistance.";"Journal Article";2005;"H. Koskela and S. Tani";"'Sold out!' Women's practices of resistance against prostitution related sexual harassment";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Finland";"Act";"Youth"
2930;"The interplay of early active and passive mobilization helps reduce edema, encourages active tendon gliding, and prevents joint stiffness after injury and operative intervention of the hands. It also enhances tensile strength of the newly repaired tendons, soft tissues, or fractured site, minimizing scar adhesion. Corrective splintage and pressure garments contribute to an effective outcome.";"Book Section";2015;"J. M. W. Wong";"Splints: Mobilization, corrective splintage, and pressure therapy for the acutely injured hand";"International handbook of occupational therapy interventions, 2nd ed.";"Hong Kong";"Act";"Youth"
2931;"This qualitative study captures the experiences of four straight allies’ and one gay youth involvement in gay–straight alliances (GSAs) at their Ontario, Canada, high schools. Participants’ motivations for becoming GSA members and their roles as allies are examined. Queer theoretical perspectives, as espoused by Britzman (1995, 1998) and Linville (2009), underpin the study's purpose, design, and data analysis. Queer theory was employed to both problematize the heteronormative underpinnings of education and to critique the stand-alone nature of GSAs. Safety, support, education, and advocacy—to varying degrees—were identified as the roles of participants’ GSAs. Straight allies joined GSAs because they wanted to support lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer/questioning (LGBTQ) people and advocate for their human rights. They developed queer-positive attitudes through befriending and/or empathizing with LGBTQ people and from their experiences with being 'Othered.' Findings suggest that allies felt undue pressure to address homophobic language and were compelled to combat LGBTQ-based inequities in school and society. Particular attention was also paid to exploring how two straight male allies were cultivating new forms of masculinity that refrain from denigrating LGBTQ people.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. A. Lapointe";"Standing 'straight' up to homophobia: Straight allies’ involvement in GSAs";"Journal of LGBT Youth";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2932;"In this article, I examine storytelling practices in a Zapotec transborder community formed by migration between Oaxaca, Mexico, and Los Angeles, California. Amid dual patterns of language shift away from Zapotec toward Spanish among community youth living on both sides of the U.S.–Mexico border, there is a growing gap between storytelling ideologies that tightly link storytelling to Zapotec language use and the practices of storytellers, who increasingly use Spanish. As a discursive genre that is linked to processes of cultural reproduction, storytelling has particular significance for understanding language shift in this community. In this article, I demonstrate how speakers’ ideologies about how stories should be told are shaped by a widespread preoccupation with cultural continuity amid the transformations brought on by local migration practices. The varied responses to this transformation within the community, which range from acceptance to cultural revitalization activism, reflect distinct but overlapping ideologies of discursive authenticity as well as the role of traditional heritage language practices in contemporary social life.";"Journal Article";2013;"E. Falconi";"Storytelling, language shift, and revitalization in a transborder community: 'Tell it in Zapotec!'";"American Anthropologist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2933;"This study explored strategies employed by activists engaged in efforts to change policies and laws related to selling and promoting alcoholic beverages based on in-depth interviews with 184 social activists in seven U.S. major cities. Nine strategies aimed at improving local conditions and influencing policy were described by activists across regional contexts. Grassroots mobilization was central to all other strategies, which included the creation or enforcement of laws, meeting with elected officials, media advocacy, working with police/law enforcement, education and training, direct action, changing community norms, and negotiating with store owners.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. Drabble and D. Herd";"Strategies employed by inner-city activists to reduce alcohol-related problems and advance social justice";"Journal of Ethnicity in Substance Abuse";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2934;"This phenomenological inquiry explored the lived experiences of resilience of 21 transgender individuals. Through individual semistructured interviews (3 interviews each with 5 participants) and 1 focus group interview (16 participants), the authors identified 5 common resiliency themes (evolving a self‐generated definition of self, embracing self‐worth, awareness of oppression, connection with a supportive community, and cultivating hope for the future) and 2 variant themes (social activism and being a positive role model for others). Future practice and research directions are discussed.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. A. Singh, D. G. Hays and L. S. Watson";"Strength in the face of adversity: Resilience strategies of transgender individuals";"Journal of Counseling & Development";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2935;"This study investigated student activists' characterizations of administrators at a southern university in the United States. Findings from interviews with 26 activists indicate that they perceive administrators as gatekeepers, antagonists, supporters, and absentee leaders. Activists had limited understandings of the roles and responsibilities of administrators as leaders in higher education. They expressed a desire to develop stronger relationships with administrators, both to enhance their ability to participate in the campus community and to be an integral part of shaping the university and, through the university, society.";"Journal Article";2005;"B. Ropers-Huilman, L. Carwile and K. Barnett";"Student Activists' Characterizations of Administrators in Higher Education: Perceptions of Power in 'the System'";"Review of Higher Education: Journal of the Association for the Study of Higher Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2937;"This article traces the development of peace activism among undergraduate social work students. In doing so, it explores how social statuses, political contexts, and collective action frames affect the likelihood of joining the movement against the Afghanistan war (2001 to current). After analyzing data from a multi-campus sample of Bachelors in Social Work (BSW) students (n=159), results show that peace activism was predicted by level of education as well as perceptions of proper foreign policy, the relative efficacy of social movement tactics, and identification with specific activist ideals. Finally, being situated in activist networks fostered greater peace activism while the ascribed statuses of race, class, and gender were poor predictors of peace activism.";"Journal Article";2011;"E. Swank and B. Fahs";"Students for peace: Contextual and framing motivations of antiwar activism";"Journal of Sociology and Social Welfare";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2938;"Responds to comments by R. Flacks (see record [rid]1990-30814-001[/rid]) on M. M. Braungart and R. G. Braungart's (see record [rid]1990-30806-001[/rid]) study of the life-course development of left- and right-wing student activists in the 1960s. Similarities between the research and findings of Flacks and Braungart and Braungart are noted, and Flacks's observations on these studies are discussed. Themes in this research are detailed, and an assessment of youth politics as a field of study is offered.";"Journal Article";1990;"M. M. Braungart and R. G. Braungart";"Studying youth politics: A reply to Flacks";"Political Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2939;"This reprinted article originally appeared in Sport, Ethics and Philosophy, 2008, Vol 2 (Issue 2), pp. 126-141. In this article we argue that Murderball is a groundbreaking film and in some (if not all) respects a daring and complex piece of social activism. With these preliminary points in mind, in this paper we offer a thematic critique of Murderball. We do so in the knowledge that a mean-spirited 'trashing' of the film is possible but that this is an approach we firmly reject. We hold some of the explicit and implicit arguments made in Murderball 'up to the light' and consider their origins, efficacy and implications. We examine some of the questions and issues raised by Murderball and attempt to analyse the techniques used to address them. Furthermore, we are aware that Murderball has aroused lively discussion in the print and electronic media. Our purpose, therefore, is to make a scholarly contribution to this discussion and, in particular, to consider the implications of this film for physical education (PE) contexts. We want to make a connection with PE because we believe Murderball has the potential to raise important questions about the relationship between disability, PE and sport. Before moving to our critique of Murderball we examine the broader literature focusing on sport, media and disability. First, we discuss participation in sport by disabled people and highlight the tensions that can arise when dominant understandings of sport and disability attempt to coexist. We then focus on media and disability and briefly explore the different ways in which disability has been represented in films. Next, we identify the methodological approach we used to develop our critique of the film. Finally, we present our critique of Murderball under three thematic headings. The first of these, 'What can disabled bodies do?', centres on the film's use of representations of the players' lifestyles and a hypermasculine physicality and sexuality. Within our second theme, 'This is not the Special Olympics', we describe the way the sport of wheelchair rugby and its athletes are actively and explicitly distanced from people with intellectual disabilities and the sports they play. Murderball leaves us in little doubt that its stars see this form of disability sport as superior to the sports we might see at events like the Special Olympics. Our last theme, 'Hot and disabled', shows how the film's makers seem (from our point of view) to prosecute an agenda that sees wheelchair rugby as a viable, media friendly, big-money sport. A specific model of sport has been chosen in Murderball, a model that uses music, the manipulation of video footage and a set of narrative set pieces to produce not just a sport, but a media sport. Taken together, we conclude that these three themes offer us new intellectual challenges for thinking about such issues as the PE experiences of young disabled people and their progression in disability sport. That is, we do not presume to know how young disabled people will respond to or 'read' Murderball. Rather, we argue that Murderball moves disability issues into new intellectual terrain, thus increasing the ways in which people who work with young people and sport might need to take account of disability.";"Book Section";2010;"M. Gard and H. Fitzgerald";"Tackling Murderball: Masculinity, disability and the big screen";"The ethics of sports: A reader.";;"Act";"Youth"
2940;"Teacher Education through Active Engagement identifies and addresses a contemporary issue: the ways in which teaching and teacher education are articulated by politicians, civil servants, business leaders and educational entrepreneurs intent on profit-making in the current global neoliberal policy context. This is often characterized by narrow and ill-conceived ideas about teacher characteristics and competences; recruiting and fast-tracking graduates from elsewhere into the profession; the reform of teacher training with less emphasis on theory and academic study; a narrow focus on teachers' core skills; and the promotion of training in model 'teaching schools'. In this book contributors challenge this conceptualization and demonstrate practitioners' necessary intellectual activity to wrest back professional control. By drawing on practice-focused research carried out in sites of educational policy and practice, each chapter exemplifies for teachers, student teachers and teacher educators the sort of 'knowledge work' to coordinate a professional reply to non-educationalists who dictate the terms of teaching and teacher education. The book provides directions for encouraging critical thinking, analytical skills and political activism, which consider the needs and interests of diverse children and young people in real classrooms, real schools and real communities. Illustrated throughout with practice-focused research and drawing on the historical case of Winifred Mercier and her colleagues at the City of Leeds training college who challenged the establishment to leave a legacy of professional control, the book will appeal to practitioners, academics and researchers in the fields of teacher education and education studies.";"Book";2013;"L. Beckett";"Teacher education through active engagement: Raising the professional voice";"Routledge research in education policy and politics";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2941;"This article addresses college classes as forums for activism. One course brought college students together with system-involved girls for a mentoring program to provide often-unavailable, relationship-oriented services to girls. A second course provided a unique educational experience for incarcerated youth and traditional college students to study restorative justice. As such, the course itself was an attempt to practice restorative justice principles by strengthening the damaged relationship between offenders and the community. Data collected from participants allow for an exploration of the experiences, perceptions, and changes in attitudes and beliefs. Further discussion on linking activism and teaching is presented.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. Holsinger";"Teaching to make a difference";"Feminist Criminology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2942;"We introduce participatory action research as a strategy for 'consultation with.' We elaborate the possibilities and limits of participatory consultation as a strategy that enables sustained relations with communities of material poverty and resilience wealth. Consulting with an activist organization, and dedicated to producing a Web-based oral history, we engaged youth researchers to (a) conduct individual oral histories, archival analyses, and participant observation; (b) participate in focus groups; and (c) compile their reflections on this work. The project sought to produce documentation of the history and contemporary conditions under which poor and working class mothers, a few fathers, and youth struggle for justice and social mobility, against inequity with a strong sense of responsibility as parents, as students, and as activists in low resource schools.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. Guishard, M. Fine, C. Doyle, J. Jackson, T. Staten and A. Webb";"The Bronx on the move: Participatory consultation with mothers and youth";"Journal of Educational & Psychological Consultation";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2944;"Silverstein's essay explores the social drama surrounding the reported rise of a 'new antisemitism' in France in the context of a history of violence and present discrimination against French Muslims. Eschewing the essentializing approaches to Muslim antisemitism characteristic of many critics and pundits, the essay shows how current categories of ethnicity and religion in France (e.g. Jewish, Muslim, Arab and Berber) developed historically through colonial conquest, anticolonial struggle and postcolonial racist violence. Focusing on the period of 'Beur' activism of the 1980s and more recent anti-police demonstrations by young men from suburban housing projects, Silverstein traces the formation of political subjectivity among Franco-Maghrebis in opposition to French state actors, police forces and those (including, more recently, assimilated French Jews) who appear to benefit disproportionately from the social, economic and political privileges of the national bourgeoisie. In the present period, many of these Franco-Maghrebis have increasingly identified as 'French Muslims' as their primary form of belonging, an identification bolstered by their ambivalent interpellation as, on the one hand, suspect members of the French nation under the policing and surveillance procedures of France's 'war on terror' and, on the other, objects of state dialogue via the creation of representative Islamic councils. Such politics of exclusion and incorporation, the essay argues, has played out in recent accusations of French Muslim antisemitism, accusations that challenge the right of French Muslims to recognition as a legitimate 'community' within France. Moreover, it critically examines statistical evidence for the reported rise in antisemitism and its attribution to French Muslims, paying close attention to schoolyard incidents of violence that constitute a large number of the reported incidents. Finally, Silverstein examines various minority voices among French Muslims--particularly Berber/Amazigh activists--who have enthusiastically adopted a secularist ideology and philosemitic discourse.";"Journal Article";2008;"P. A. Silverstein";"The context of antisemitism and Islamophobia in France";"Patterns of Prejudice";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2946;"As the organizer involved in the struggles to repair Wentworth Gardens, to establish an independent organization to better serve their needs, and to save their dilapidated homes from a stadium redevelopment scheme, the author describes her work with residents to plan the overall strategy and several of the tactics discussed in this book. This book captures the story of women who simply refuse to accept institutional arrangements that dehumanize and degrade them. The intensity of this research is fueled by the researchers' commitment to placing the community action of the resident leaders in Wentworth in the context of the struggle for human dignity. In this instance, the research documents the struggle against timid and inept housing policies. These policies take place, in turn, within the larger context of changes in the U.S. economy that have accelerated the decline of low-income neighborhoods. The unequal distribution of economic prosperity has produced increased economic isolation and social distress among people in poor communities. Economic deprivation, toxic political representation, exploitative institutions, and austere social conditions are the forces that work against decent housing and sustainable development for the residents in Chicago's public housing.";"Book";2004;"R. M. Feldman and S. Stall";"The dignity of resistance: Women residents' activism in Chicago public housing";"Cambridge series in environment and behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2947;"Examined the existence of gender-of-interviewer effects in 2 local-area surveys, one conducted in 1991 and the other conducted in 1993, in which 50 male and female interviewers were randomly assigned to interview 269 male and 389 female respondents. Small but consistent gender-of-interviewer effects arose on questions related to the women's movement, women's issues, and gender equality, demonstrating that, as expected, respondents were more likely to provide feminist answers to female interviewers. Gender-of-interviewer effects were somewhat more pronounced and consistent on controversial political topics: the women's movement (feminists and political activism) and their policy agenda. There was mixed evidence on whether respondents were equally susceptible to gender-of-interviewer effects. In 1 of the surveys, gender-of-interviewer effects were more pronounced among less well-educated and younger respondents than among respondents who were better educated or older. This effect was not replicated in the 2nd survey. The wording of all items on the surveys and the reliabilities of multi-item scales are appended.";"Journal Article";1997;"L. Huddy, J. Billig, J. Bracciodieta, L. Heoffler, P. J. Moynihan and P. Pugliani";"The effect of interviewer gender on the survey response";"Political Behavior";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2949;"Using Sweden as a case, the article discusses the tendency within disability activism and policies to overlook elderly people. From an analysis of a major Swedish government investigation on disability it is clear that disability policies in Sweden have come to rest upon stereotyped age norms that divide the life course into set stages, and there has been a tendency to define elderly disabled people as elderly rather than disabled. It is argued that this exclusion is partly the result of a successful endeavor to provide disabled people of younger ages with rights that are typical of non-disabled citizens. Justice and equality have been defined in comparison to citizens of similar ages: children, youth and adults of 'active age'. Based on the analysis of the paper it is argued that activities of movements struggling to liberate oppressed populations may contribute to ageism, and that anti-ageist research must go beyond the idea that ageism is a simple matter of attitudes towards older people.";"Journal Article";2009;"H. Jönson and A. T. Larsson";"The exclusion of older people in disability activism and policies—A case of inadvertent ageism?";"Journal of Aging Studies";"Sweden";"Act";"Youth"
2950;"Polycystic ovarian syndrome (PCOS) is a heterogeneous condition characterized by infertility or higher risk of miscarriage, hirsutism, amenorrhea or oligomenorrhea, menorrhagia, anovulation, weight gain or obesity, acne vulgaris, androgenic alopecia, insulin resistance, and excess androgen production. Despite a far-reaching concern with women's health issues, feminist awareness of, or activism in relation to, the condition appears to be minimal. Using in-depth, semistructured interviews, this study examined the experiences of 30 females (aged 21–42 yrs) with PCOS. A dominant and pervasive theme that ran through virtually all of the interviews was the concept of 'freakishness,' being different. Most Ss (28 out of 30) spoke about not being like 'normal women,' and not being 'proper women.' Overall, the results indicate that women with PCOS are challenged in their perceptions of themselves as feminine and as women. These feelings were demonstrated in the discourses surrounding hair, menstruation, and infertility.";"Journal Article";2000;"J. Willmott";"The experiences of women with polycystic ovarian syndrome";"Feminism & Psychology";;"Act";"Youth"
2951;"This article reports the development and psychometric properties of the Feminist Supervision Scale (FSS), a new scale designed to assess feminist supervision practices in clinical supervision. This 32-item measure was developed using a rational/theoretical approach of test construction and includes four subscales: (a) collaborative relationships, (b) power analysis, (c) diversity and social context, and (d) feminist advocacy and activism. Reliability estimates for the FSS full scale and subscales were acceptable. Structural validity of the FSS was supported by exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses. Convergent validity was supported by positive correlations between the FSS and self-identification as a feminist supervisor, liberal gender role attitudes, and use of feminist therapy behaviors. Discriminant validity was supported by nonsignificant correlations between the FSS and social desirability and length of time as a supervisor, and by demonstrating that the FSS was related but conceptually distinct from both multicultural competence and perceived supervisory working alliance.";"Journal Article";2003;"D. M. Szymanski";"The feminist supervision scale: A rational/theoretical approach";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2952;"Participatory action research with young people (yPAR) involves youth and adults in a collaborative process of research, reflection, analysis and action. An important part of the research cycle is the identification of a problem definition. Yet, there is relatively little research addressing the process of how young people develop a problem definition on which to focus their analysis and intervention and what methods might exist to facilitate this process. This article draws upon a yPAR project with fifth-grade working-class young people, primarily young people of colour, to demonstrate how the Five Whys method for reflecting on lived experiences facilitated the development of problem definitions in line with second-order change. The Five Whys method, when used within a participatory framework, offers both a context and a structure for young people to critically examine social problems they identify and to seek out root causes. The article highlights changes in the participant’s formulation of problems in the context of using the Five Whys method, from a primarily individual level of analysis to a more structural level of analysis. It also outlines the subsequent changes in proposed actions to address the identified problems.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. Kohfeldt and R. D. Langhout";"The Five Whys method: A tool for developing problem definitions in collaboration with children";"Journal of Community & Applied Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2953;"This article examines the formation of consciousness among women at the beginning stages of the women's movement. The author analyzes the complexity of pathways to feminism across the political spectrum, comparing women who were active on the Left in Students for a Democratic Society with women active in the leading conservative organization of the 1960s, Young Americans for Freedom. The author finds an unexpected division among women in both groups between those who identify discrimination by their male peers and those who do not. It is argued that there are 3 stages in the formation of feminist consciousness: identification of inequality or mistreatment, discovering a language or framing by which to interpret these experiences, and the social construction of a collective identity. Factors for each of these 3 stages that help or hinder the formation of feminist consciousness are discussed.";"Journal Article";2001;"R. E. Klatch";"The formation of feminist consciousness among left- and right-wing activists of the 1960s";"Gender & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2955;"A year after Occupy Wall Street (OWS)’s spectacular appearance in lower Manhattan, assessments of its impact range from the view that it was an ephemeral 'flash movement' (Plotke 2012) to claims that it marks the beginning of a new cycle of social movement activity (Piven 2012). We are reluctant to make predictions but instead present an analysis rooted in the perspective of Occupy insiders to highlight the reasons for the movement’s unexpected success, assess its political significance, and reflect on its potential long-term effects. This account is based on in-depth interviews that we conducted between February and July 2012 with a convenience sample of 25 activists in New York’s OWS movement.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. Milkman, P. Lewis and S. Luce";"The genie's out of the bottle: Insiders’ perspectives on Occupy Wall Street";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2956;"This article identifies the Edcouch-Elsa High School Walkout of 1968 as a pivotal event in the educational history of Mexican American students in south Texas. It presents elements of the Civil Rights Movement, including the Brown decision, the rise of Mexican American political organizations, and the actions of community youth. The authors use oral histories that they and their high school students produced between 1997 and 2002, through the work of the Llano Grande Center for Research and Development, a nonprofit organization founded by the authors and their students. Through the use of secondary literature, local stories, and micro-macro integrative theory, this study describes how the Brown decision and other national events affected Edcouch-Elsa schools between 1954 and 1968.";"Journal Article";2004;"M. A. Guajardo and F. J. Guajardo";"The Impact of Brown on the Brown of South Texas: A Micropolitical Perspective on the Education of Mexican Americans in a South Texas Community";"American Educational Research Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2957;"Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore influences of green advertising and social activism during one of the worst adverse public relations episodes in history: the British Petroleum (BP) Deep Water Horizon oil spill. Design/methodology/approach: The study uses self-congruency theory and perception of fit to explore the influence of green advertising and social activism on attitudes toward BP’s advertising, commitment to the environment, brand, and company. The survey data cover periods before, during, and after the spill. Findings: Mean ratings for the BP brand were lower during the oil spill for respondents who viewed an environmental ad as compared to those viewing an ad lacking environmental content. Comparison of attitudes toward BP’s environmental commitment, advertising, company, and brand reveal differences between activist and non-activist respondents across all four attitudinal scales during the oil spill. Practical implications: The study finds that lack of fit between corporate social responsibility communications and social responsibility performance raises the potential for a significant backlash against BP. Originality/value: The paper utilizes unique data that include survey responses before during and after the BP Deep Water Horizon oil spill. Empirical analyses of attitudes toward advertising, company, and brand over the life cycle of an adverse public relations event are among the first of their kind. Similarly, analyses of differences in activist and non-activist attitudes toward a company operating in a high-environmental risk industry are also among the first ever.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. D. Bodkin, L. H. Amato and C. H. Amato";"The influence of green advertising during a corporate disaster";"Corporate Communications";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2958;"In this one-year qualitative study, the authors examined how border pedagogy is enacted by two Latino/a high school teachers in a border community in Southern California. Through classroom observations, the authors documented powerful student discussions that named complex borders (Giroux, 1992) that existed in their daily lives. We drew from conocimientos (understandings) (Anzaldúa, 1987), conscientizacíon (critical consciousness) (Freire, 1970), and cariño (authentic care) (Valenzuela, 1999) as theoretical lenses to inform this study.";"Journal Article";2016;"P. C. Ramirez, L. Ross and M. Jimenez-Silva";"The intersectionality of border pedagogy and Latino/a youth: Enacting border pedagogy in multiple spaces";"The High School Journal";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2959;"In spring 2006, the United States witnessed immigrant marches throughout the nation. Although Latina/os are often depicted as the 'face' of the immigrant marches, we know little about how racial and citizenship statuses shaped Latina/os’ perceptions of how the marches influenced public perceptions of undocumented immigrants. Using logistic regression on data from the 2006 National Survey of Latinos, we find that Latina/os identifying as white are less likely to be supportive of the immigrant marches than those who defied standard racial classifications, and instead identified as 'Latina/o.' Moreover, Latina/os who are born in the United States are not as supportive of the immigrant marches in comparison with naturalized citizens and non-citizen Latina/os, accounting for demographic and human capital factors. This study suggests there is a 'racial- and citizenship divide' among Latina/os that fragments perceptions on the immigrant mobilizations in the United States.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. C. Morales, A. L. Murga and M. E. Sanchez";"The Latina/o racial and citizenship divide on perceptions of the influence of immigrant mobilizations";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2960;"Sexual minority youth, including emerging adults, are at risk for negative health outcomes. Minority stress theory posits that heterosexism can contribute to these outcomes among sexual minorities. Researchers have tested this theory with respect to interpersonal heterosexism; however, little attention has been given to macro-level and environmental forms of heterosexism, especially among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and queer (LGBQ) youth. In this study, we examine the role of objective social climate (LGB state-level policies) and experiential distal and proximal environmental microaggressions on the psychological well-being of LGBQ emerging adults. Furthermore, we examine the role of LGBQ identity salience as a moderating factor on the macro/environmental-heterosexism and well-being relationship. Multivariable linear regression results suggest that living in a state without same-sex marriage laws is associated with greater self-esteem, whereas both distal and proximal environmental microaggressions are risk factors for anxiety and perceived stress. Furthermore, identity salience can ameliorate the effects of distal microaggressions and intensify the effects of proximal microaggressions and same-sex marriage legislation. Implications for practice with sexual minority youth are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. R. Woodford, M. S. Paceley, A. Kulick and J. S. Hong";"The LGBQ social climate matters: Policies, protests, and placards and psychological well-being among LGBQ emerging adults";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Social Services: The Quarterly Journal of Community & Clinical Practice";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2961;"Examined continuity in the families of activists (AVs) and nonactivists (NAVs). 1,331 Ss in 345 families completed questionnaires in 1971 and 1985. Parent–child comparisons were made between the grandchild generation (mean age 19 yrs in 1971) and the parent generation (mean age 44 yrs in 1971). The sample consisted of 301 NAV and 129 AV parent–child dyads. AVs were significantly more liberal in political orientation and attitudes in both 1971 and 1985, although they had moderated their views over time. AVs tended to have greater disagreement with their parents on political attitudes than did NAVs, except in the case of mothers and daughters. These disagreements did not reduce the quality of family relationships. Controlling for educational attainment, there were no differences in family solidarity in AV and NAV families.";"Journal Article";1992;"C. C. Dunham and V. L. Bengtson";"The long-term effects of political activism on intergenerational relations";"Youth & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2962;"The current study presents the Men’s Project, a sexual assault prevention program that targets college men. The Men’s Project integrates social norms, empathy, and bystander education programs into one program for college men. Male student leaders were recruited to participate in the 11-week program for 2 hours each week. The beginning of the program introduces men to issues of gender socialization, male privilege, and sexuality, followed by a few weeks exploring the breadth and depth of sexual violence, including its emotional and psychological impacts on survivors. Finally, participants learn about bystander intervention at individual and institutional levels. Participants completed a survey before and after participation in the Men’s Project. Results demonstrate that from baseline to posttest, participants reported reductions in sexism, rape myth acceptance, and gender-biased language use in addition to increases in collective action willingness, feminist activism, and bystander efficacy. Discussion centers on men’s role in ending sexual violence and the need for more prevention programs targeting men. The present article demonstrates the utility of the Men’s Project in engaging men to work toward ending sexual violence.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. L. Stewart";"The Men’s Project: A sexual assault prevention program targeting college men";"Psychology of Men & Masculinity";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2963;"This article provides a comparison between the mission and development processes of the disability movement in Israel and the United States. It examines whether the organizations that were supposed to construct the movement have succeeded in their mission through the adoption of the disability rights legislations or have been able to introduce a new agenda. The review and analysis are based on Israeli and foreign sources, in-depth interviews with prominent Israeli activists, and observations of protests and conferences held in Israel in recent years. Findings indicate that in comparison with the United States, the Israeli organizations’ activities are defensive in nature, operating in a fairly young civic society, and have, therefore, failed to create an overall disability movement. The enactment of disability rights legislation left disability activists, in both countries, at a crossroads regarding their future mission. The conclusion reached is that if they wish to survive, they will need to cooperate with other civic organizations and probably renew their social contracts with their constituencies.";"Journal Article";2014;"D. Gilad and A. Rimmerman";"The mission and development processes of the disability movement in Israel and the United States: A comparison";"Journal of Disability Policy Studies";"Israel";"Act";"Youth"
2965;"A feminist politics of empowerment in policy and schooling that vigorously incorporates the needs of all youngsters and schools and that welcomes leadership by talented women and minorities in the construction of an American democracy should help reduce the effects of discrimination. It strikes me that the dynamics of production and erasure underlie conflicting forces of activism and silencing in some powerful but insidious ways. K-12 administrative leadership, while becoming more inclusive, is still raced and gendered, which helps to explain why women superintendents often hesitate to speak out. They know first-hand that female professionals in public schooling are seen as women first administrators second, and the same pertains to minorities whose race is treated as a barrier to be overcome. As more males and females alike adopt a transformational approach to leadership, systemic inequities that affect public education can be expected to erode. A fourth wave of public school leadership might bring about a greater 'production' in the kind of leadership that makes fairness and equality, integrity and humanity some of the new standards of success.";"Book Section";2013;"C. A. Mullen";"The paradox of change in public schooling and education leadership";"The handbook of educational theories.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2966;"Developed and investigated the reliability and validity of a measure of patient activism, the Patient Self-Advocacy Scale, based on the analysis of 3 dimensions described by D. E. Brashers and R. S. Klingle (1992), which was designed to assess the dimensions of: (1) increased illness and treatment education, (2) increased assertiveness in health care interactions, and (3) increased potential for non-adherence. Tests administered to 174 adults with HIV/AIDS (aged 18–65 yrs) and 218 adults from a general population (aged 18–76+ yrs) demonstrate that the Patient Self-Advocacy Scale was a reliable and valid measure of patient involvement in health care decision making.";"Journal Article";1999;"D. E. Brashers, S. M. Haas and J. L. Neidig";"The patient self-advocacy scale: Measuring patient involvement in health care decision-making interactions";"Health Communication";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2967;"Discusses the article 'Third Wave Agenda,' by Leslie Heywood and Jennifer Drake. Leslie Heywood and Jennifer Drake make an important distinction between third-wave feminism and postfeminism. Third wave' and 'postfeminism' are both expressions currently widely used to talk about the contemporary moment in self-identified feminist thinking and practice in North America (Canada and the US) and to distinguish this moment and its emphasis from an assumed earlier period of second-wave feminism. Heywood and Drake's provocative distinction, therefore, is squarely positioned. Their insistence arises out of their perception that many contemporary critiques of self-identified third-wave feminism dismiss its feminism as such, maintaining that much of the feminism today, especially that of younger women (the predominant, but by no means only, understanding of the expression 'third wave') is somehow not 'really' feminist or not feminist 'enough'. Too much contemporary feminism, they perceive these critiques to be saying, is really only part of the much touted backlash against feminism, ultimately only selfindulgent navel-gazing on reclaiming personal experiences and female pleasures, usually to the exclusion of any political understanding or activism.";"Journal Article";2002;"A. Braithwaite";"The personal, the political, third-wave and postfeminisms";"Feminist Theory";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2968;"Recent research has hypothesized that empowerment can arise from collective action through collective self-objectification (CSO), defined as action that actualizes participants' social identity against the power of dominant groups. Activists (N = 37) described several experiences that made them feel empowered (and disempowered). Among the various explanations they offered for these feelings, the most prominent were CSO, unity, and support (or their absence). CSO was also predictive of reports of positive emotion, although unity was the best predictor of reports of further involvement. Overall, the study suggests that actualizing one's social identity through collective action has personal as well as political significance.";"Journal Article";2005;"J. Drury, C. Cocking, J. Beale, C. Hanson and F. Rapley";"The phenomenology of empowerment in collective action";"British Journal of Social Psychology";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2969;"The imperialist history of the Philippines has created a people with a blend of several cultures and races. Religion was inherited from Spanish rule (90 percent of Filipinos self-identify as Roman Catholic), whereas education and democratic values are largely American. The Philippines' violent history of imperialism and the current insurgencies and terroristic attacks underscore the importance of understanding how the Filipino people have coped intellectually with their struggles. This chapter examines lay Filipino perceptions of the rights of states to perform acts of aggression in the form of invasion, killing of civilians, torture, and terrorism. It also considers perceptions on the rights of individuals to live in a world of peace and to protest against war. The chapter begins by briefly reviewing the history of conflicts in the Philippines, related social issues that perpetuate conflict and unrest, and current efforts toward peaceful reconciliation. It then discusses Filipino responses to the Personal and Institutional Rights to Aggression Survey (PAIRTAPS) and interprets those responses in the context of the country's history and current challenges.";"Book Section";2009;"M. R. E. Estuar and D. Y. Oh";"The Philippines";"State violence and the right to peace: An international survey of the views of ordinary people, Vol 4: Asia and Australia.";"Philippines";"Act";"Youth"
2970;"Purpose--The aim of the article is to elucidate the political factors which motivated Zimbabwe's land reform that was forcibly initiated by the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) government in 2000. Design/methodology/approach--The research makes use of primary and secondary sources. The government of Zimbabwe parliamentary debates highlight the grievances raised by the people over land redistribution as early as 1980. The newspapers, internet and published material provide evidence pointing out to the political nature of the land reform. Findings--It is apparent that the ZANU PF government was reluctant to address the land question despite the fact that many rural people were crowded in the reserves. It was in 2000 that ZANU PF awakened to its waning popularity after the referendum defeat which coincided with the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in 1999. Land reform was used as a political weapon to thwart the MDC as evidenced by the brutal suppression of MDC activities countrywide. Social implications--The research proves that the victimisation of MDC members in Zimbabwe has made opposition politics a disastrous game. Starting in 2000, ZANU PF embarked on a mission to thwart opposition activism and the effects were deeply felt. Paramilitary groups such as the Second Chimurenga war veterans, Border Gezi 'youths' and ZANU PF supporters took the lead in torturing and killing real and alleged MDC supporters. The MDC retaliated but with very limited success. Originality/value--The paper provides unique insights into the political motives which encouraged Zimbabwe's land reform programme. The implications for practice provided herein are useful for policy makers in the country.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. Mutanda";"The politicisation, dynamics and violence during Zimbabwe's land reform programme";"Journal of Aggression, Conflict and Peace Research";"Zimbabwe";"Act";"Youth"
2971;"The need to provide culturally competent training for counseling gay men and lesbians (as well as other sexual minorities) is limited by the relative scarcity of research. Extant research has focused on psychopathologies and negative life experiences with little attention to the positive aspects of the lives of gay men and lesbians. An online survey collected data on perceptions of the positive aspects of being a gay man or lesbian (N = 553). Qualitative analyses revealed 3 domains with 11 themes. The positive aspects of gay or lesbian identity were belonging to a community, creating families of choice, forging strong connections with others, serving as positive role models, developing empathy and compassion, living authentically and honestly, gaining personal insight and sense of self, involvement in social justice and activism, freedom from gender-specific roles, exploring sexuality and relationships, and enjoying egalitarian relationships (lesbian participants only). These findings are discussed in light of recent literature on positive psychology and strength-based therapeutic approaches.";"Journal Article";2008;"E. D. B. Riggle, J. S. Whitman, A. Olson, S. S. Rostosky and S. Strong";"The positive aspects of being a lesbian or gay man";"Professional Psychology: Research and Practice";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2972;"Sense of place' refers to a psychological construct that involves attributing a geographical location with meaning, values, and a sense of 'connection.' Previous research has shown that having a sense of place, particularly in relation to natural environments, can motivate people to engage in actions for sustainability but that such a sense of place is less likely to occur in urban environments. This study focuses on what motivates people living in the city of Melbourne to live an environmentally sustainable lifestyle, specifically investigating the role of 'sense of place.' Nineteen in-depth interviews were conducted with residents engaged in three types of sustainability activism: personal (e.g., energy and water saving, shopping at farmers’ markets); group (e.g., community gardens, sharing neighborhood goods); and political (e.g., lobbying and organizing for structural change). Although participants did report experiencing a 'sense of place' in Melbourne, it was their broader feelings of connection with nature and the planet as a whole; their awareness of the human-made and cultural/political environment; and their personal health, relationships, and community, not necessarily connected to a geographical location within Melbourne, which they reported motivate them to take action. Slight differences in motivating factors were found between the different types of activist, although connection with nature was consistent across all groups. It appears that in urban settings, local sense of place could act as an 'enabler' and 'reinforcer' of action, providing a location in which to act, and people to act with, rather than as a motivating factor per se. It also provides psychological and social benefits.";"Journal Article";2012;"Z. Rogers and E. Bragg";"The power of connection: Sustainable lifestyles and sense of place";"Ecopsychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2973;"Sexism is a stressor for many women and is related to a host of harmful psychosocial outcomes, including silencing oneself in social relationships. The present study examined the relationships among sexist experiences, endorsement of traditional feminine gender roles, commitment to social change, and self-silencing among a sample of 261 women. Results revealed that recent sexist experiences and endorsement of traditional feminine gender roles significantly and positively predicted self-silencing, whereas a commitment to social change significantly and negatively predicted self-silencing. In addition, lifetime sexist experiences were associated with greater self-silencing for women with low levels of commitment to social change, but not for women with average or high levels, suggesting a buffering effect. Women who were less committed to social change demonstrated higher levels of self-silencing when sexual objectification experiences were less frequent; women with higher levels of commitment to social change were less likely to self-silence, regardless of the frequency of sexual objectification experiences. Thus, it is important to explore women’s sexist experiences and gender roles attitudes and to locate women’s self-silencing within a sexist sociocultural context. Moreover, fostering a commitment to social change may be a promising intervention for reducing the impact of sexist events on women’s self-silencing.";"Journal Article";2016;"L. B. Watson and M. Grotewiel";"The protective role of commitment to social change in the relationship between women's sexist experiences and self-silencing";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2974;"Reflecting on the 2011–2012 youth-led resistance movements in North America, this essay contextualizes and evaluates the Quebec student movement against the increasing influence of neoliberalism on North American and global society as a whole, comparing its strategies and impacts with those of the Occupy movement in particular. The Quebec movement launched a series of protests that awakened society to the prospect of what struggling for a radical democracy might mean, and how crucial free, accessible higher education must be to such a struggle. The key challenge for these social movements will be to continue to develop and circulate their views in the public sphere through forms of political organization that are as coordinated as they are flexible and open to new ideas. Both the Occupy movement and the Quebec student resistance have ignited a new generation of young people who now face the ongoing challenge of developing a language and a politics that integrate a meaningful consideration of public values and imagine the possibilities of a democracy not wedded to the dictates of global capitalism. This emerging public culture should make pedagogy central to its understanding of politics and work diligently to provide alternative subjects, narratives and power relations that contribute to sustainable educational institutions and enlarged public spaces in which matters of knowledge, identity and social responsibility become central to creating a democratic formative culture – here understood as the very precondition for the modes of agency, public values and engaged citizenship required to support any just and inclusive society.";"Journal Article";2013;"H. A. Giroux";"The Quebec student protest movement in the age of neoliberal terror";"Social Identities: Journal for the Study of Race, Nation and Culture";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2975;"The brutal gang-rape of a 23-year-old woman in a bus in Delhi on December 16, 2012 was horrific, ultimately resulting in death. The incident led to huge protests by thousands of citizens, especially young women and men, demanding concrete action. The protests following the 'Delhi bus rape' led to the appointment of a Committee headed by an ex-Chief Justice of India, which within a month submitted a report suggesting concrete measures like creating a broad offence of sexual assault instead of the present narrow definition of rape and making voyeurism and stalking distinct offences. Some of the measures have been incorporated through the Criminal Law Amendment Act, 2013.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Shukla";"The rage of angels: Anger, fury, brutal rape, protests, police action";"International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies";"India";"Act";"Youth"
2976;"The Raging Grannies are a group of older women who dress as 'grannies' and alter the words of traditional songs to communicate political messages. Based on a review of song lyrics, participant observation, and interviews with 15 Grannies, this study explores Raging Granny activism and the strategic adoption of the grandmother identity. The Grannies challenge stereotypes of older women through the fact and forms of their activism, and they see their aged status as empowering and as something to be embraced. Grannies report that the grandmother identity serves a protective function and enhances movement efficacy. This case study adds to the sparse literature on older women's political activism and demonstrates that identity exploration is not restricted to youth-centered movements.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. Sawchuk";"The Raging Grannies: Defying stereotypes and embracing aging through activism";"Journal of Women & Aging";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2977;"This study is an application of social identity theory to feminist consciousness and activism. For women, strong gender identifications may enhance support for equality struggles, whereas for men, they may contribute to backlashes against feminism. 276 college students (age range 17–47 yrs old) primarily Euroamerican, completed a measure of gender self-esteem (GSE) that part of one's self-concept derived from one's gender, and two measures of feminism. Gender self-esteem was measured with an adapted version of J. Crocker and R. Luhtanen's Collective Self-Esteem Scale (CSES). Support for feminism was measured with the short form of the Liberal Feminist Attitude and Ideology Scale (LFAIS). High GSE in women and low GSE in men were related to support for feminism. Consistent with past research, women were more supportive of feminism than men, and in both genders, support for feminist ideas was greater than self-identification as a feminist.";"Journal Article";2000;"S. M. Burn, R. Aboud and C. Moyles";"The relationship between gender social identity and support for feminism";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2978;"This article looks at the causes of the prevalent transgressive contentions initiated by young activists in recent years in Hong Kong. Three cases are examined and compared: the rise of the League of Social Democrats and People Power, Local Actions, and Scholarism. By studying the macro, meso, and micro aspects of the cases, we argue that the rise of youth transgressive contention is not just a consequence of adverse sentiments and broader socioeconomic conditions—worsening social mobility and economic prospects, higher levels of education, emergence of critical citizens, HK-China integration, and distrust towards the HKSAR government. In addition, the organizational strength and networking among societal actors, the recruitment and nurturing process of these organizations, and their framing strategy are determinants of the outburst of youth activism in Hong Kong.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. H. k. Or and C. H. M. Lau";"The rise of transgressive contention by young activists: Recent cases in Hong Kong";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Hong Kong";"Act";"Youth"
2980;"This paper adopts an intergroup perspective on helping as collective action to explore the ways to boost motivation amongst people in developed countries to join the effort to combat poverty and preventable disease in developing countries. Following van Zomeren, Spears, Leach, and Fischer’s (2004) model of collective action, we investigated the role of norms about an emotional response (moral outrage) and beliefs about efficacy in motivating commitment to take action amongst members of advantaged groups. Norms about outrage and efficacy were harnessed to an opinion-based group identity (Bliuc, McGarty, Reynolds, & Muntele, 2007) and explored in the context of a novel group-based interaction method. Results showed that the group-based interaction boosted commitment to action especially when primed with an (injunctive) outrage norm. This norm stimulated a range of related effects including increased identification with the pro-international development opinion-based group, and higher efficacy beliefs.Results provide an intriguing instantiation of the power of group interaction (particularly where strengthened with emotion norms) to bolster commitment to positive social change.";"Journal Article";2009;"E. F. Thomas and C. A. McGarty";"The role of efficacy and moral outrage norms in creating the potential for international development activism through group-based interaction";"British Journal of Social Psychology";"Australia";"Act";"Youth"
2981;"Adams (2004, The pornography of meat. London: The Continuum International Publishing Group Ltd), Deckha (2008, Disturbing images: PETA and the feminist ethics of animal advocacy. Ethics and the environment, 13(2), 35–76), Gaarder (2011, Women and the animal rights movement. Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press), Glasser (2011, Tied oppressions: an analysis of how sexist imagery reinforces speciesist sentiment. The Brock review, 12(1), 51–68), and others have criticized People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) for sexually exploiting young women in outreach and fundraising efforts. This article extends these critiques in addressing the problematic relationship between objectified volunteer female activists and Nonhuman Animal rights organizations (Animal Liberation Victoria, Fish Love, LUSH, and PETA). These organizations have largely professionalized and have consequently refocused their priorities on fundraising for organizational maintenance. An exploration into the social movement literature on the phenomenon of professionalization casts the use of young women's bodies for financial gains in a more troubling light. The Nonhuman Animal rights industry that exploits the sexuality of female activists ultimately exploits archetypes of women as nurturers and temptresses. These groups also utilize women's vulnerability by targeting female consumers and their sensitivity to body image. This article places female objectification within the logic of social movement professionalization. These organizations merge advocacy with capitalist interests to the ultimate disadvantage of women and Nonhuman Animals alike. The exploitation of female stereotypes and ultimately the female body, it is argued, is ineffective in challenging ideologies of oppression as both a practical and a theoretical matter.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. L. Wrenn";"The role of professionalization regarding female exploitation in the Nonhuman Animal rights movement";"Journal of Gender Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2982;"This article examines the global human rights activism of young Muslims through their participation in hip-hop culture. The increased awareness of their Muslim identity in the post-September 11 era inadvertently influences and permeates the consumption of popular youth culture. The article contends that there is an attempt by the hip-hop ummah to draw from the struggles of the African American experience to articulate the human rights concerns facing respective communities. The right to appropriate hip-hop as a means to express their predicaments also brings its young practitioners into conflict with moral entrepreneurs who act as gatekeepers to the religion. However, the human rights activism of young Muslims is bridging the seemingly irreconcilable gap between hip-hop and piety, serving not only as an important framework of social identity but also providing the space to forge generational and transnational solidarities.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Mohamed Nasir";"The September 11 generation, hip-hop and human rights";"Journal of Sociology";"Singapore";"Act";"Youth"
2983;"Protest activity has become a central means for political change in Chile. We examine the association between social media use and youth protest, as well as mediating and moderating mechanisms of this relationship, using survey data collected in Chile in 2010. We found that Facebook use was associated significantly with protest activity, even after taking into account political grievances, material and psychological resources, values, and news media use. The link between overall Facebook use and protest activity was explained by using the social network for news and socializing rather than when it was used for self-expression. Postmaterialist values and political ideologies were not found to moderate the association between Facebook use and protest.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. Valenzuela, A. Arriagada and A. Scherman";"The social media basis of youth protest behavior: The case of Chile";"Journal of Communication";"Chile";"Act";"Youth"
2984;"Analyzes 3 statuses (individually harmed victim, bereaved victim, and general community activist [nonvictim]) found among local chapter officers of Mothers Against Drunk Driving in terms of their impact on chapter leadership and operations. Victim and nonvictim activists have the same general social background characteristics and level of community involvement, suggesting that they all come from a similar social base of potential activists. Victim-activists gain status and experiential expertise that facilitate playing leadership roles and affect the emphasis they give the program goals of youth education and victim services in the local chapters.";"Journal Article";1990;"F. J. Weed";"The victim-activist role in the anti-drunk driving movement";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2985;"Presents the case of a 21-yr-old South African political activist caught up in the violence of his country. Therapy was conducted using a psychoanalytic object-relations approach, which was also found to be helpful in placing the S's history and behavior in the wider South African context. The S originally sought therapy for posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), which occurred as the result of imprisonment and confinement. Once the symptoms of the PTSD lifted, a 2nd phase of therapy began. This phase concerned the transferential relationship between patient and therapist, particularly the sadistic aggression used as a defense against vulnerability and helplessness. The description of therapy illustrates how psychoanalytic psychotherapists in South Africa will have to use their understanding to help activists whose internal worlds have both mirrored and reacted to the dynamics of apartheid.";"Journal Article";1992;"L. Per";"Themes of aggression and violence in the therapy of a young adult activist";"Psycho-analytic Psychotherapy in South Africa";;"Act";"Youth"
2986;"The author, a trans-identified transactivist and psychotherapist, outlines a number of ways in which elements of advocacy and activism can be added to the therapeutic process as appropriate and potentially effective interventions. A case study illustrates how these interventions optimize client agency, efficacy, resilience, and quality of life.";"Journal Article";2007;"R. Raj";"Transactivism as therapy: A client self-empowerment model linking personal and social agency";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
2987;"This article explores the phenomenon of young women organizing in and building 'youth-only' transnational feminist networks. Qualitative data gathered during a 2010–2011 study of activist women under 30 years old in the MENA region, Central and Eastern Europe, and North America suggests the choice to organize as 'youth' is often presented as strategic, with members of young women's transnational feminist networks advancing two interlinked claims. The first is that young women in global social justice movements have similar experiences in feeling marginalized when compared to their male and older-generation counterparts. The second is that coalescing in response to this 'universal' marginalization creates opportunities for young activist women to transcend the 'identity politics', class divides and philosophical differences historically plaguing transnational feminist organizing. Ultimately, study participants argue this strategic choice of organizing as youth will enable the building of a more democratic transnational feminist movement.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. A. Hunt";"Transcending polarization? Strategic identity construction in young women's transnational feminist networks";"Women's Studies International Forum";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2988;"This article examines key setting events and personal factors that are associated with support for either non-violent activism or violent activism among Somali refugee young adults in the United States. Specifically, this article examines the associations of trauma, stress, symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), posttraumatic growth (PTG), strength of social bonds, and attitudes towards legal and non-violent vs. illegal and violent activism. Structured interviews were conducted with a sample of Somali refugee males ages 18–25 living in the northeastern United States (N = 79). Data were analyzed using multiple linear regressions and path analysis. Greater exposure to personal trauma was associated with greater openness to illegal and violent activism. PTSD symptoms mediated this association. Strong social bonds to both community and society moderated this association, with trauma being more strongly associated with openness to illegal and violent activism among those who reported weaker social bonds. Greater exposure to trauma, PTG, and stronger social bonds were all associated with greater openness to legal non-violent activism.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. H. Ellis, S. M. Abdi, J. Horgan, A. B. Miller, G. N. Saxe and E. Blood";"Trauma and openness to legal and illegal activism among Somali refugees";"Terrorism and Political Violence";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2989;"It is fascinating to review the diversity of articles that have appeared during the Schwebel editorship. We have seen a reprinting of William James's classic essay on the moral equivalent of war; psycho-historical analyses of international conflict; reports from the United Nations and about United Nations activities; analyses of peace and conflict in schools, in the media, in the home, and in the community; reports on peacemaking and peacebuilding throughout the world. Milt has encouraged people to develop special issues on themes as diverse as promoting peace in South Africa, the Graça Machel/United Nations study of the effects of war on children, social and moral issues surrounding youth sports, and envisioning peaceful futures. Furthermore, Milt has been a perpetual advocate of psychology's responsibility for understanding the social structural bases of peace and conflict and has, as a consequence, promoted multidisciplinary contributions to the journal. Milt Schwebel has developed a journal for peace psychology that the Society can take great pride in. Clearly and intentionally, Milt has established a journal that reflects the goals and values of the Society for the Study of Peace, Conflict, and Violence. He recognized the need at the outset to establish criteria for journal submissions that are highly inclusive: empirical and theoretical, clinical, historical, and political analyses related to peace and conflict at the interpersonal, familial, community, intra and international levels of analysis, friendly to all—women and men, graduate students and those with doctorate degrees, U. S. and international psychologists.";"Journal Article";2001;"R. V. Wagner";"Tribute to Milton Schwebel, Editor par Excellence";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2990;"This study traces the development of union loyalties among community college professors. Assuming that activism is motivated by contextual and ideological factors, the paper analyzes the ways that social networks, collegiate workplaces, and framing practices transform political bystanders into committed union members. Using data from a study of junior college professors in Kentucky (N = 329), the study finds that union participation is strongly linked to a distrust of campus administrators and having pro-union friends and colleagues. Likewise, perceptions of union efficacy, a liberal identity as well the professor's education level predicted the actual joining of their campus faculty union.";"Journal Article";2010;"G. Goldey, E. Swank, C. Hardesty and R. Swain";"Union professors: Framing processes, mobilizing structures, and participation in faculty unions";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2991;"This article concerns resistance to unpaid work in the television and film industries. It outlines one notable and successful campaign against unpaid labour which was conducted in the UK television industry and discusses how a similar campaign in the film industry met much greater opposition. It then reports on a survey that was conducted in order to investigate the seeming differences in attitudes in the two industries observed during these campaigns. While confirming that workers in the film industry are more prepared to accept unpaid labour than television workers, the survey also revealed a more striking characteristic: those who have worked longer in either sector view unpaid labour considerably less favourably than relative newcomers. The article discusses possible reasons for this, such as self-interest and altruistic attitudes towards younger workers; it also explores some implications for future working conditions, and for the role of activism and solidarity in resisting the worst aspects of existing labour relations in the cultural industries.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. Percival and D. Hesmondhalgh";"Unpaid work in the UK television and film industries: Resistance and changing attitudes";"European Journal of Communication";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
2994;"The purpose of this study was to determine the current level of knowledge and awareness of hunger-related issues among a convenience sample of Delawareans. We also assessed whether raising knowledge and awareness of the hunger problem through the FBD's newly designed web site would encourage participation in antihunger activities. Via e-mail, 1,719 individuals were invited to participate in a three-phase, online survey, and 392 agreed. Phase-l questions were answered prior to viewing the web site, phase II (n = 217) immediately afterward, and phase III (n = 61) six weeks later. Responses indicated a high level of awareness about general hunger issues but specific knowledge proved to be at a lower level. No statistically significant differences were noted when data were collapsed across gender, age, educational level, or work setting. In a six-week post-survey, 41% of subjects were motivated by the web site to engage in an antihunger activity; 34% had told others about the web site and indicated it may be a useful tool in antihunger outreach efforts for the FED.";"Journal Article";2003;"S. Jennings, N. Cotugna and C. E. Vickery";"Use of a web site to increase knowledge and awareness of hunger-related issues";"Journal of the National Medical Association";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2995;"Katrina Arndt examines the imperatives of personal responsibility from the perspective of college students who are deafblind and preparing for future employment. The experiences of people with disabilities in the early twenty-first century reflect the successes of disability rights movements—at least in Western industrial democracies; one effect of this activism has been the opening of new opportunities and a significant increase in the college attendance of students with disabilities. The watchwords of disability activism have been inclusion (especially in education) and independence, which activists have conceptualized as autonomous decision making, in contexts designed to minimize barriers to participation. Many people with disabilities have the capacities and desire to participate in the labor force; they wish to be independent and responsible. However (as Traustadóttir cautioned in chapter 4), in an era of shrinking expenditure for social assistance, it remains unclear whether such participation will be possible, and on what terms. Arndt's larger study of her participants' college experiences explores how they manage identities as deafblind individuals in a setting designed for students who are audiologically deaf, with a lively and robust Deaf culture. As members of an institutional community where they are seen as different by virtue of their visual impairments, the students must work to educate others about their disabilities and the kinds of assistance they need. They receive effective assistance from college staff but often struggle for inclusion in the social life of the college—in part, they believe, because other students do not understand their impairment and how it affects their lives. Such struggles, and the extra work of communicating with others about how they might be included, will surely follow them into future workplaces. The analysis here focuses on a single student's internship, in order to explore the kinds of issues that may arise in the transition from school to work. The single narrative that provides the basis for this discussion is an idiosyncratic one, to be sure; but so is the story of every worker and perhaps especially every worker with a particular sensory impairment. And college internships are not real jobs and may often (for any student) lack the challenge and satisfaction of longer-term employment. Still, Arndt's discussion suggests that, as more young people with severe impairments move from college into jobs, they will likely confront the two-sided (and paradoxical) dominant construction of access. On the one hand, access is treated as an individual matter, to be taken up and managed by the person who needs assistance; on the other, it is seen as a matter to be decided institutionally, in ways that too often set aside the persons own grounded knowledge of his or her capacities and preferred types of support.";"Book Section";2008;"K. Arndt";"'Use what you have, be thankful you have it': Work and the promise of social inclusion for students with disabilities";"People at work: Life, power, and social inclusion in the new economy.";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2996;"Activist behaviors have been offered as ways to confront societal issues and concerns. This study examined the moderating influence of a new construct, values anchoring, between conservation values and conservation activism and between self-transcendence values and self-transcendence activism. Values anchoring proposes that values exist along a continuum ranging from personal concerns to social groups. Anchored more in personal concerns, values are important and the connection between personal values and behaviors is clear. Anchored more in social groups, values should be determined by the saliency of particular groups and their associated values. Relationships were strengthened when values were anchored more in personal concerns. The theoretical impact of values anchoring on the relationship between personal values and activist behaviors is discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"J. D. Hackett";"Values anchoring: Strengthening the link between values and activist behaviors";"Social Influence";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2997;"Clarified the African American racial-group identification process by addressing the issue of salience and its relationship to racial-group attitudes. 409 18–92 yr old African Americans responded to surveys pertaining to their racial-group salience, racial-group attitudes, racial socialization, racial-group interaction, political activism, experiences of discrimination, and demographic data. The following 3 hypotheses were tested: (1) racial socialization and interaction with other African Americans are predictive of African American racial-identity salience; (2) discriminatory experiences are predictive of African American racial-identity salience; and (3) racial-identity salience is a stronger predictor of African American racial-group identification than are previously identified predictive variables (D. H. Demo and M. Hughes, 1990; V. L. Thompson Sanders, 1991, 1995). The results support the 1st and 3rd hypotheses.";"Journal Article";1999;"V. L. Sanders Thompson";"Variables affecting racial-identity salience among African Americans";"The Journal of Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2998;"Flaherty's cross-cultural theory purports to account for variation in the perceived passage of time. Recent events in Argentina provide an opportunity to assess the applicability of this theory to a Latin American nation. We conducted interviews with 198 persons who participated in various kinds of political activism. The respondents who felt that time had passed 'quickly' emphasized an increase in governmental and personal activity. For those who said 'slowly,' the focus was on suffering, unpleasant emotions, and waiting. Those who were unable to specify reported a mixture of factors associated with 'quickly' or 'slowly,' while those who said 'synchronically' were unaffected by the turmoil in their country. These findings offer strong support for the theory in question, and they suggest that variation in the experience of time occurs not because there are different kinds of people but because people find themselves in different kinds of circumstances.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. G. Flaherty, B. Freidin and R. Sautu";"Variation in the perceived passage of time: A cross-national study";"Social Psychology Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
2999;"Forty years of research, theory, legislation, and programming have not reduced the high rates of either violence against women or intimate partner violence. Social science researchers, polarized into Family Violence and Feminist perspectives, are mired in the debate over gender symmetry and its implications. Recommendations include (1) integrating the two perspectives, (2) incorporating the work on family strengths, youth resilience and developmental assets, (3) strengthening interdisciplinary connections including religious studies, and (4) integrating research, teaching, and activism for long‐term, primary prevention. A three‐model typology of activism includes education, common cause, and confrontation strategies.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Keating";"Violence against women: A disciplinary debate and challenge";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3000;"When we think of terrorism, we tend to think of Islamic terrorism but in fact most of the violent happenings in our societies are caused by 'domestic terrorism' and it has been suggested by authors such as Twemlow that there is a developmental continuum between social activism and terrorism. The generalized rise in what the author terms 'a terrorist worldview' has been linked to many different social, political, economic and psychological conflicts but the present paper suggests that this is not sufficient and that in order to understand it it is necessary to take into consideration certain processes in contemporary civilization. At present, I am suggesting that Western civilization is characterized by the generalized breakdown of values and of signifying structures and by the gradual weakening of the models of state power and institutions that previously guaranteed the unity and security of our societies. The result is a crisis of identity which is particularly evident among the youth of today and when this is exasperated by the failure of authority to provide an adequate explanatory system of contemporary reality and by the tendency to resort to repressive mechanisms, all too often the result is the degeneration of social activism into social violence. It is becoming urgent that our societies reflect on more efficient ways of preventing social activism degenerating into terrorism, both internationally and domestically.";"Journal Article";2008;"M. Reshetnikov";"Visions of the future: Social processes and terrorism in Europe";"The Journal of Analytical Psychology";;"Act";"Youth"
3001;"Tony Gatlif's 1997 film, Gadjo dilo, portraying the search of a young Frenchman, Stéphane, for an old Gypsy singer, Nora Luca, was heavily criticized by Roma activists for denigrating the image of the Roma through harmful stereotypes and misrepresentations. In this paper, I argue that a Lacanian understanding of the voice as objet a, as it has recently been developed through the work of Mladen Dolar, provides us with a radically different interpretation of the film. Through tracing the object of Stéphane's quest, the acousmatic voice of Nora Luca, I show how Gadjo dilo undermines the notion of authenticity and truth that supports the very idea of true images or unified cultural identities.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. Homer";"Voice as objet a in Tony Gatlif's Gadjo dilo";"Psychoanalysis, Culture & Society";"Cyprus";"Act";"Youth"
3002;"This study examines the social construction of alcohol problems by activists involved in alcohol policy campaigns in inner-city neighborhoods in the 1990s. Nearly 200 informants were interviewed and asked to describe why they thought local neighborhoods mobilized around alcohol policy issues. In contrast with other social movements that have emphasized individual alcohol problem or addiction experiences, informants in this study focused on the role of alcohol outlets and sales and marketing in contributing to various forms of social disorder, such as crime, violence, illicit drug use, public intoxication, and nuisances that were engulfing their neighborhoods. These themes were interpreted in light of the social conditions faced by inner-city residents in the 1980s and 1990s, including the crack cocaine epidemic, the spectacular rise in youth violence, aggressive new alcoholic beverage marketing campaigns, and the increasing rates of poverty in dilapidated urban centers.";"Journal Article";2011;"D. Herd";"Voices from the field: The social construction of alcohol problems in inner-city communities";"Contemporary Drug Problems: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3003;"This article uses narrative lenses to explore the identities that emerge among youth living in a slum in Kenya. Using the Mathare Youth Sports Association (MYSA), a youth development organization, as a site for analysis, the author examines various perspectives that emanate from the youths' own accounts of their lives. This study focuses specifically on how the identities of MYSA youth are situated within competing narratives that are located at the intersection of personal and societal discourse. Data from MYSA is used to reveal how the youth consume and navigate dominant narratives. Further, the performed identities that emerge when the youth embody societal narratives about themselves, as well as how they use counter narratives to reject pre-determined societal identities, is discussed.";"Journal Article";2011;"P. Wamucii";"Walking the extra mile: Navigating slum identities through social activism in Mathare, Kenya";"Howard Journal of Communications";"South Africa";"Act";"Youth"
3004;"Feminist accounts of 1970s women's health activism in the Anglophone world highlight cervical self-examination as a means of reclaiming the female body from biomedical monopoly. Whilst cervical screening programmes have become part of health policy in the United Kingdom and other Western countries, cervical self-examination does not appear to be widespread, nor have many women seen their own cervix. Feminism has also drawn attention to the significance of biomedical imagery and discourse in the engendering of knowledge about one's own body, particularly through visualisation techniques. This paper presents interview material in which women describe the experience of cervical colposcopy and their responses to magnified images of their own cervix during this procedure. The data are used to consider how visualisation techniques shape bodily experience.";"Journal Article";2001;"A. Howson";"'Watching you--watching me': Visualising techniques and the cervix";"Women's Studies International Forum";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
3005;"This research explores the transformation of rape crisis centers and whether directors, staff, interns, and volunteers see changes as beneficial or detrimental to rape crisis centers and the victims they serve. Data from 63 interviews with directors, staff, interns, and volunteers from six rape crisis centers located in four East Coast states indicate that although centers may have been formed for different reasons depending on when they opened, all have become more professional, rely less on volunteers, engage in more collaboration with other agencies, and have largely abandoned their traditional activism agenda. Traditional activism through political protests and membership in consciousness raising groups has been replaced by community education and outreach. Some of these changes are viewed as positive whereas others are viewed as negative.";"Journal Article";2011;"S. L. Maier";"'We Belong to Them': The costs of funding for rape crisis centers";"Violence Against Women";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3006;"Like many others seeking to make room for alternative voices in the narrow canon of CYC theory and practice, our work is steeped in theoretical and activist perspectives on colonialism, neoliberalism, normativity, social power, and social change. This critical, multidisciplinary lens is too often cast outside the realm of authentic CYC. In this article, we share our simultaneous struggles with and passion for our work and the CYC field and consider what can be gained from a critical ethic of practice, research, and activism. Our transtheoretical framework, drawn from Indigenous, postcolonial, queer, feminist, and poststructural perspectives, helps us unpack how coming together critically, hopefully, productively enables us to trouble exclusionary notions of CYC. We present vignettes from our practice and research that explicitly challenge the assumption that critical practice is somehow less effective and less responsive to the realities of the diverse children, youth, families, and communities with whom we work.";"Journal Article";2012;"E. Loiselle, S. de Finney, N. Khanna and R. Corcoran";"'We need to talk about it!': Doing CYC as politicized praxis";"Child & Youth Services";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
3007;"On 2 November 2004, Mohammad Bouyeri murdered the Dutch film-maker Theo Van Gogh. At his trial, Bouyeri proclaimed that he acted out of a religious duty. Van Gogh’s killing provoked fierce debate in the Netherlands over its meaning and significance and once again the question of violent religious fundamentalism came to dominate public discourse across Europe and beyond, just as it had in the immediate aftermath of 9/11. Criminologists, however, have largely neglected the issue of jihadi violence and the broader question it raises of the relationship between religion and violent activism. This article critiques this neglect. It also offers an account of Van Gogh’s murder, using Jock Young’s later work as a starting point for an interdisciplinary analysis of its possible meanings and motivations.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Cottee";"We need to talk about Mohammad: Criminology, theistic violence and the murder of Theo Van Gogh";"British Journal of Criminology";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
3008;"We use Positioning Theory to examine monologues written and performed by LGBTQ youth and allies. The paper considers how youth positioned themselves in relation to grand narratives concerning gender and sexuality. Through analysis of representational, interactional (Wortham, 2001), and other forms of positioning, we show how youth powerfully spoke back to these grand narratives while creating meaning relevant to identity construction. We analyze two types of stories—stories of activism and of silencing/rejection—and demonstrate how youth resisted the first-order positioning of them as straight; re-defined the nature of 'activism'; and enacted the carnivalesque as described by Bakhtin. We consider implications of the findings for educators working to support LGBTQ youth.";"Journal Article";2014;"H. K. McEntarfer and M. B. McVee";"'What are you, gay?' Positioning in monologues written and performed by members of a gay-straight alliance";"Linguistics and Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3009;"Context shapes how we come to understand activities, possibilities and constraints in youth organizing. Although there is increasing interest in youth organizing, little attention has been paid to the practice of youth organizing within socially conservative contexts, or to how such contexts shape the roles, perspectives, and actions of young people and of adults. Drawing on case examples of youth organizing work in Mississippi and Fresno, California, this article explores the importance of context as a core element in understanding youth activism and considers how a broader framework for understanding youth organizing through diverse contextual lenses can benefit the field.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. Richards-Schuster, J. Juras, S. R. Young and R. J. Timmermans";"What constitutes youth organizing? Exploring the role of conservative contexts in understanding practice";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3010;"Qualitative methods were employed to investigate processes and competencies experienced by self-described activists, who represent social welfare and civil rights causes in a single northeastern state. In the tradition of phenomenological research, a small number (eight participants) was secured, and in-depth interviews were conducted. Analysis of interview data explored pathways into—and maintenance of—activist orientation. Within this sample, it was determined that activism contextualizes a long-term empowering process and contributes to participatory competence among study participants. The authors argue that this framework is useful for social work educators to facilitate empowerment through activism for students.";"Journal Article";2015;"B. Forenza and A. J. Germak";"What ignites and sustains activism: Exploring participatory competence";"Journal of Progressive Human Services";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3011;"Drawing on sexual identity development theory and interpersonal contact theory, this study explored GLB knowledge and GLB internalized affirmation as mediators of connection to GLB community and outcomes including negative marriage amendment-related affect and level of activism among family members of GLB individuals (N = 206). Using structural equation modeling, knowledge of GLB history and symbols mediated the relationship between the connection of family members to GLB community and negative marriage amendment affect as well as reported GLB activism. Although GLB connection positively predicted internalized affirmation, a mediating relationship was not found. The findings suggest family members who engage with GLB issues beyond interpersonal contact and self-disclosure to encompass a broad civil rights perspective on GLB rights are most negatively impacted by marriage amendments in terms of affect and are most likely to engage in GLB-specific activism. Implications of the findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. G. Horne, S. S. Rostosky, E. D. B. Riggle and M. P. Martens";"What was Stonewall? The role of GLB knowledge in marriage amendment-related affect and activism among family members of GLB individuals";"Journal of GLBT Family Studies";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3012;"Being a feminist has been operationalized as a label (linked with activism), beliefs (associated with personal and interpersonal outcomes), and their combination. Using an internet survey completed by 220 American mid-western college women, we explored the unique and combined impact of feminist self-labeling with feminist beliefs on women’s well-being, egalitarianism, and activism. Self-labeling was most clearly defined as a binary declaration of being a feminist or not, which alone was related to increased feminist activism above and beyond the impact of feminist beliefs. Furthermore, self-labeling, unlike feminist beliefs, was not related to personal well-being or interpersonal egalitarianism. Our findings confirm the exclusive and singular importance of self-labeling for enhanced feminist action.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. D. Yoder, A. Tobias and A. F. Snell";"When declaring 'I am a feminist' matters: Labeling is linked to activism";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3013;"The current study examined how feminism relates to women’s experiences of sexual harassment—that is, unwanted sexual and sexist conduct in the workplace. We posited that feminism would have both costs (e.g., increasing exposure to harassment) and benefits (e.g., decreasing harassment-related outcomes). We assessed two indicators of feminism: self-identification as 'feminist' and engagement in feminist activism. We also measured two subtypes of sexual harassment: sexual-advance and gender harassment. According to survey data from 424 working women, feminist identification predicted fewer gender harassment experiences; once harassed, however, feminist-identified women reported the greatest decrease in job satisfaction and increase in turnover intentions. In contrast, feminist activism related to greater experiences of both kinds of harassment, and activism attenuated some negative outcomes. We further found that (regardless of feminist identification or activism) women who had faced sexual-advance harassment were over 7 times more likely to attach the 'sexual harassment' label to their experiences, compared to women who had experienced gender harassment alone. In light of our findings, we recommend that sexual harassment laws, policies, and trainings be broadened to encompass all varieties of sexual harassment, including non-stereotypical, non-sexual conduct. Organizations would also benefit from interventions that reduce bias against undervalued persons, including feminists.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. J. Holland and L. M. Cortina";"When sexism and feminism collide: The sexual harassment of feminist working women";"Psychology of Women Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3014;"Based on qualitative research on school and city violence, this article examines three forms of partnerships between community organizations and schools, including youth interventions by social services; community activism; and school liaisons with the police. The article examines how violence-prevention strategies are conceived within a context that includes the formation of policy directed at communities, youths, and schools; social science theories of delinquency; public rhetoric about youth and families; and efforts on the part of community residents, city departments, and social services. The underlying theory-base behind the research can be associated with cultural studies, since it combines cultural and structural interpretations of the topic and analyzes policies according to their processes, in light of their constructions, and in connection with the theories that guide them. It becomes obvious by the end of the article that community-based violence-prevention organizations collaborating with schools are sometimes blocked from doing good work by poor funding, power struggles, and a deficit model of youth. While the partnerships can, at times, help to initiate positive involvement of disenfranchised people, they can also become instruments of city power structures.";"Journal Article";2002;"R. Casella";"Where policy meets the pavement: Stages of public involvement in the prevention of school violence";"International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3016;"Considering the debate over U.S. immigration reform and the way digital communication technologies increasingly are being used to spark protests, this qualitative study examines focus group discourse of immigration activists to explore how digital media are transforming the definitions of 'activism' and 'activist.' Analysis suggests technologies are perhaps pacifying would‐be activists, convincing them they are contributing more than they actually are. Thus, 'slacktivism,' or 'clicktivism' that takes just a mouse click is potentially diluting 'real' activism.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. Harlow and L. Guo";"Will the revolution be tweeted or Facebooked? Using digital communication tools in immigrant activism";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3017;"On a fateful day in the spring of 1954 Robert Jay Lifton, a young American psychiatrist just discharged from service in the Korean War, decided to stay in Hong Kong rather than return home—changing his life plans entirely—so that he could continue work that had enthralled him, interviewing people subjected to Chinese thought reform. He had plunged into uncharted territory in probing the far reaches of the human psyche, as he would repeatedly in the years ahead, and his Hong Kong research provided the first understanding of the insidious process that came to be known as brainwashing. From that day in Hong Kong forward, Lifton has probed into some of the darkest episodes of human history, bearing his unique form of psychological witness to the sources and consequences of collective violence and trauma, as well as to our astonishing capacity for resilience. In this long-awaited memoir, Lifton charts the adventurous and constantly surprising course of his fascinating life journey, a journey that took him from what a friend of his called a 'Jewish Huck Finn childhood' in Brooklyn to friendships with many of the most influential intellectuals, writers, and artists of our time—from Erik Erikson, David Riesman, and Margaret Mead, to Howard Zinn and Kurt Vonnegut, Stanley Kunitz, Kenzaburo Oe, and Norman Mailer. In his remarkable study of Hiroshima survivors, he explored the human consequences of nuclear weapons, and then went on to uncover dangerous forms of attraction to their power in the spiritual disease he calls nuclearism. During riveting face-to-face interviews with Nazi doctors, he illuminated the reversal of healing and killing in ordinary physicians who had been socialized to Nazi evil. With Vietnam veterans he helped create unprecedented 'rap groups' in which much was revealed about what we now call post-traumatic stress disorder, helping veterans draw upon their experience for valuable, even prophetic, insights about atrocity and war. As a pioneer in psychohistory, Lifton's encounters with the consequences of cruelty and destructiveness led him to become a passionate social activist, lending a powerful voice of conscience to the suppressed truths of the Vietnam War and the dangers of nuclear weapons. Written with the warmth of spirit—along with the humor and sense of absurdity—that have made Lifton a beloved friend and teacher to so many, Witness to an Extreme Century is a moving and deeply thought-provoking story of one man's extraordinary commitment to looking into the abyss of evil in order to help us move beyond it.";"Book";2011;"R. J. Lifton";"Witness to an extreme century: A memoir";;"US";"Act";"Youth"
3018;"Using social movement theory, this study explores the lives of 31 women in the U.S. who were activists in the 'second wave' feminist movement in order to understand how aging activists currently make sense of the victories and setbacks in the struggle for gender justice. Findings from in-depth interviews show that veteran feminists possess a profound ambivalence about the impact of the modern feminist movement. Along with feelings of empowerment and pride, many older women activists carry feelings of outrage at movement backlash; anger at the loss of systemic analyses among younger generations; grief around interpersonal trauma experienced as activists; and a sense of marginalization. These findings give voice to a cohort whose unique perspectives are critical for our understanding of the social history of American feminisms, and contribute to knowledge of how freedom fighters think and feel about social movement participation once the period of mass mobilization has ended.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. E. Foster";"Women of a certain age: 'Second wave' feminists reflect back on 50 years of struggle in the United States";"Women's Studies International Forum";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3019;"Despite growing theoretical recognition that perceptions of rape and other social phenomena are best understood by examining the impact of social relations, there are very few studies that have attempted such an exploration. Moreover, most research on perceptions of rape has neglected the realities of women and men in non-Western contexts. The combination of both of these concerns underlies a recent study undertaken in Beirut, Lebanon. Through in-depth interviews with activists, key community figures and women not involved in activism, as well as participant observation in social and professional settings, this study sought to ascertain the links between social relations and perceptions of rape. Relying on an intersectional approach to analysis, this article offers insight into the main finding of this study, namely, that perceptions of rape are strongly shaped by the centrality of marriage and the construction of marriageability within the contemporary Beiruti context.";"Journal Article";2002;"S. Wehbi";"'Women with nothing to lose': Marriageability and women's perceptions of rape and consent in contemporary Beruit";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
3020;"Chinese women laborers have not returned to their roles as housewives in the process of China's rapid industrialization and globalization following the transformation from a planned economy to a market economy that has been underway since the end of the 1970s. Instead, more women have entered the labor market as is shown in two respects: first, since many women have been laid off from state-owned enterprises, more urban women laborers are employed in the informal sector, where they can find only temporary or part-time work and where there is low pay and no security for their work. This kind of labor cannot be incorporated into state statistics and therefore effectively becomes invisible. Second, rural women laborers, especially young unmarried ones, have swarmed into urban areas to become the main laborers in China's manufacturing industry. The majority of women employed in the manufacturing industry are migrant laborers. During China's globalization, which was guided by the principle of neoliberalism, women laborers were incorporated into industrialization as atomized individuals. The author believes that women workers' twenty-plus years of marginal and exploited work experience is an important social resource. Once called on and politically mobilized, these women workers will show their great capacity for political activism.";"Journal Article";2008;"T. Xin";"Women's labor activism in China";"Signs";"China";"Act";"Youth"
3021;"A review of Lebanese newspaper reports over a one-year period (1993-4) illustrates that rape was the most frequently reported crime against women. With a lack of research, there are currently no state policies that deal with rape or other forms of violence against women. Relying on 38 interviews, participant observation, and a review of newspaper articles from 1996 to 1999, the study sought to understand perceptions of rape held by women in the Beiruti context. In this article, the methodology of the study was presented, followed by a discussion of some of the main findings. The author concludes with suggested strategies for continued activism on the issue of rape. Knowledge of public perceptions is an important first step in confronting the issue of rape. In terms of prevention, the central suggestion is for the development of awareness-raising campaigns. In adopting an intervention or prevention focus, a common element would be to continue to foster and strengthen cooperation among local organizations to better respond to the multiple issues involved in rape.";"Journal Article";2003;"S. Wehbi";"Women's rape perceptions in Beirut, Lebanon";"International Social Work";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
3023;"Like those in other liberation movements, disability activists have fought for social inclusion and the right to define their own realities, contesting medical definitions of their 'difference' and seeking access to work and the independence it can provide. In this chapter, Rannveig Traustadóttir considers work and employment policies in the European countries, in the context of both disability activism and economic restructuring. As the institutional ethnography approach would recommend, she begins with the goals and experiences of young people in Iceland who are unemployed—some categorized as people with disabilities and some not. The differences between these groups are surprising and begin to challenge the assumptions written into employment policies for both groups. A further analysis of the disability label and statistical data on the incidence of disability suggests that working conditions actually create a substantial portion of what comes to be known as disability, especially in later life, and that the flexible labor strategies of restructuring may be increasing the incidence of some kinds of disabilities. Traustadóttir's discussion of policymaking in the European Union gives a sense of how activists are using such transnational venues to forge commitments to equity and inclusion. It is also telling, however, that even in western European nations with a strong history of social welfare support, trends toward labor-market restructuring and fiscal discipline are creating barriers to the implementation of progressive policies. Disability rights advocates have made considerable progress in contesting the medical notion of defective personhood; now they must also contest the idea of economic inevitability (Beresford and Holden 2000). Traustadóttir's discussion also highlights one of the key contradictions of economic restructuring, which is brought into sharp relief when we consider the circumstances of people with disabilities but is relevant across a range of work and family circumstances. Both employers and the state are shifting more risk and responsibility to working people and their families, but these strategies eventually run up against peoples obdurate needs for sustenance and the inevitable limitations of our varied human capacities to respond individually to those needs. As employers attempt to shed responsibility for meeting human needs, states bear increasing burdens and also adopt strategies designed to minimize collective supports. The construction of a separate track of disability policy may work in part to conceal this general contradiction, as well as allowing policymakers to evade questions about how our societies will take collective responsibility for the well-being of all workers—who are never disembodied and rarely unencumbered.";"Book Section";2008;"R. Traustadóttir";"Work, disability, and social inclusion: The promise and problematics of EU disability policy";"People at work: Life, power, and social inclusion in the new economy.";"Iceland";"Act";"Youth"
3024;"The current article presents the ideas through the triangular dialogs among the three authors on the history, present formation, and the debate of transnationalism in the Chinese feminist and queer movements. Despite the ambivalent relationship to the Chinese socialist past and Western theory today, there is a distinctively new development of Chinese queer feminism. Drawing from the lessons of intersectionality, identity politics, and homonormativity from American feminism and LGBT movements, queer women activists via transnational exchange, took the movement to an awareness breakthrough in the conservative, gay male dominated political scene. The different temporality that characterizes queer and feminist movements in China also means that it is a new political configuration, emerging out of intertwining global and local currents, becoming an unpredictable force of its own.";"Journal Article";2015;"W. Liu, A. Huang and J. Ma";"Young activists, new movements: Contemporary Chinese queer feminism and transnational genealogies";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3025;"Drawing from the author's 5-year, multimethod qualitative study, this article argues that lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer students in Canadian Catholic schools are not inherently mentally ill, passive victims in need of special Catholic pastoral care; instead, they are activists who strongly resist homophobic oppression in school. This article concentrates on three youth activists, whose stories are analyzed through narrative inquiry and are contextualized in the larger study's methodology. The article concludes that antihomophobia education efforts should not overlook potential student leaders in Catholic schools.";"Journal Article";2016;"T. D. Callaghan";"Young, queer, and Catholic: Youth resistance to homophobia in Catholic schools";"Journal of LGBT Youth";"Canada";"Act";"Youth"
3026;"Recent studies have documented the potential of youth activism for influencing political change toward socially just ends. This special issue builds on such research by focusing on youth activism as a context for learning and development. What kinds of learning opportunities are generated through working on social action campaigns? How do adults support youth's participation in ways that foster youth engagement and leadership? In addition to previewing the articles in this issue, this introduction proposes and describes four distinctive qualities of learning environments in youth activism groups: collective problem solving, youth-adult interaction, exploration of alternative frames for identity, and bridges to academic and civic institutions. It concludes by highlighting directions for future research.";"Journal Article";2007;"B. Kirshner";"Youth activism as a context for learning and development";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3028;"This paper uses political generations theory to examine the main youth mobilisations during and since the twentieth century: pre-1939 fascist and communist movements; the student movements of the 1960s and 70s; movements that challenged colonial and neo-colonial rulers in less developed countries and young people's involvement in the revolutions that saw the end of communism in East-Central and South-East Europe in 1989. Conclusions from this review of the past are used in considering the likely significance of subsequent outbursts of political activism among young people: the ‘colour revolutions’ and other instances of youth mobilisation in former Soviet republics and other ex-communist countries; the Arab Spring and the series of movements that have challenged neo-liberalism – Anti-Globalisation, the Indignados and the Occupy movements. The paper notes that youth mobilisations that have led to the formation of new political generations that have changed their countries' politics then transformed the countries have typically extended over several decades, that initially youthful leaders have sometimes been middle-aged or older before achieving political power and that many of their actions on achieving power have been at variance with their youthful ideals. In conclusion, it is argued that it is still too early to tell whether any of the recent youth mobilisations signal the formation of new political generations.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Roberts";"Youth mobilisations and political generations: Young activists in political change movements during and since the twentieth century";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"Act";"Youth"
3029;"In order to gain insight into the role of service in political-moral development, the authors review studies of moral development. The purpose of this article is to advance research on morality and to assist educators in articulating a clear rationale for including service in the curriculum. The authors begin with a general statement of their framework and then illustrate points with data. The points addressed are: (1) the developmental significance of youth activities and youth activism, (2) the fundamental role of relationships of respect with other persons, (3) the moral-political meaning of establishing a relationship with society, (4) the concept that morality flows from the person who has formed these relationships, and (5) the concept that morality is an essential part of identity. Mature moral and civic life is distinguished by respect for common humanity which develops through participation in community service. The authors conclude that everyday morality seems to be rooted in an essential identity rather than being mediated by calculated reason. It follows that educators who seek to justify service learning can emphasize the identity process while pointing to the life-long linkage between youth participation and adult moral-civic activism.";"Journal Article";1999;"J. Youniss and M. Yates";"Youth service and moral-civic identity: A case for everyday morality";"Educational Psychology Review";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3030;"Examined youths' outlook on the future in this 4th phase of a time-lag study of college student attitudes, by comparing the studies of D. Kleiber and G. Manaster (1972) and G. Manaster et al (1982) with the present data. 429 undergraduates participated in the present study. The most significant finding is that contemporary students are less conservative in many respects than were those in the 1982 sample, although they are still more conservative than the students of 1971. Although activists are still more liberal than nonactivists, the nature of activism reflects some differences from that of previous cohorts. Ss' personal outlook for the future must be regarded as positive, and their views of world affairs indicated a mixed picture. Ss also showed a continuing and disturbing trend toward lower expectations of racial equality and were less optimistic than the previous samples.";"Journal Article";1993;"D. A. Kleiber, W. F. Major and G. J. Manaster";"Youths' outlook on the future: IV. A third past-present comparison";"Youth & Society";"US";"Act";"Youth"
3034;"It [this book] sets out to explore why pupils' protests have been such an enduring yet hidden part of the history of schooling in Britain and many other countries, from medieval times to the present. Some incidents were relatively shortlived but intense, like the great school strikes of 1911, which may have involved up to a million young people at one time, taking to the streets in half the towns of Britain; others, like the Burston rebellion in a small village school in Norfolk, lasted more than two decades. This book charts the shift from confrontational rebellions in Eton and Winchester in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries to some of the campaigns by pupils since the mid-1970s, which reflected the influences of feminist and environmental politics, with their emphasis on non-violent direct action. When protests by pupils are reported at all, they have been presented as adolescent disruption and the views of the pupils involved largely ignored or discounted. In this book, protests emerge as a widespread feature of childhood: expressions by young people of their own values, as well as their efforts to deal with, and perhaps change, certain shortcomings of schools. 'Protests by Pupils' offers a novel way of understanding pupil protests, presenting documentary evidence and case illustrations based on pupils' reminiscences and ethnographies which vividly portray the richness and variety of their resistance to schooling. The book concludes by arguing that educating young people in a variety of non-confrontational and non-violent ways of protesting, and by adopting other strategies for empowering puils, teachers and parents, some of the continuing problems of disruption and violence could be reduced.";"Book";1991;"R. Adams";"Protests by pupils: Empowerment, schooling and the state";;"UK";"Act";"YT"
3035;"Adolescents in secondary schools in Ibadan were involved in the design and utilization of their own story-flipchart for the teaching of reproductive health. Full participation of the students ranged from message development in the form of a story line picture conceptualization to conducting teaching sessions with the resulting materials. Discussion groups among high school students helped identify a priority concern of inappropriate sexual interaction. Subsequently, three groups of intervention secondary schools were formed: students in two schools were selected by their peers to develop and use the story-flipchart; students in two more schools were trained to use the materials developed by the first group; and teachers in two more schools were likewise trained to use the materials. Intervention during a three-month school term was monitored. Follow-up in-depth interviews with the educators and focus group discussions among members of the student audience were used to gather feedback on the materials and the process. The study showed that adolescents can identify a common problem to people of their age and can design a meaningful program that can teach prevention of such a problem. Focus group discussions among members of the audience confirmed that they understood the messages and liked the materials, especially since their peers developed these. Those students who developed the materials explained how the process enhanced their self-confidence, although in some cases they met with initial ridicule or resistance. All those involved using the materials hoped that such a process could be incorporated into the normal educational process in their schools. In conclusion, the study demonstrated the importance of involving young people in developing educational materials that address their perceived health problems.";"Journal Article";2003;"D. C. Ajoko, K. K. Salami and W. R. Brieger";"The process of involving high school students in developing reproductive health education materials in Ibadan, Nigeria";"International Quarterly of Community Health Education";"Nigeria";"Act";"YT"
3036;"The environmental action scale measures level of engagement in civic actions designed to have a collective impact on environmental issues. These actions are seen as distinct from personal practices because environmental actions are more collective in nature and focus on system-level change. The scale includes two sub-factors: one that is connected with what we are calling 'participatory actions' and one that we label 'leadership actions'. Each of the actions in the scale is rated for frequency of engagement. Following a rigorous six-step process, the scale was developed and proposed items were tested in a diverse North American sample. The scale was refined into the final 18-item scale which was tested on two additional samples; one international sample comprised of students from six different countries, and one consisting of known environmental activists. Analyses indicated that the final scale showed good reliability, and provided a valid measure of engagement in environmental actions.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. Alisat and M. Riemer";"The Environmental Action Scale: Development and psychometric evaluation";"Journal of Environmental Psychology";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3037;"Argues that medical experts are promoting a corporate medical model for addressing women's sexuality. The author believes that without public funding for a diversified sexuality research agenda, the market driven research of the private sector will continue to dominate the scope of the so-called knowledge acquired about women's sexual experience. In addition, conservative political activism has generated fear and discomfort with discussing sexuality that is a barrier to developing positive, healthy sexual relationships for adults as well as for adolescents and youth who need information to aid them in sexual decision-making. Medical professionals, too, lack reliable and independent sources of information about sexuality. There is a need for appropriate information about sexuality to be made available and accessible in diverse communities for all ages. The author concludes that both corporate control over sexuality research and conservative control over sexuality education policy must be challenged by activism demonstrating public support for a constructive sexuality policy agenda.";"Journal Article";2001;"A. Allina";"Orgasms for sale: The role of profit and politics in addressing women's sexual satisfaction";"Women & Therapy";"US";"Act";"YT"
3038;"This is a commentary on the future directions for youth empowerment, focusing on this journal's special issue entitled Application of Youth Empowerment Theory to Tobacco Control. This issue contributes significantly to the articulation of empowerment as a multilevel construct and breaks new ground by evaluating constructs related to youth empowerment. In the history of tobacco control research and intervention, youth empowerment programs flowed from the successes of adult activism. Youth empowerment, however, is a relative newcomer among the potpourri of interventions that have been employed. In scanning the reference sections of the articles that appear in this special issue, the reader will find a relatively sparse number of scientific articles that have been published on youth empowerment and tobacco control. As a result, the articles in this issue add significantly to the existing knowledge base.";"Journal Article";2004;"D. G. Altman and E. C. Feighery";"Future Directions for Youth Empowerment: Commentary on Application of Youth Empowerment Theory to Tobacco Control";"Health Education & Behavior";"US";"Act";"YT"
3039;"Violence against intimate partners threatens public health and social cohesion, and its prevalence could increase with an attitude of justification of such violence. The objective of this article was to use religion and ethnicity as proxies for culture to examine Ghanaian women’s acceptance of being beaten. We employed descriptive and binary logistic regression statistics applied to Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey data collected in 2011 in Ghana. With a weighted sample of 10,627 women, the findings revealed that more than half (59.83%, 95% confidence interval (CI) = 57.41%, 62.2%) of the respondents justified at least one form of intimate partner violence (IPV) or another and being a Mole-Dagbani (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 1.41; 95%; CI = 1.05, 1.90) and/or in a polygamous marriage/union (AOR = 1.22; 95% CI = 1.04, 1.420) were significant risk factors for justifying IPV. Activism in promoting IPV-free communities has to be group-specific to reach those in need of interventions.";"Journal Article";2016;"J. Amo-Adjei and D. A. Tuoyire";"Do ethnicity and polygyny contribute to justification of men beating women in Ghana?";"Women & Health";"Ghana";"Act";"YT"
3040;"Studied the consistency of the traditional right–left contrast in the Italian political panorama. 240 activists aged 16–73 yrs from 2 rightist and 2 leftist political parties in Italy were administered a Likert-type questionnaire on their perceptions of (1) the location of the 4 parties along the political spectrum, (2) the features and the sharing of party programs, and (3) historical cultural reference models for their parties and party platforms. A 1-way ANOVA was performed. Similarities and differences in the sociopolitical values and political rhetoric of activists in the 4 parties are discussed.";"Journal Article";2000;"A. Areni, A. Arioli and S. Dammacco";"Condivisione dei programmi, autocollocazione politica e modelli culturali di riferimento: Uno studio su militanti di diversi partiti politici. = Division of programs, political location, and cultural reference models: A study on militants in various political parties";"Giornale Italiano di Psicologia";"Italy";"Act";"YT"
3042;"Examined 3 samples of parents with Down's syndrome (DS) children in Zagreb (Sloboŝtina): 10 self-helping parents with DS children of younger age (2–10 yrs); 10 non-self-helping parents with DS children of younger age (4–7 yrs); and 10 non-self-helping parents with DS children of older age (7–24 yrs). Predictors for participation vs nonparticipation in contemporary self-help activism were examined. The self-help needs of parents with younger mentally retarded children emerged from specific psychological assets, including middle-range utilitarian resources, less access to specialized expert knowledge, and more interest in meeting parents in similar situations, as compared with self-help-resistant families. (A German version of this article precedes the English translation abstracted here.) (English, German & Croatian abstracts)";"Journal Article";1993;"A. Barath";"Psychosocial assets of self-helping families with mentally retarded children: Summary results of an action research";"Psychiatria Danubina";"Croatia";"Act";"YT"
3043;"The purpose of this chapter is to provide an initial view into the inner experience of adolescents participating in the Palestinian Intifada. The primary source of data is a set of 1- to 2-hour interviews conducted in 1996 with 23 young people (aged 17–35 yrs) in the Gaza Strip, the majority of whom were adolescents during the Intifada. The purpose of the interviews was to learn firsthand from participants about the Intifada: its meanings, the motives underlying involvement in it, its day-to-day characteristics, and its social and psychological impact. The chapter begins with a brief overview of the historical/political background of the Intifada. Next, reported motivations for youth participation and patterns of involvement in the Intifada are discussed, followed by the presentation of 3 general themes that highlight the complexity of Palestinian youth social and psychological experience during the Intifada. These themes are defiance and deference; growth and stasis; and hope and discouragement. Finally, conclusions are made about the implications of the information from the interviews for the understanding of youth competence.";"Book Section";1999;"B. K. Barber";"Youth experience in the Palestinian Intifada: A case study in intensity, complexity, paradox, and competence";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3044;"Brian Barber and Joseph Olsen analyze data from 917 20-27 yr old Palestinian youth in the Gaza Strip. Because this intent of this study was to assess adolescents' (retrospective) experience in the Infitada, this age range ensured that participants would have lived at least 3 years of their adolescence during the 1987-1993 uprising. In addition to measuring conflict exposure, they included detailed assessment of adolescent activism, as well as an array of long-term psychological, social, and civic functioning. Analyses revealed some evidence of impaired functioning associated with conflict exposure (particularly for females), but also evidence of enhanced functioning for both males and females associated with their degree of activism.";"Book Section";2009;"B. K. Barber and J. A. Olsen";"Positive and negative psychosocial functioning after political conflict: Examining adolescents of the first Palestinian Intifada";"Adolescents and war: How youth deal with political violence.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3045;"In one week in the spring of 2006 more than 100,000 students walked out of schools all across America to protest the threat of H.R. 4437 to immigrants. Drawing on 50 interviews with students, educators, and community activists involved in 11 walkouts across five Texas metropolitan areas, we reconstruct the lived experience of these spontaneous protests. We identify three tightly interrelated aspects of a social and psychological process shaping these protests: the relationship between political threat and telescoping anxiety; the role of defiance and its emotion-switching effect; and the emergent and situational nature of the walkouts. We argue that the collective psychological process of telescoping anxiety punctuated by the situational thrill of defiance is indispensable in explaining these massive, far-flung, and spontaneous protests.";"Journal Article";2014;"L. Barberena, H. Jiménez and M. P. Young";"'It just happened': Telescoping anxiety, defiance, and emergent collective behavior in the student walkouts of 2006";"Social Problems";"US";"Act";"YT"
3047;"This chapter describes the life work of a counselor starting out working with communities in need. When I first began as a summer counselor working with high-risk impoverished youth, I was learning on the job. Exposure to counseling skills, theories, establishing trust and rapport, being open, learning how to not be judgmental ... all of these new dimensions were eye-opening moments about how to support and help other human beings in times of deep difficulty. These novel ideas and skills were seeping into my personhood. Gradually, as I became more trained and learned about the philosophy, values, and skills involved in counseling, these qualities started to become second nature, building on and deepening who I was as a person, and becoming embedded in my personality. Almost unknowingly, I experienced a gradual amalgamation of self and counselor. My synthesized self evolved, which incorporated my counseling and complemented my work experiences in the community. I soon became the youngest director of an Upward Bound Program (established by John F. Kennedy as a cornerstone of his War on Poverty) in the United States at the age of 26, finding myself with a peer group of directors at least 10-30 years older than me. I soon went on to direct a national pilot deinstitutionalization community-based program for adolescents with a school, residential facilities, and clinical services, once again being on average 20 years younger than my professional peers. My work continued to expand, branching into global consultations, and eventually led to a position as the Clinical Director for a National Institute of Mental Health grant based at the University of Massachusetts Medical School Department of Psychiatry, which provided national consultation and training for community mental health programs.";"Book Section";2013;"F. Bemak";"Counselors without borders: Community action in counseling";"Helping beyond the 50-minute hour: Therapists involved in meaningful social action.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3048;"Youth Action Research for Prevention (YARP), a federally funded research and demonstration intervention, utilizes youth empowerment as the cornerstone of a multilevel intervention designed to reduce and/or delay onset of drug and sex risk, while increasing individual and collective efficacy and educational expectations. The intervention, located in Hartford Connecticut, served 114 African-Caribbean and Latino high school youth in a community education setting and a matched comparison group of 202 youth from 2001 to 2004. The strategy used in YARP begins with individuals, forges group identity and cohesion, trains youth as a group to use research to understand their community better (formative community ethnography), and then engages them in using the research for social action at multiple levels in community settings (policy, school-based, parental etc.) Engagement in community activism has, in turn, an effect on individual and collective efficacy and individual behavioral change. This approach is unique insofar as it differs from multilevel interventions that create approaches to attack multiple levels simultaneously. We describe the YARP intervention and employ qualitative and quantitative data from the quasi-experimental evaluation study design to assess the way in which the YARP approach empowered individual youth and groups of youth (youth networks) to engage in social action in their schools, communities and at the policy level, which in turn affected their attitudes and behaviors.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. Berg, E. Coman and J. J. Schensul";"Youth action research for prevention: A multi-level intervention designed to increase efficacy and empowerment among urban youth";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3049;"This essay examines Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861) in light of new archival findings on the medical practices of Dr. James Norcom (Dr. Flint in the narrative). While critics have sharply defined the feminist politics of Jacobs’s sexual victimization and resistance, they have overlooked her medical experience in slavery and her participation in reform after escape. I argue that Jacobs uses the rhetoric of a woman-led health reform movement underway during the 1850s to persuade her readers to end slavery. This essay reconstructs both contexts, revealing that Jacobs links enslaved women’s physical and sexual vulnerability with her female readers’ fears of male doctors’ threats to modesty and of their standard bleed-and-purge treatments. Jacobs illustrates that slavery damages women’s health as much as heroic medicine, and thus merits the political activism of her readers. Specifically, Jacobs dramatizes her conflicts with the rapacious physician-master at moments that are crucial to women’s health: marriage, pregnancy, childbirth, and motherhood. Ultimately, this essay advances a new understanding of the role of health reform in social change: it galvanized other movements such as women’s rights and abolition, particularly around issues of bodily autonomy for women and African Americans.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. L. Berry";"'[No] doctor but my master': Health reform and antislavery rhetoric in Harriet Jacobs’s Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl";"Journal of Medical Humanities";"US";"Act";"YT"
3050;"This paper describes a youth-centered activist project with a group of young women in Brooklyn, NY, and the controversy surrounding it. In 1999 the young women created a neighborhood mural with anti-violence themes. Within 6 months of the mural’s dedication, the mural was whitewashed by the corporate owner of the mural wall. Using content and discourse analysis of archival materials, organizational documents, and ethnographic field notes from participant observation, I argue that the teen women’s representations of violence were denied through the shifting understandings of their ages and assumptions about conflict resolution strategies. I offer reflections on the need for careful planning and reflection in youth participatory projects and the meanings of success and social change in these projects.";"Journal Article";2008;"C. C. Bertram";"Narrating neighborhood: Denying young women's public voices about violence";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3052;"This article focuses on the ways in which a small group consisting mostly of Black queer youth makes sense of their use of language to assert agency in a world that is often heterosexist, homophobic, ageist, and racist. The author draws from the work of Gee and Anzaldúa to identify what youth call 'Gaybonics,' as a Borderland Discourse that is intertwined with Ebonics. The author and youth worked together in a youth-run center for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth to analyze the ways that these youth engaged in Gaybonics to elicit pleasure and subvert oppression, and, when their borders were violated, they shifted from this discourse to another to retaliate against hatred. When youth analyzed their use of Borderland Discourses, they came to understand the ways that they engage in such discourses to position themselves as agents and the power they can (and cannot) access by engaging in various discourses. The author asserts that youth need opportunities to explore such access to power through language, particularly in the margins, as conceptualized by hooks. Finally, the author calls for work with youth that not only supports their assertion of agency but also their efforts at activism.";"Journal Article";2005;"M. V. Blackburn";"Agency in Borderland Discourses: Examining Language Use in a Community Center With Black Queer Youth";"Teachers College Record";"US";"Act";"YT"
3053;"The present article reports a longitudinal study of the psychological antecedents for, and outcomes of, collective action for a community sample of activists. At Time 1, activist identification influenced intentions to engage in collective action behaviours protesting the Iraq war, both directly and indirectly via perceptions of the efficacy of these behaviours for achieving group goals, as well as perceptions of individual‐level benefits. At Time 2, identification was associated with differences in the dimensions on which the movement's success was evaluated. In the context of the movement's failure to achieve its stated objectives of troop withdrawal, those with strong activist identity placed less importance on influencing government decision making. The implications are discussed in terms of models of collective action and social identity, focusing on a dynamic model that relates identification with a group to evaluations of instrumentality at a group and individual level; and to beliefs about strategic responses to achieve group goals.";"Journal Article";2012;"L. M. Blackwood and W. R. Louis";"If it matters for the group then it matters to me: Collective action outcomes for seasoned activists";"British Journal of Social Psychology";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3054;"Examines how women members of contemporary US racist groups reconcile the male-oriented agendas of organized racism with understandings of themselves and their gendered self interests. Life history narratives and in-depth interviews were conducted with 34 women racist activists (aged 16–90 yrs). Life histories revealed some of the means by which women activists establish a rational basis for their participation in racist groups through strategies of conversion, selective adoption, and resignation. Each strategy represents attempts by women racial activists to construct self-understandings that fit agendas of the racist movement and reshape understandings of movement goals to fit their own beliefs and life experiences.";"Journal Article";1996;"K. M. Blee";"Becoming a racist: Women in contemporary Ku Klux Klan and neo-Nazi groups";"Gender & Society";"US";"Act";"YT"
3055;"To understand how U.S. racist activists cope with stigma, I examine data from a study of female grassroots activists in a variety of U.S. racist groups in the 1990s. I focus on women for two reasons. First, in contrast to earlier periods in which organized racism was predominantly male, the racial movement today is actively, and successfully, recruiting female members. The reasons for this shift are complex, involving competition among groups for increased membership and perceptions by some racist leaders that women are less likely than men to attract police attention and more likely to bring partners and spouses into the movement. In any case, the outcome of this recruiting effort is clear. Most racist groups have an increasing number of women members—although not leaders—and in some groups women are becoming a majority of members. Thus, attention to the grassroots level of organized racism—racist activists, rather than leaders—requires attention to its female base. Second, I have found women racists to be more willing than are racist men to discuss how they manage the complexities of life in organized racism. This stems in part from my position as a female interviewer, but also is the result of women's exclusion from roles as leaders or spokespersons in almost all racist groups, which makes them less concerned about the effects of expressing personal opinions that might not fit the official positions of their group. The narratives presented in this chapter are taken from extensive life-history interviews that I conducted in the mid-1990s with 34 women racist activists (Blee, 2002). These women were selected from a purposive sample of racist groups based on a sampling frame of all then-active racist groups that I constructed in a year-long compilation of racist publications, events, postings, and other activities. The groups were selected to create variability in type of group (Klan, neo-Nazi, etc.) and geographical area. Once groups were identified, I solicited from target groups women who varied by age and position (general member, semileader, etc.). This resulted in a sample of respondents who ranged in age from 16 to 90, with a median age of 24. Fourteen were in neo-Nazi (non-skinhead) groups, six were in Ku Klux Klans, eight were White-power skinheads, and six were in other White supremacist groups. I identified possible interviewees and convinced them to participate through a variety of methods tailored to individual groups, including using contacts I had with other racists, media, researchers, and even police. I began by asking each woman to describe in detail her life story—how she became a racist activist. From that point, the interviews were very unstructured, allowing the interviewee to define the importance of issues by leading our discussion toward what she regarded as salient concerns. Through these techniques, I sought to record the meaning- and sense-making actions of racist women—how they understood themselves and the racist groups of which they were a part.";"Book Section";2009;"K. M. Blee";"The stigma of racist activism";"Coping with minority status: Responses to exclusion and inclusion.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3056;"Over the last two or three decades, growing numbers of parents in the industrialized world are choosing not to have their children vaccinated. In trying to explain why this is occurring, public health commentators refer to the activities of an anti-vaccination 'movement'. In the light of three decades of research on (new) social movements, what sense does it make to attribute decline in vaccination rates to the actions of an influential anti-vaccination movement? Two sorts of empirical data, drawn largely from UK and the Netherlands, are reviewed. These relate to the claims, actions and discourse of anti-vaccination groups on the one hand, and to the way parents of young children think about vaccines and vaccination on the other. How much theoretical sense it makes to view anti-vaccination groups as (new) social movement organizations (as distinct from pressure groups or self-help organizations) is as yet unclear. In any event there is no simple and unambiguous demarcation criterion. From a public health perspective, however, to focus attention on organized opponents of vaccination is appealing because it unites health professionals behind a banner of reason. At the same time it diverts attention from a potentially disruptive critique of vaccination practices; the critique in fact articulated by many parents. In the light of current theoretical discussion of 'scientific citizenship' this paper argues that identifying anti-vaccination groups with other social movements may ultimately have the opposite effect to that intended.";"Journal Article";2006;"S. Blume";"Anti-vaccination movements and their interpretations";"Social Science & Medicine";"Netherlands";"Act";"YT"
3057;"Utilizing latent growth modeling, the long-term development of worries among peace movement supporters is examined. Data originate from a seven-wave German longitudinal study started in 1985 with on average 14-year-olds. Waves were interspersed 3 and a half years each. Activists are assumed to have lower (self-related) microworries (Hypothesis 1) and higher macroworries (concerned with larger entities; Hypothesis 2) than nonactivists at the onset of the study. Nonactivists who appraised the threat of nuclear war as high in 1985 are assumed to report worse mental health than their activist age-mates 21 years later (Hypothesis 3). Activists are assumed to express relatively more macroworries than nonactivists in midadulthood (Hypothesis 4). All four hypotheses were confirmed. Results are interpreted in a stress-coping (Lazarus) and resource (Elder) framework, suggesting that refraining from acting out against a perceived sociopolitical threat is a long-term risk for a positive mental health trajectory.";"Journal Article";2011;"K. Boehnke and B. Wong";"Adolescent political activism and long-term happiness: A 21-year longitudinal study on the development of micro- and macrosocial worries";"Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin";"Germany";"Act";"YT"
3058;"The collapse of the Soviet Bloc caused devastating economic crises in Cuba and in the Russian Federation but triggered remarkably different public health responses: while mortality rates in Russia increased substantially the crisis was barely visible in Cuban public health statistics. Fundamental social, political and cultural differences in the two countries and the respective specificities of the crisis in either country seem responsible, including different long-term health trajectories and different traditions of health-related agenda setting. Cuban policies combined traditional top down activism with grass root activities, strengthening social capital, while the 'shock therapy' adopted in Russia had a corrosive effect on society, increasing psycho-social pressure and weakening support.";"Journal Article";2011;"I. Borowy";"Similar but different: Health and economic crisis in 1990s Cuba and Russia";"Social Science & Medicine";"France";"Act";"YT"
3059;"Examined the relationship of personal, interpersonal, and social values and their effect on political evaluations and political behavior. 197 Australian college students (aged 17–64) completed the Goal, Mode and Social Values Inventory (V. Braithwaite et al, 1985) and other measures of political beliefs, political activism, and voting behavior. Results support independent value dimensions representing security and harmony. Security and harmony values were not found to be incompatible. Security and harmony were defined by sets of values that extend across the personal, interpersonal, and social domains rather than by single political values. Values concerned with religious belief and practice defined a dimension that was separate from security. Values associated with security reflected a need for hierarchy, order, competitiveness, strength, status, and conformity at an individual and collective level.";"Journal Article";1997;"V. Braithwaite";"Harmony and security value orientations in political evaluation";"Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3060;"Based on life-history interviews with 13 leaders of the left-wing Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and 11 leaders of the right-wing Young Americans for Freedom (YAF), 3 distinct stages in the life-course of these activists were compared. These were the Ss' formative childhood and adolescent years, their 1960s activist-youth stage, and their postactivist adult lives. Results indicate political continuity in the life-course development of SDS and YAF leaders. Data support the life-cycle, socialization, and generational explanations for youth movements and suggest that these factors interacted at each stage in the Ss' life-course development. SDS and YAF leaders differed most in their political socialization experiences.";"Journal Article";1990;"M. M. Braungart and R. G. Braungart";"The life-course development of left- and right-wing youth activist leaders from the 1960s";"Political Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3061;"Discusses the political attitudes and behavior of Chinese youth (CY) through 3 interpretations of the Beijing uprising in 1989 by Chinese students, the Chinese government, and the US media. Results of surveys indicate that the majority of CY were eager for social and political change, and they were supportive of both governmental reforms and the student movement. Given the favorable attitudes of CY toward the student movement, the Beijing uprising cannot be dismissed as deviant behavior, as some government authorities charged.";"Journal Article";1994;"R. G. Braungart and M. M. Braungart";"Political attitudes and behaviour of Chinese youth: Interpretations of the 1989 Beijing uprising";"Politics & the Individual";"US";"Act";"YT"
3062;"Recent research has suggested that vegetarians may be at an increased risk for developing disordered eating or body image issues when compared to non-vegetarians. However, the results of such studies are mixed, and no research has explored potential connections between vegetarianism and self-objectification. In the current study, the authors examine factors that predicted body surveillance, body shame, and appearance control beliefs; three aspects of self-objectification. Surveys were completed by 386 women from the United States who were categorized as vegetarian, semi-vegetarian, or non-vegetarian. The three groups differed regarding dietary motivations, levels of feminist activism, and body shame, but did not differ on their conformity to feminine norms. While conformity to feminine norms predicted body surveillance and body shame levels among all three groups of women, feminist activism predicted appearance control beliefs among non-vegetarians only. These findings suggest that it is important for researchers and clinicians to distinguish among these three groups when examining the relationship between vegetarianism and self-objectification.";"Journal Article";2014;"B. G. Brinkman, A. Khan, B. Edner and L. A. Rosén";"Self-objectification, feminist activism and conformity to feminine norms among female vegetarians, semi-vegetarians, and non-vegetarians";"Eating Behaviors";"US";"Act";"YT"
3063;"Motives to participate in online versus offline collective action were investigated among environmental activists in the Netherlands. A sample (N = 738) consisting of activists, sympathizers, and nonactivists, reported past and intended participation in online and offline activism. Using structural equation modeling, it was examined whether online activism was predicted by different factors than offline activism. A wide range of predictors was derived from central theories about mobilization and collective action, including identification, relative deprivation, attitudes, subjective norm, perceived efficacy of action, and self-efficacy. Results show that when compared with offline actions, participation in online actions was slightly more motivated by cognitive calculations (efficacy) and less by affective factors (identification). Moreover, results reflect the popularity and potential of the Internet for activities that surpass the individual. This research gives an empirical insight in the influence of Internet on motives for collective action and on the participation of peripheral members.";"Journal Article";2002;"S. Brunsting and T. Postmes";"Social Movement Participation In The Digital Age: Predicting Offline and Online Collective Action";"Small Group Research";"Netherlands";"Act";"YT"
3064;"This paper uses Gallup poll data to assess two narratives that have crystallized around the 2011 Egyptian uprising: (1) New electronic communications media constituted an important and independent cause of the protests in so far as they enhanced the capacity of demonstrators to extend protest networks, express outrage, organize events, and warn comrades of real‐time threats. (2) Net of other factors, new electronic communications media played a relatively minor role in the uprising because they are low‐cost, low‐risk means of involvement that attract many sympathetic onlookers who are not prepared to engage in high‐risk activism. Examining the independent effects of a host of factors associated with high‐risk movement activism, the paper concludes that using some new electronic communications media was associated with being a demonstrator. However, grievances, structural availability, and network connections were more important than was the use of new electronic communications media in distinguishing demonstrators from sympathetic onlookers. Thus, although both narratives have some validity, they must both be qualified.";"Journal Article";2014;"R. Brym, M. Godbout, A. Hoffbauer, G. Menard and T. H. Zhang";"Social media in the 2011 Egyptian uprising";"British Journal of Sociology";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3065;"Purpose: The purposes of this evaluation project were to describe a group of homeless adolescents and street-involved youth who utilized a mobile unit that provided medical and mental healthcare services and to assess the efficacy of the services provided in reducing their health risk behaviors. Data sources: The records of 95 youth aged 15–25 years who used the medical mobile unit for an average of 14 months were examined and evaluated according to the national health indicators related to risk reduction. Current literature related to health risk behavior among homeless youth was reviewed, synthesized, and provided the background for this article. Conclusions: Data were obtained from the records of mostly heterosexual youth with a mean age of 20.5 years. Approximately one third of the participants were high school graduates and most were without health insurance. Living situations were transient including friends, shelters, crash pads, or the streets. Abuse accounted for the majority leaving home. Psychiatric conditions and substance abuse were common. Medical conditions were related to transient living situations, substance abuse, and sexual activity. Success of the program was associated with sustained counseling, stabilizing youth on psychotropic medications, decreasing substance use, providing birth control and immunizations, and treating medical conditions. Implications for practice: Homeless youth are one of the most underserved vulnerable populations in the United States with limited access and utilization of appropriate healthcare services. Nurse practitioners often serve as care providers but are also in a position to effectively lobby to improve health care for homeless youth through professional organizations and community activism. Furthermore, when designing and evaluating healthcare services, multidisciplinary teams need to consider risk reduction for homeless youth in the context of their environment.";"Journal Article";2008;"N. H. Busen and J. C. Engebretson";"Facilitating risk reduction among homeless and street-involved youth";"Journal of the American Academy of Nurse Practitioners";"US";"Act";"YT"
3066;"Integrating system-justification and objectification theories, the research reported here broadens the scope of prior work on women’s self-objectification to examine its system-justifying function. I investigated the relation of trait and state self-objectification to support for the gender status quo and engagement in gender-based social activism among U.S. college women. Study 1 established that greater trait self-objectification was related to more gender-specific system justification and less engagement in gender-based social activism. The data supported a mediational model in which gender-specific system justification mediated the link between trait self-objectification and social activism. Results from Study 2, in which self-objectification was situationally activated, confirmed the same mediational model. These findings suggest that trait and state self-objectification may be part of a wider pattern of system-justifying behavior that maintains gender inequality and thwarts women’s pursuit of social justice.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. M. Calogero";"Objects don’t object: Evidence that self-objectification disrupts women’s social activism";"Psychological Science";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3067;"Community involvement is increasingly identified as a 'critical enabler' of an effective HIV/AIDS response. We explore pathways between community participation and HIV prevention, treatment and impact mitigation in Zimbabwe, reviewing six qualitative studies in Manicaland. These find that community group membership is often (not always) associated with decreased HIV incidence, reduced stigma and improved access to some services, particularly amongst women. Participation in formal community groups (e.g., church or women’s groups) and informal local networks (e.g., neighbours, families) provides opportunities for critical dialogue about HIV/AIDS, often facilitating renegotiation of harmful social norms, sharing of previously hidden personal experiences of HIV/AIDS, formulation of positive action plans and solidarity to action them. However, implementation of new plans and insights is constrained by poverty, social uncertainty and poor service delivery. Furthermore, dialogue may have negative effects, spreading false information and entrenching negative norms. The extent that formal groups and informal networks facilitate externally imposed HIV/AIDS interventions varies. They potentially provide vital practical and emotional support, facilitating service access, treatment adherence and AIDS care. However, they may sometimes play a negative role in prevention activities, challenging stereotypes about sexuality or gender. There is an urgent need for greater recognition of the role of indigenous community groups and networks, and the inclusion of 'strengthening local responses' as a key element of interventions and policy. Such efforts require great sensitivity. Heavy-handed external interference in complex indigenous relationships risks undermining the localism and bottom-up initiative and activism that might be central to their effectiveness. Cautious efforts might seek to enhance the potentially beneficial effects of groups, especially for women, and limit potentially damaging ones, especially for men. Efforts should be made to facilitate contexts that enable groups to have beneficial effects, through nesting them within wider comprehensive responses, and supporting them through strong partnerships with service providers.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. Campbell, K. Scott, M. Nhamo, C. Nyamukapa, C. Madanhire, M. Skovdal, L. Sherr and S. Gregson";"Social capital and HIV Competent Communities: The role of community groups in managing HIV/AIDS in rural Zimbabwe";"AIDS Care";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3068;"Communities are organizing into coalitions with the goal of reducing tobacco use, particularly among youth. Adolescents could make effective and persuasive anti-tobacco advocates in their respective communities, but their attitudes about tobacco advocacy and their perceptions of their own abilities as advocates are unknown. Therefore, the present project assessed attitudes and self-perceptions about anti-tobacco advocacy in 159 high school students attending a tobacco advocacy conference. After the meeting, they completed the Anti-Tobacco Advocacy Questionnaire, which has five factors (Activism, Personal Commitment, Banning Advertisements, Tobacco Morality and Peer Pressure to Use Tobacco). Overall, these high school students were moderately positive about anti-tobacco advocacy; girls more so than boys. Further, they were very positive about their own commitment to avoid tobacco and willingness to speak to others personally, but only moderately positive about their activism abilities. An implication is that community coalitions that include youth might want to focus on building their activism skills as they guide them in managing their youthful energy and enthusiasm.";"Journal Article";2003;"V. Carver, B. Reinert, L. M. Range and C. Campbell";"Adolescents' attitudes and self-perceptions about anti-tobacco advocacy";"Health Education Research";"US";"Act";"YT"
3069;"Situating the contemporary medical treatment of transgender young people—children and adolescents—in the longer history of engagement between transgender activists and the medical community, this article analyzes the World Professional Association for Transgender Health's (WPATH) Standards of Care (SOC) concerning the medical treatment of transgender young people. It traces how the SOC both achieves medical treatment for children and adolescents and reinforces a normative gender system by cleaving to a developmental approach. Without rejecting the value of developmentally-based medical treatment for now, it offers some preliminary thoughts on queer theory's valuation of developmental failure as a potential future alternative to an emergent medico-technological transgender normativity.";"Journal Article";2015;"C. Castañeda";"Developing gender: The medical treatment of transgender young people";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"Act";"YT"
3070;"This chapter addresses the ways in which feminist-informed community based service-learning experiences can be a vehicle for advancing social justice. The analysis is informed by empirical research from Take Back the Halls: Ending Violence in Relationships and Schools, a teen dating violence prevention and community activism program for urban youth as part of a community based service-learning experience for undergraduate students in an urban university. In this context, students are exposed to feminist and critical theoretical frameworks designed to uncover structures of power, privilege, and oppression. Interrogation of these frameworks within the context of students' service work has the potential to be destabilizing for college students, an experience we argue is necessary in order for the students to identify and challenge the foundational aspects of systemic inequalities. Specifically, our research focuses on students' inquiry into White privilege, their emergent understanding of interpersonal violence as shaped by interlocking systems of inequality, and the ways in which new insights translate into a transformational orientation to advance social justice.";"Book Section";2016;"B. S. Catlett and A. Proweller";"Disruptive practices: Advancing social justice through feminist community based service-learning in higher education";"Service‐learning to advance social justice in a time of radical inequality.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3071;"Despite wide agreement on the goals of environmental education (EE), the promotion of action is still considered contentious. Critical environmental education (critical EE) teaches students to combine critical reflection with the ability to engage in local action to address social/environmental problems. This article examines a critical urban farming school in New Orleans’ Lower Ninth Ward for how student action is addressed. Results found that critical learning within an egalitarian, youth-centered community located in a disadvantaged area produces students who are more enlightened and empowered to create change. However, concerns regarding funding and safety led staff to not adhere to maintaining an egalitarian ethic, undermining the individualism and unpredictability that critical EE thrives upon and producing 'disconnects' in students’ education.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. Ceaser";"Our School at Blair Grocery: A case study in promoting environmental action through critical environmental education";"The Journal of Environmental Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3072;"Recent research has pointed to the rise of socially conscious consumption and of lifestyle movements or social movements that focus on changing one's everyday lifestyle choices as a form of protest. Much of this research addresses how adults maintain socially conscious consumption practices. Using interviews with youths who are vegan—strict vegetarians who exclude all animal products from their diet and lifestyle—I isolate the factors influencing recruitment into and retention of veganism as a lifestyle movement. I show that initial recruitment requires learning, reflection, and identity work, and that subsequent retention requires two factors: social support from friends and family, and cultural tools that provide the skills and motivation to maintain lifestyle activism. I also show how participation in the punk subculture further facilitated these processes. This work contributes to studies of youth subcultures and social movements by showing how the two intersect in lifestyle movement activism.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. Cherry";"I was a teenage vegan: Motivation and maintenance of lifestyle movements";"Sociological Inquiry";"US";"Act";"YT"
3075;"While social movement research employs 'tactical repertoire' to emphasize protest tactics directed at the state, literature on youth activism globally indicates that young people do politics outside the realm of formal political spheres. Youth activism on body politics in Latin America offers evidence that enhances conceptual tools intended for understanding how young people make claims and toward whom they make them. This article takes young activists’ strategies as its point of departure through a study that explored how young people perceived their activism to advance sexual health in Ecuador and Peru. Young activists employed a range of interconnected strategies that went beyond protests directed at the state, including responding to adult allies, carrying out social advocacy among youth, building organizations, carrying out political advocacy, and developing themselves as activists. Strategies were shaped by the degree to which young activists negotiated alternative notions of 'youth' with different actors.";"Journal Article";2015;"A.-B. Coe, I. Goicolea, A.-K. Hurtig and M. S. Sebastian";"Understanding how young people do activism: Youth strategies on sexual health in Ecuador and Peru";"Youth & Society";"Sweden";"Act";"YT"
3076;"Despite a growing body of research on youth activism, few studies examine how this intersects with gender. Our study aimed to explore whether and how young activists themselves perceived gender hierarchies as needing to be addressed through their collective action on sexual health in Peru and Ecuador. Using Grounded Theory (GT), qualitative data were collected and analyzed from young activists across four cases. Cases ranged in complexity from a single youth organization operating at the district level to numerous youth organizations articulating at the national level. We linked the GT analysis to a conceptual framework based on contemporary theorizing of gender and social movements. Accordingly, young activists perceived gender, and even class, ‘race’ and age, as salient to their collective actions. These actions corresponded to the social movement concept of mobilizing structures that consist of preexisting structures, tactics, and organizations. Young activists understood gender and other social categories as imbued by power differentials and, therefore, as social hierarchies, within which their activism was embedded. The study thereby demonstrates the need for an enhanced conceptual framework for the study of youth activism and its intersection with gender hierarchies.";"Journal Article";2013;"A.-B. Coe, I. Goicolea and A. Öhman";"How gender hierarchies matter in youth activism: Young people's mobilizing around sexual health in Ecuador and Peru";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Sweden";"Act";"YT"
3077;"Objective: Public stigma and discrimination have pernicious effects on the lives of people with serious mental illnesses. Given a plethora of research on changing the stigma of mental illness, this article reports on a meta-analysis that examined the effects of antistigma approaches that included protest or social activism, education of the public, and contact with persons with mental illness. Methods: The investigators heeded published guidelines for systematic literature reviews in health care. This comprehensive and systematic review included articles in languages other than English, dissertations, and population studies. The search included all articles from the inception of the databases until October 2010. Search terms fell into three categories: stigma, mental illness (such as schizophrenia and depression), and change program (including contact and education). The search yielded 72 articles and reports meeting the inclusion criteria of relevance to changing public stigma and sufficient data and statistics to complete analyses. Studies represented 38,364 research participants from 14 countries. Effect sizes were computed for all studies and for each treatment condition within studies. Comparisons between effect sizes were conducted with a weighted one-way analysis of variance. Results: Overall, both education and contact had positive effects on reducing stigma for adults and adolescents with a mental illness. However, contact was better than education at reducing stigma for adults. For adolescents, the opposite pattern was found: education was more effective. Overall, face-to-face contact was more effective than contact by video. Conclusions: Future research is needed to identify moderators of the effects of both education and contact.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. W. Corrigan, S. B. Morris, P. J. Michaels, J. D. Rafacz and N. Rüsch";"Challenging the public stigma of mental illness: A meta-analysis of outcome studies";"Psychiatric Services";"US";"Act";"YT"
3078;"Objective: Closing the gap in Indigenous health and wellbeing in remote settings in the Torres Strait and Northern Peninsula Area of Far North Queensland (FNQ) includes addressing a well-documented sexual health disadvantage among young people. Community mobilization around the underlying risk factors influencing sexual health is required. Method: Performing-arts-based workshops were conducted in schools and after-school venues in four remote Aboriginal and Torres Strait islander locations in FNQ in early 2010, to initiate consciousness-raising around the real dimensions of youth sexual health risk. Specific objectives included strengthening operational partnerships at school-level and developing ongoing consultative processes in each location for sexual health reference group development. Results: Results include a significantly strengthened productive partnership with primary and high schools in each location and sixteen production-ready hip hop songs exploring a range of physical, emotional and sexual health themes authored by the students and recorded on site. Additional outcomes included the willingness of community councils and civil society organizations to support local sexual health reference group activity. Conclusions: This initiative, the Indigenous Hip Hop Project, although accompanied by opportunity costs including alternative, more core business uses of staff time and program budget, has demonstrated the power of tapping the creative energy of young people at risk and the potential for mobilizing communities to activism around sexual health disadvantage.";"Journal Article";2011;"A. Crouch, H. Robertson and P. Fagan";"Hip hopping the gap—Performing arts approaches to sexual health disadvantage in young people in remote settings";"Australasian Psychiatry";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3079;"Identified affective and cognitive factors predicting American 81 6th, 160 8th, and 60 10th graders' civic orientation, defined here as feelings of effective community service, conceptualizations of citizenship, and participation in student government. Independent variables included measures of interpersonal trust, valuation of religion, and individualistic vs collective action attributions of responsibility for solving social problems. Interpersonal trust predicted 4 out of the 5 outcome variables. Individualistic attribution of social responsibility was a predictor of running for student government office, and collective action attribution was a predictor of conceptualizations of citizenship. Religious valuation also predicted conceptualizations of citizenship as well as feelings of effective community service. For the most part, grade level did not play a significant role in predicting youth's civic orientation. Results are discussed in terms of the literature on social capital and developmental theory. Examples of items on attributions of social responsibility are appended.";"Journal Article";2002;"D. S. Crystal and M. DeBell";"Sources of civic orientation among American youth: Trust, religious valuation, and attributions of responsibility";"Political Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3080;"An innovative strategy of teaching science and biology was tested and analyzed in two schools of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. Ecological fables and tales were used together with curricular themes. The proposal had benefit 90 students of 13 to 18 years old. The use of child literature, games and dramatizations had inspired dialogues and helped to get a better cognitive and affective comprehension of the issues and to motivate and promote creativity among students. The fantasies and the imagination, integrated into school routines, developed the students’ activism which got more implicated in their own process of learning, enlarging their ecological consciousness. We concluded that this procedure is effective and can be adapted for students with different schools achievements.";"Journal Article";2013;"P. R. d. R. M. de Castro and F. G. Cavalcante";"O uso de fábulas e contos na disciplina de ciências: Redesenhando uma estratégia de ensino. = The use of fables and tales in the science education: Redrawing a strategy of teaching";"Psicologia Educação Cultura";"Brazil";"Act";"YT"
3081;"This article presents an extension experience developed by psychology students and professors on the Núcleos do Programa de Erradicação do Trabalho Infantil (PETI) in João Pessoa. The extension had the objective to denaturalize the child labor, contributing to the citizen’s constitution, developing the empowerment and constituting social-psychology professionals. PETI is a federal government program that aims at saving children and adolescents from seven to fifteen years and eleven months old from dangerous, painful, insalubrious or degrading labour. This research is based on the theories about child history, children and adolescents’ rights, youth empowerment and popular education. The methodology was based on collective construction, considering the different subjects’ experiences. We worked with literature workshops, writing, music, movies, photography, comic books, drawings, The Child and Adolescent Statute, conversation circles, sports and games. The experience led us to aspects that were not even among the objectives of the work. We realize that PETI’s children and adolescents don’t see themselves as citizens of rights, naturalize violence and don’t believe in changes. Still, they present sparkles of resistance, participation and collective actions.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. de Fátima Pereira Alberto, R. S. Borges, M. C. Branco Pessoa, J. M. L. de Sousa, P. F. M. de Araújo, R. de Oliveira Feitosa Vaz, F. M. de Farias and L. J. de Alencar Mendes";"Programa de Erradicação do Trabalho Infantil: Ações extensionistas e protagonismo. = The Child Labour Eradication Program: Extensionist actions and youth empowerment";"Psicologia: Ciência e Profissâo";"Brazil";"Act";"YT"
3082;"New media applications such as social networking sites are understood as important evolutions for queer youth. These media and communication technologies allow teenagers to transgress their everyday life places and connect with other queer teens. Moreover, social media websites could also be used for real political activism such as publicly sharing coming out videos on YouTube. Despite these increased opportunities for self-reflexive storytelling on digital media platforms, their everyday use and popularity also bring particular complexities in the everyday lives of young people. Talking to 51 youngsters between 13 and 19 years old in focus groups, this paper inquires how young audiences discursively constructed meanings on intimate storytelling practices such as interpreting intimate stories, reflecting on their own and other peers' intimate storytelling practices. Specifically focusing on how they relate to intimate storytelling practices of gay peers, this paper identified particular challenges for queer youth who transgress the heteronormative when being active on popular social media. The increasing mediatization of intimate youth cultures brings challenges for queer teenagers, which relate to authenticity, (self-) surveillance and fear of imagined audiences.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. De Ridder and S. Van Bauwel";"The discursive construction of gay teenagers in times of mediatization: Youth's reflections on intimate storytelling, queer shame and realness in popular social media places";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Belgium";"Act";"YT"
3083;"The 14-yr-old author describes her experiences coming out as a lesbian and her transition to lesbian/gay youth activism. She describes a recent event put together by the Lesbian Gay Bisexual Transgender Advisory Committee to the Human Rights Commission and the Youth Commission of San Francisco on the needs of the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth.";"Journal Article";1998;"G. De Vries";"Issues affecting gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, and questioning youth";"Family & Conciliation Courts Review";;"Act";"YT"
3084;"Tested the hypotheses that greater perception of environmental risk and stronger world-minded value orientation are associated with more pro-environmental behavior among samples of British (N = 96, aged 18–47 yrs) and US (N = 119, aged 17–42 yrs) college students. Risk perception was assessed in terms of emotional and cognitive aspects. Behavior was assessed in terms of present action and commitment to future action. The hypotheses were generally supported for both samples, with emotionality in risk perception tending to be more strongly related to pro-environmental behavior. Greater perceptions of risk and activism were also related to stronger world-mindedness. Results are discussed in terms of the importance of emotionality in pro-environmental activism and an hypothesis about superordinate goals.";"Journal Article";1996;"A. Der-Karabetian, K. Stephenson and T. Poggi";"Environmental risk perception, activism and world-mindedness among samples of British and U.S. College students";"Perceptual and Motor Skills";"US";"Act";"YT"
3085;"Situated within an arts-based research framework, photovoice method was utilized with women working in diverse aspects of the sex industry. The purpose of this project was to understand sex workers' lived experiences through their own artistic self-representation. This supports the acknowledgement of individual strengths, skills, visions, and voice. Another goal was to provide opportunities for group dialogue, engagement in community education, and activism through art. The findings from this study have implications for furthering our understanding of the lives of sex workers. Specifically, attention is given to the role of intersectionality as informing the lived experiences of sex workers. Findings from this study also highlight sex workers' shared experiences of stigma and the use of photography as an act of resistance to this stigma. This project confirms how empowerment comes about through the arts. Using photovoice method with sex workers affirms agency, self-representation, voice, and choice in sex work.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. C. Desyllas";"Using photovoice with sex workers: The power of art, agency and resistance";"Qualitative Social Work: Research and Practice";"US";"Act";"YT"
3086;"When the health center encountered a student hunger strike, an initial search for medical information regarding fasting provided very little on which to build management decisions. The result of a more thorough evaluation of starvation literature is presented, along with survey responses from 8 students (aged 18–22 yrs) who fasted. Starvation may produce many adverse events, including death. Yet, according to reports, acaloric fasts that include full water intake seem to be readily tolerated for 2 wks in young, healthy adults. Students included juice, sports drinks, and vitamins in their diets and completed their strike without major physical or mental problems. Supplementation with carbohydrates and vitamins may improve the safety or comfort of a hunger striker, but clear proof of this effect does not exist.";"Journal Article";1999;"W. C. Dixon";"Hunger strikes: Preventing harm to students";"Journal of American College Health";"US";"Act";"YT"
3087;"This longitudinal study of 143 former political activists and 341 nonactivists from the 1960s examines the relationship between political involvement and subsequent family life course decisions. Data for this study were taken from a longitudinal study of 2,044 members of three-generation California families. The individuals used in this study were a subset of young adult grandchildren (aged 15–29 yrs) who participated in the 1971 and 1985 waves of data collection. The effects of activism, gender role attitudes, and education on the hazard of marriage and births of first and second child were estimated using a proportional hazards model with the data collected in 1985, 14 years from baseline. It is found that by 1985, men and women who were activists in the 1960s had children later than did nonactivists, but that activism was not related to timing of marriage.";"Journal Article";1994;"C. C. Dunham and V. L. Bengtson";"Married with children: Protest and the timing of family life course events";"Journal of Marriage and the Family";"US";"Act";"YT"
3088;"We begin our discussion with a brief overview of whom we have in mind when we talk about youth today and, more particularly, youth from a global perspective. We then briefly describe a wide range of programs and projects developed by and/or serving youth around the globe. Some of these projects are designed and funded by adults, whereas others are in the hands of the youth who initiated them, often with the guidance and financial assistance of adults. We will argue that despite these excellent resources youth are still challenged by a range of social, political, and economic problems, many of which continue to marginalize them from opportunities to participate actively in their schools, families, and communities. In hopes of better understanding why, and of improving our responses to these realities, we explore some of the assumptions underlying psychological theories of human development that inform many of these existing youth programs. We discuss problems attendant to the application of these theories to practice and, more specifically, to policy; for example, to international conventions that bear on the rights and responsibilities of adults vis-à-vis youth, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). We briefly discuss the opportunities these challenges afford us, as social scientists and educators, to rethink selected dominant theories about youth. Drawing on this developing knowledge, we then look to youth worldwide to inform our thinking about how to mobilize other adults for positive youth development. We explore youth activism and organizing using two youth-driven and -directed activities and participatory action research, a dialectically grounded, action-based system of knowledge construction and social change, as resources that challenge conventional wisdom about how youth gather their own stories and 'speak truth to power.' We suggest a more critical analysis of youth empowerment as we urge a position of solidarity with youth rather than one of empowerment of youth. We conclude with several suggestions for future action and research with youth wherein and through which we, as adults, 'think globally and act locally' with youth.";"Book Section";2006;"T. M. Durand and M. B. Lykes";"Think Globally, Act Locally: A Global Perspective on Mobilizing Adults for Positive Youth Development";"Mobilizing adults for positive youth development: Strategies for closing the gap between beliefs and behaviors.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3089;"‘Sexualisation’ has been dismissed by some as no more than yet another moral panic about youth and sex. However, it is striking that the term appears to have helped galvanise feminist activism, speaking in some way to the experiences of young people. Building from a history and analysis of the term, I propose that ‘sexualisation’ has served as an interpretive theory of contradictory gender norms, using the figure of the ‘girl’ to gesture towards an intensifying contradiction between the demands that young women display both desirability and innocence. In addressing sexist dimensions of gender norms through the figure of the ‘girl’, a minor, discourses on sexualisation can help circumvent liberal objections about free choice. However, I also express concern that the term has facilitated a focus in media and policy texts which attends less to gender inequity than to sexuality as a contaminant of young femininity.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. Duschinsky";"What does sexualisation mean?";"Feminist Theory";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3090;"This interchange explores the role of girl (ages thirteen to twenty-two) activism in the USA organisation SPARK (Sexualization Protest: Action, Resistance, Knowledge). Some of the many initiatives and programmes SPARK has enacted with girls, including online forums, blog spaces, marches, and summits directly address recent calls to attend to the complexity in understanding and resisting ‘sexualisation’ with teen girls. Several of the girls’ media appearances are explored in detail to illustrate the dynamics of girls’ agency and resistance that emerge in their embodied engagements with ‘sexualisation’.";"Journal Article";2013;"D. Edell, L. M. Brown and D. Tolman";"Embodying sexualisation: When theory meets practice in intergenerational feminist activism";"Feminist Theory";"US";"Act";"YT"
3091;"Since 1990, the year of the unification of Germany, right-wing activities have increased greatly, peaking in the early nineties in xenophobic pogroms. the number of radical, subversive, and violent youth appears quite sizeable and, at least locally, especially in the East of Germany, possibly more representative of young people than is the case for the right-wing fringe groups in the United States, Britain, and Scandinavia who, located outside rather than inside the political spectrum, and organized more in the manner of fan groups or insider clubs, indulge in typically subversive and potentially violent neo-Nazi and racist activism. For the first time since the 1970s, we are confronted with a political youth movement, albeit politically contrary to the 1968 generation's. Clearly, the developmental function of a political process cannot be a sufficient cause for a political movement taking hold among adolescents. Like any political movement, its causes must be primarily sought for among social, political, and social psychological factors and antecedents. Theories are variously based on sociological, social psychological, developmental, personological, or psychoanalytical concepts. Perhaps a unitary theory would, at present, only offer misleading explanatory excuses for a multifaceted phenomenon. At this point we need to accept multiple narratives and a heterogeneous set of explanations. We shall explore a few of these and attempt to come to a provisional conclusion.";"Book Section";2005;"W. Edelstein";"The Rise of a Right-Wing Culture among German Youth: The Effects of Social Transformation, Identity Construction, and Context";"Developmental psychology and social change: Research, history and policy.";"Germany";"Act";"YT"
3092;"Argues that YELL (Youth Education Life Line), a committee of the group AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACT UP), faces limitations in its effort to pressure for frank HIV/AIDS education, not only because of its postmodern approach to education, but also its lack of political and economic resources. Using A. Touraine's (1985, 1990) perspective on social movement and the postmodern approach to education, the paper argues that 'resource mobilization and identity' paradigms combined, rather than separately, offer a better theoretical understanding of the new social movement that adolescent activism for frank HIV/AIDS education represents. A 2- level process of analyzing adolescent activism for HIV/AIDS education is described, involving interviews and partial ethnographic observation of 25 adolescent activists and analysis of ACT UP archives to help contextualize adolescent activism. The paper describes the 'cultural patterns'that configure HIV/AIDS education; explains how the activists' postmodern approach to HIV/AIDS and sex education represents a challenge to these cultural patterns; and describes the limits set by religious conservatives' political and economic clout on the adolescents' activism, especially through the controversy over the HIV/AIDS curriculum.";"Journal Article";1997;"G. Elbaz";"Adolescent activism for postmodern HIV/AIDS education: A new social movement";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3093;"The cultural landscape for lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning (LGBTQ) youth has shifted dramatically over the last two decades, with heightened public visibility of LGBTQ youth issues, important changes in social policies and laws, and the rise of queer youth activism (Lambda Legal Defense & Education Fund [LLDEF]. Although schools remain highly contested spaces for LGBTQ youths and their allies, the well-being of sexual minority youths in schools has received considerable attention from policy advocates, educators, parents, and students. Despite these gains, LGBTQ youths must still navigate family, school, and community environments marked by victimization, stigmatization, discrimination, and a lack of support from peers and adults. Evidence continues to mount that such experiences are associated with psychological distress and health risk behaviors into young adulthood and poorer educational outcomes and other school-related problems although many LGBTQ youths (lesbian, gay, and bisexual youths) do quite well. Interventions for LGBTQ students must not only address their individual needs, but must transform the environmental contexts within which these young people function. School social workers are uniquely positioned to provide counseling, information, and referrals to sexual minority adolescents and their family members and friends; to aid school-based support groups and guide students in establishing gay-straight alliances (GSAs); and to provide training and consultation on sexual orientation and gender identity diversity to students, teachers, administrators, support staff, and parents.";"Book Section";2013;"D. E. Elze";"Working with lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and questioning students";"The school services sourcebook: A guide for school-based professionals, 2nd ed.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3095;"[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported in Vol 16(2) of Prevention Science (see record [rid]2015-16306-002[/rid]). The original version of the article unfortunately contained some errors in Tables 2 and 3. In Table 2, the estimate for the association between healthcare services and rape is 0.26. In Tables 2 and 3, three asterisks (indicating significance at p<0.05) were missing and are now added in the following updated tables.] Although numerous studies have found a positive association between the density of alcohol establishments and various types of crime, few have examined how neighborhood attributes (e.g., schools, parks) could moderate this association. We used data from Minneapolis, MN with neighborhood as the unit of analysis (n = 83). We examined eight types of crime (assault, rape, robbery, vandalism, nuisance crime, public alcohol consumption, driving while intoxicated, underage alcohol possession/consumption) and measured density as the total number of establishments per roadway mile. Neighborhood attributes assessed as potential moderators included non-alcohol businesses, schools, parks, religious institutions, neighborhood activism, neighborhood quality, and number of condemned houses. Using Bayesian techniques, we created a model for each crime outcome (accounting for spatial auto-correlation and controlling for relevant demographics) with an interaction term (moderator × density) to test each potential moderating effect. Few interaction terms were statistically significant. The presence of at least one college was the only neighborhood attribute that consistently moderated the density–crime association, with the presence of a college attenuating the association between the density and three types of crime (assaults, nuisance crime, and public consumption). However, caution should be used when interpreting the moderating effect of college presence because of the small number of colleges in our sample. The lack of moderating effects of neighborhood attributes, except for presence of a college, suggests that the addition of alcohol establishments to any neighborhood, regardless of its other attributes, could result in an increase in a wide range of crime.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. J. Erickson, B. P. Carlin, K. M. Lenk, H. S. Quick, E. M. Harwood and T. L. Toomey";"Do neighborhood attributes moderate the relationship between alcohol establishment density and crime?";"Prevention Science";"US";"Act";"YT"
3096;"In 'Adolescence and Culture,' Aaron H. Esman, M.D. examines the wide-ranging spectrum of adolescence, from the military training of the young Spartans in classical Greece to the revolutionary activity of the Chinese students in Tiananmen Square. The author not only gives a historical overview of attitudes toward youth but also challenges many popular theories regarding adolescence and explodes the notion that there can be any single, homogenized 'youth culture.' Tracing psychological changes in adolescent behavior that have resulted from increasing industrialization, the sexual revolution, 1960s political activism, AIDS, and popular culture, Dr. Esman reveals how a society and its youth act upon each other. Using research and case studies, the author contends that 'adolescent turmoil' is not a universal experience and that much of what we consider to be rebellious behavior in the United States has been absorbed and accepted, albeit somewhat grudgingly, by authority. Adolescence in modern society is without a fixed definition, Dr. Esman contends, because young people are uniquely open to change and susceptible to political and technological influence. This is why cultural turbulence is often first registered by the young. Dr. Esman argues that it is vital for a nation to understand the behavior of adolescents because they are perhaps the truest barometer of the overall culture. As Dr. Esman asserts, the young are those who carry the banner of inexorable change.";"Book";1990;"A. H. Esman";"Adolescence and culture";"Psychoanalysis and culture";"US";"Act";"YT"
3097;"The limited success of prevention programs and evidence linking parenting practices to substance use has sparked interest in the role parents play in their children's decision to smoke. Using cross-sectional data from 960 22–33 yr old parents (with at least one child aged 5–14 yrs) in an ongoing longitudinal project, this study examined possible determinants of two smoking-specific parenting behaviors: parent activism (how much a parent discourages, talks about, and monitors/controls child smoking) and parental permissiveness about the child smoking at home. Results suggested that parental values on their child's nonsmoking significantly predicted both parenting behaviors. However, the relation between parents' values and their actions was weakened for parents with less negative health beliefs about smoking and for parents under higher levels of environmental stress. Findings suggest that cigarette smoking prevention programs may be improved by increasing parents' values on their children's nonsmoking, increasing parents' beliefs about the health risks of smoking, helping parents cope with stress, and being particularly aware of the differential effect that these factors can have on mothers and fathers and on parents who smoke cigarettes themselves or who have smoked in the past.";"Journal Article";1998;"M. Fearnow, L. Chassin, C. C. Presson and S. J. Sherman";"Determinants of parental attempts to deter their children's cigarette smoking";"Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3098;"Discusses the perception, behavior, and treatment of children in war-torn societies. Children of violence are perceived in terms of the serious cultural contradictions of the adult world and rarely in their own terms. Children are a convenient target of violence, and potential future aggressors. Northern Ireland and the apartheid state in South Africa are examples of cultures breeding children of violence. In such cultural situations, collective memory is impaired but the individual memory of a child inevitably creates future difficulties. Every mass killer can rationalize themselves as a victim. Children who grow up using violence to forward a political agenda typically do not benefit from the political change, but are usually still seen as a fringe element prone to violence or crime. Societies performing counter-insurgency will often attack the bastions of everyday life such as home or church. These attacks necessitate the creation of other private spaces where activist children can find shelter and comfort. The paternal approach toward children is similar to the paternal approach some cultures have taken to racial minorities.";"Journal Article";2002;"A. Feldman";"X-children and the militarisation of everyday life: Comparative comments on the politics of youth, victimage and violence in transitional societies";"International Journal of Social Welfare";"Slovenia";"Act";"YT"
3099;"This study incorporated identity constructs into the theory of planned behaviour (TPB) to investigate intentions to engage in environmental activism. First year students and participants of a students of sustainability conference (n = 169) were administered a questionnaire survey that measured standard TPB constructs as well as environmental group membership and self-identity as an environmental activist. Consistent with predictions, environmental group membership and self-identity were positive predictors of intentions. Thus, greater involvement in environmental groups and a stronger sense of the self as an environmental activist were associated with stronger intentions to engage in environmental activism. There was also evidence that self-identity was a stronger predictor of intentions for participants with low rather than high environmental group membership. In accordance with the standard TPB model, participants with more positive attitudes toward and a greater sense of normative support for environmental activism also had greater intentions to engage in the behaviour. The implications for groups seeking to harness support for activities to protect the environment are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"K. S. Fielding, R. McDonald and W. R. Louis";"Theory of planned behaviour, identity and intentions to engage in environmental activism";"Journal of Environmental Psychology";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3100;"Initiating and sustaining sufficient levels of participation among residents in low-income and urban neighborhoods have become significant focuses of many initiatives that strive to develop healthy communities. This study examines the factors associated with citizen participation levels in resident leaders and followers in seven low-income neighborhoods in one community. Overall, the findings suggest that different factors facilitate participation in leaders and followers. Leaders are more likely to actively participate in neighborhood and community affairs if they perceive themselves as having the skills needed to organize others and make change happen. Whereas perceived skill levels also matter for followers, these residents are strongly influenced by the norms for activism within their neighborhood. These norms mediate the impact of neighborhood readiness and capacity for change on citizen participation levels. Implications for funders and practitioners interested in promoting healthy communities are discussed.";"Journal Article";2009;"P. G. Foster-Fishman, S. J. Pierce and L. A. Van Egeren";"Who participates and why: Building a process model of citizen participation";"Health Education & Behavior";"US";"Act";"YT"
3102;"Engagement in activism is related to several aspects of social development in adolescence and emerging adulthood. Therefore, it is important to examine the correlates of different forms of activism, such as feminist collective action, among all youth. However, previous research has not investigated young sexual-minority women’s engagement with feminist collective action. This study examined predictors of college-aged heterosexual and sexual-minority women’s commitment to and participation in feminist activism. Sexual orientation, number of years in college, social support, experiences with discrimination, and gender identity were tested as predictors of commitment to and participation in feminist activism with a sample of 280 college-aged women (173 heterosexuals and 107 sexual minorities). Similar predictors were related to both commitment to and participation in feminist activism. However, for sexual-minority women, but not heterosexual women, the number of years in college was correlated with participation in feminist activism. Young sexual-minority women reported more participation in feminist activism than did heterosexual women, even after controlling for social support, discrimination, and gender identity.";"Journal Article";2013;"C. K. Friedman and M. Ayres";"Predictors of feminist activism among sexual-minority and heterosexual college women";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"YT"
3103;"Examined injecting drug user (IDU) motivations as research participants. 154 current IDUs (aged 16–50 yrs) were the Ss. Their mean age was 28 yrs and 80% nominated heroin as their preferred drug. Ss completed interviewer-administered survey including questions about socio-demographics, drug use and main reasons for participating in research. IDU research participation reasons were consistent with motivational themes such as economic gain (46%), expression of citizenship (38%), altruism (19%), personal satisfaction (17%), drug user activism (16%) and seeking information or assistance (5%). Most respondents (58%) cited reasons where the primary beneficiaries of participation were other individuals or groups (citizenship, altruism, drug user activism) or both self and others.";"Journal Article";2001;"C. Fry and R. Dwyer";"For love or money? An exploratory study of why injecting drug users participate in research";"Addiction";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3104;"This qualitative study of 27 women animal activists examines the risks and rewards that accompany a commitment to animal rights activism. One of the common beliefs about animal rights activists is that their political choices are fanatic and unyielding, resulting in rigid self-denial. Contrary to this notion, the women in this study experienced both the pain and the joy of their transformation toward animal activism. Activism took an enormous toll on their personal relationships, careers, and emotional well being. They struggled as friendships ended and family relationships suffered; some experienced harassment and abuse as a result of their efforts. Yet the women were just as likely to extol the rewards and pleasure gained from their participation in the cause of animal liberation. These included a heightened awareness of political issues, greater self-confidence, the feeling that they were making a difference in the world, and the joy of living a 'more meaningful life.'";"Journal Article";2008;"E. Gaarder";"Risk & reward: The impact of animal rights activism on women";"Society & Animals: Journal of Human-Animal Studies";"US";"Act";"YT"
3105;"Our article is based on a study of our integration of social foundations coursework with filmmaking and participatory action research, bringing teacher candidates and middle and high school students together. The project was carried out in partnership between an urban university and two nearby public schools within a Midwestern city known for high child poverty rates and weak academic outcomes. The project sought to stretch the imagination of teacher candidates in areas related to school reform and to provide opportunities for the youth in terms of inquiry and activism concerning their schools and neighborhoods. The article discusses the direction of the project over the semester and the challenges encountered in carrying out this work. Study findings suggest that the students valued the use of film and learning of research skills, as well as the coming together each week. Technology glitches precluded a final film product, compromising the extent to which project goals concerning activism in the area of educational and public policy were achieved. The study serves as careful reminder of the challenges in carrying out PAR and the need to frequently revisit questions about project intentions and direction.";"Journal Article";2010;"A. Galletta and V. Jones";"'Why are you doing this?' Questions on purpose, structure, and outcomes in participatory action research engaging youth and teacher candidates";"Educational Studies: Journal of the American Educational Studies Association";"US";"Act";"YT"
3106;"This article argues for a nuanced understanding of how Black youth respond, resist, and work to transform school and community conditions. It posits that community-based organizations in Black communities provide Black youth with critical social capital, which consists of intergenerational ties that cultivate expectations and opportunities for Black youth to engage in community change activities. Data for this study were collected from 3 years (October 2000-December 2003) of participant observation and interviews of 15 Black youth who were members of Leadership Excellence, a small community-based organization in Oakland, California. This study demonstrates how critical social capital is facilitated by challenging negative concepts about Black youth in public policy, cultivated by strengthening racial and cultural identity among Black youth, and sustained through ties with adult community members who help youth frame personal struggles as political issues.";"Journal Article";2007;"S. A. Ginwright";"Black youth activism and the role of critical social capital in Black community organizations";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"YT"
3107;"School punishment policies in the United States are increasingly prone to exclusion. In an effort to rid the school of risky disturbances, these measures push disruptive students out of the educational environment or into the criminal justice system. The task of educating these excluded youth has undergone a process of neo-liberal ‘responsibilization’, as communities are charged with dealing with drop-outs and push-outs from mainstream schools as well as system-involved youth. This is illustrated by a case study of a community school established by a social movement organization in Los Angeles, United States. While neo-liberalism is touted as a vehicle for crime control and efficiency, in practice, the outcomes of responsibilization can set the stage for progressive take on education to burgeon as well as mobilization against ‘law and order’ policies and social abandonment that come with adherence to market principles.";"Journal Article";2011;"T. Goddard and R. Myers";"Democracy and demonstration in the grey area of neo-liberalism: A case study of Free Los Angeles High School";"British Journal of Criminology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3108;"In India, 57% of men between 15 and 54 years and 10.8% of women between 15 and 49 years use tobacco. A wide variety of tobacco gets used and the poor and the underprivileged are the dominant victims of tobacco and its adverse consequences. Project MYTRI (Mobilizing Youth for Tobacco-Related Initiatives in India) was a tobacco prevention intervention program, a cluster-randomized trial in 32 Indian schools which aimed to decrease susceptibility to tobacco use among sixth- to ninth-grade students in urban settings in India. This culture-specific intervention, which addressed both smokeless and smoked forms of tobacco, was Indian in content and communication. We qualitatively developed indicators which would help accurately measure the dose of the intervention given, received and reached. A multi-staged process evaluation was done through both subjective and objective measures. Training the teachers critically contributed toward a rigorous implementation and also correlated with the outcomes, as did a higher proportion of students participating in the classroom discussions and better peer–leader–student communication. A sizeable proportion of subjective responses were 'socially desirable’, making objective assessment a preferred methodology even for ‘dose received’. The peer-led health activism was successful. Teachers’ manuals need to be concise.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. Goenka, A. Tewari, M. Arora, M. H. Stigler, C. L. Perry, J. P. S. Arnold, S. Kulathinal and K. S. Reddy";"Process evaluation of a tobacco prevention program in Indian schools—Methods, results and lessons learnt";"Health Education Research";"India";"Act";"YT"
3109;"The major effect of militarization on the status of women and gender equality derives from the centrality accorded the army in Israeli society. In a society engaged in war or protracted armed conflict the army assumes an essential and critical role in the lives and views of its citizens. Insofar as the army is a patriarchal institution, it is these patriarchal values, norms and stereotypes that will be promulgated and reinforced as the young citizen moves from adolescence to adulthood in his and her obligatory military service. The different nature (and length) of this service for men as distinct from women, combined with the different way in which the military service of the two sexes is perceived both by the military and the society at large, and the advantages accrued to the men, as distinct from the women, all contribute to the inequality of women in Israeli society. The essentiality of the male-because of his dominant role in the army (as distinct from the female's merely subordinate role) and the attributes achieved by the male through his combat service (from which women are barred), render the male more 'valued' by a society at war, that is, a society for which military security is the central preoccupation. How this effects women's interest in peace is a controversial question, only partially addressed by research and women's peace activism in Israel.";"Journal Article";1997;"G. Golan";"Militarization and gender: The Israeli experience";"Women's Studies International Forum";"Israel";"Act";"YT"
3110;"This chapter begins by presenting a theory of mind, knowing only too well that 'a whole group of different' learning theorists cannot find adequate coverage under one umbrella. Nor should they. However, there is a movement occurring, a form of social activism created by the affordances of social media, an infrastructure that was built incrementally during two to three decades of hard scholarly research that brought us to this historic time and place. To honor the convergence of theories and technologies, this paper revisits the Points of Viewing Theory to provide researchers, teachers, and the public with an opportunity to discuss and perhaps change the epistemology of education from its formal structures to more Do-It-Yourself (DIY) learning environments that dig deeper and better into content knowledge. As the saying goes, we live in interesting times. Let's not make this saying a curse. Let's 'deschool' society as Ivan Illich suggested in 1971 and design more equitable systems of learning across mediated platforms. The Points of Viewing Theory (POV-T) is the foundation on which this chapter on computers, the Internet, social media, embodied cognition, and interactive digital media learning environments, including games for learning, is constructed. According to this theory developed by Ricki Goldman, learners actively layer their viewpoints and their interpretations to elicit patterns, themes, and groupings of ideas that lead to a deep understanding of the content under investigation and to reach agreements—if only partial. The Points of Viewing Theory is not limited to making meaning from a solitary standpoint. Indeed, the purpose of applying POV-T is to enable learners to learn from one another by seeing each other's viewpoints through perspective-taking as well as to be able to see their own changing perspectives on a subject in diverse contexts and settings. As Rowland points out: 'We come to know through interpretation, dialog, and negotiation of meaning with... others, through a conversation with manipulation of the materials of a situation.'";"Book Section";2013;"R. Goldman, J. Black, J. W. Maxwell, J. L. Plass and M. J. Keitges";"Engaged learning with digital media: The points of viewing theory";"Handbook of psychology: Educational psychology, Vol. 7, 2nd ed.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3111;"Parenting an LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, or queer) identified child presents unique opportunities for growth and development. This study focused on self-reported perceptions of the positive aspects of being the parent of an LGBTQ child. Participants (N = 142) were mothers (83.8%) and fathers (16.2%) of LGBTQ identified individuals who responded to an open-ended online survey. Thematic analysis revealed five primary themes: Personal Growth (open mindedness, new perspectives, awareness of discrimination, and compassion), Positive Emotions (pride and unconditional love), Activism, Social Connection, and Closer Relationships (closer to child and family closeness). The practice implications of these findings for supporting parents in envisioning positive relationship outcomes for themselves and their children are highlighted in the discussion.";"Journal Article";2013;"K. A. Gonzalez, S. S. Rostosky, R. D. Odom and E. D. B. Riggle";"The positive aspects of being the parent of an LGBTQ child";"Family Process";"US";"Act";"YT"
3112;"Most research on youth subordination and age inequality focuses on macro-level institutions, ideologies, and discourses. While important, this macro-level focus mystifies the ways in which young people themselves conceptualize and negotiate ageism. This article examines how adolescents collectively experience, politicize, and respond to ageism as they become active in educational justice and antiwar movements. Based on comparative ethnographic research with youth movement organizations in Portland, Oregon and Oakland, California, the author argues that adolescents' politicized understandings of ageism profoundly shape their social movement strategies. Furthermore, these understandings of ageism are rooted in young people's race and class social locations, and stand in relationship to social movement legacies. The divergent ways in which white, middle-class youth activists and young working-class activists of color collectively experience, interpret, and respond to ageism reveal the extent to which age inequality operates in conjunction with other systems of power and privilege.";"Journal Article";2007;"H. R. Gordon";"Allies within and without: How adolescent activists conceptualize ageism and navigate adult power in youth social movements";"Journal of Contemporary Ethnography";"US";"Act";"YT"
3113;"This paper responds to calls from social scientists in the area of globalization and women’s empowerment to test a model that investigates both structural and individual components of women’s empowerment in the context of globalization. The investigation uses a liberation psychology framework by taking into account the effects of globalization, human rights discourse, and women’s activism within social movements to identify how structural inequities may be related to empowerment. Surveys conducted in rural Nicaragua revealed that land ownership and organizational participation among women were related to more progressive gender ideology, and in turn, women’s power and control within the marital relationship, individual levels of agency, and subjective well-being. The study demonstrates that psychology can bridge the theoretical arguments surrounding human rights with the practical implementation of development interventions, and provide empirical support that has yet to be demonstrated elsewhere. The findings have important implications for strategies and interventions that can improve conditions for women and contribute to the aims of social justice articulated in the Beijing Platform for Action.";"Journal Article";2012;"S. Grabe";"An empirical examination of women’s empowerment and transformative change in the context of international development";"American Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3114;"As a form of deregulated capitalism that has run amok, commodifying all that is in its path, and as a cultural means of commodifying Black and brown bodies, neoliberalism has taken a serious toll on the lives of working-class queer youth of color. Although it has hijacked spaces of cultural representation and material production, neoliberal capitalism is far from transparent. Through resistance, activism and performance queer youth of color have now started to shape a critique of oppressive structures, neoliberal policies, and pedagogical practices that are critical of their intersecting identities. This article examines neoliberalism’s impact on education, focusing on educational policy and how these policies have affected queer youth of color in the urban centers of our major cities. This article also considers the contributions made by educators writing from the perspective of critical pedagogy in addressing the plight of queer youth of color in U.S. schools while employing the example of the dance group, Innovation, as way of addressing the havoc of neoliberalism in the lives of queer youth of color through performance and activism. This group has not only transformed notions of gender, race, class and sexuality that challenge major tenants of neoliberalism, but has also served as potent sites for the development of a critical pedagogy for working-class queer youth of color. Through sites of resistance rooted in progressive struggle, queer youth of color must be enabled by critical transformative intellectuals committed to encouraging youth to critically evaluate and challenge ideologies while displaying an allegiance to egalitarianism.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. Grady, R. Marquez and P. McLaren";"A critique of neoliberalism with fierceness: Queer youth of color creating dialogues of resistance";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"YT"
3115;"This study examines important distinctions in sexual orientation identities by exploring the relationships among sexual identity, activism, and collective self-esteem. Past research has revealed that individuals who label themselves as belonging to certain minority sexual identities may experience different types of outcomes; for instance, bisexual individuals have been shown to experience more psychological hardships (Brewster & Moradi, 2010; Browne & Lim, 2010), whereas Queer individuals’ politicization may buffer against some of these negative experiences and increase their psychological well-being (Galinsky et al., 2013; Klar and Kasser, 2009; Riggs, 2010). We explored whether these important differences could be attributed to a person’s choice of a sexual identity description. An online survey was distributed to Facebook groups affiliated with 33 universities across Canada, which yielded responses from 265 participants. Four distinct sexual identity categories were created and compared in two multiple regression models that controlled for measures of personal and social identity. In the first model, we tested group differences in collective self-esteem and, in the second model, we assessed group differences in political activism. As predicted, collective self-esteem was significantly lower for those who identified as bisexual, and activism was most likely among those who identified as Queer. Our research highlights the need for caution when either measuring or studying aspects of sexual orientation, since these identity categories reflect different personal and political points of reference.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Gray and S. Desmarais";"Not all one and the same: Sexual identity, activism, and collective self-esteem";"Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3117;"Defines a broad range of youth enterprises, business enterprises run by youth which can create jobs and teach the principles of free enterprise. Youth enterprises can also convey skills that can be used by employees in large companies, as well as political activists and entrepreneurs. This chapter highlights several promising program models, and shows how principles for best practices in youth programming can be integrated into youth enterprises.";"Book Section";2012;"S. F. Hamilton and M. A. Hamilton";"Development in youth enterprises";"Career programming: Linking youth to the world of work.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3118;"Honduras has the highest murder rate in the world: the high level of violence threatens the economic and social development of the country as it erodes human and social capital and limits trust among people in poor urban areas. However, neither a detailed consideration of the complex manner in which distinct dimensions of social capital interrelate with violence, nor the potential for double causality has received much attention. Objectives: The study examines the influence of structural social capital (social organization characteristics) and cognitive social capital (social trust and cohesion characteristics) on risk of violence in poor urban areas of Honduras. Methods: The study was carried out in two urban communities of Tegucigalpa experiencing high levels of violence and insecurity. For the quantitative analysis, 1000 individuals older than 18 answered a structured questionnaire. Violence exposure was evaluated based on respondents' self-reporting. Social capital was defined based on the use of the short version of the Adapted Social Capital Assessment Tool. Results: Our results support previous evidence from Guatemala showing that cognitive and structural social capital were inversely related to risk of violence: people with high cognitive social capital had a lower risk of violence (OR 0.46 CI 95: 0.28–0.76) compared to people with low cognitive social capital, whereas people with high structural social capital had a higher risk of violence (OR 1.68 CI 95: 1.04–2.71) compared to people with low structural social capital. Conclusions: Social trust and social activism exhibit significant associations with risk of violence, however, these dimensions are consequences as well as causes of violence. Implications for practice: In an intervention perspective it is important to recognize the difference between social organization and cooperative action for creating change, as these concepts represent very dissimilar levels of collective action toward violence. It is thus important to link the items of social capital, primarily within the structural dimension, to the specific objectives of a given intervention.";"Journal Article";2014;"N. S. Hansen-Nord, M. Skar, F. Kjaerulf, J. Almendarez, S. Bähr, Ó. Sosa, J. Castro, A.-M. N. Andersen and J. Modvig";"Social capital and violence in poor urban areas of Honduras";"Aggression and Violent Behavior";"Denmark";"Act";"YT"
3120;"This chapter will address the following questions: What are the challenges to models of human development and what are their implications for the development of civic identity and for pedagogy? What is contested about citizenship? What challenges to implicit models of democracy arise from international data and geopolitical change? What is the impact of new technologies? What caveats should be raised about political demands and expectations that underpin curricula in civic education? Given international concerns, civic education is likely to gain an even higher profile in the future. The enlargement of the curriculum to include innovative methods such as forms of gaming is likely. The official civic agenda, however, may conflict with what young people are already doing. The use of blogs and wikis for making one's voice heard, and creating transnational pressure groups, is very likely to increase, especially for morally charged issues such as the environment or violations of human rights. At the same time, there will be more consumer-related online activism and also more partisan/interest group activism of less liberal tone, which could proliferate further under perceived threats (such as immigration or terrorism).";"Book Section";2010;"H. Haste";"Citizenship education: A critical look at a contested field";"Handbook of research on civic engagement in youth.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3121;"This paper presents an autobiographical narrative of two aspects of my history; two events that permeated my moral consciousness and influenced my political development and a sequence of changes in my dominant theoretical and epistemological perspectives. The two events were, as a teenager, the intense experience of briefly witnessing Apartheid culture and, as a young adult, becoming deeply engaged in feminist activism. My intellectual journey began in cognitive developmental theory and progressed to a cultural, discursive perspective in which the role of affect is seen as integrated. The paper explores the intersection of these two strands of my moral and intellectual development and concludes with a preliminary model of action and engagement.";"Journal Article";2011;"H. Haste";"Discovering commitment and dialogue with culture";"Journal of Moral Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3122;"Comments on an article by Reed Larson and David Hansen (see record [rid]2006-03293-001[/rid]), which discussed the development of strategic thinking in a youth activism program. This commentary is framed largely in terms of the potential of their work for making clear a critical and yet generally neglected area of research: later language development through the real roles gained with access to multiple learning environments. Two key issues merit attention at the outset. The first is the need to leave behind the dichotomy of informal and formal learning. This false and highly ethnocentric separation will not serve us well in our study of either lifespan learning or investigation of situations outside the 'usual' institutional settings and agents. The second is the need to attend in detail to the range of roles accessible in lifespan learning--particularly during adolescence. The authors should alert scholars to the fact that by middle childhood, learners know they must keep refining whatever theory of mind they developed as toddlers. They frame their paper as an argument for the context of a youth organization as learning environment for advanced modes of strategic thinking. The findings of this paper, as well as its honest and direct statement of its limitations, should influence others to expand and further theorize our understanding of youth learning.";"Journal Article";2005;"S. B. Heath";"Strategic Thinking, Learning Environments, and Real Roles: Suggestions for Future Work";"Human Development";"US";"Act";"YT"
3123;"Background/Context: Over the past 5 years, there has been a growing body of scholarship that examines the intersections of hip-hop culture and classroom pedagogy. Although recent scholarship has persuasively demonstrated the classroom potential of hip-hop texts for promoting student engagement, scaffolding sanctioned forms of knowledge, and nurturing critical consciousness and activism, little work has been done to unpack the complex relations of power that emerge in such classrooms. In particular, we know very little about the ways in which students and teachers are (re)positioned within classrooms that engage in hip-hop-centered pedagogy. This article contributes to the current literature in hip-hop based education, culturally relevant pedagogy, and critical pedagogy by examining the some of the issues and tensions that emerge when teachers engage in hip-hop-centered classroom pedagogy. Purpose/Objective/Research Question/Focus of Study: This study details how the articulation of personal narratives within Hip-Hop Lit, a hip-hop-centered high school English literature course, produced a practice of 'wounded healing,' in which people bearing the scars of suffering shared their stories in ways that provided a form of release and relief for themselves and others. This article highlights the complex relationships that students forged with the course’s hip-hop texts, many of which resonated with their own lived experiences. I then illustrate how these relationships enabled the classroom discussions and interactions from which the practices of wounded healing emerged. Finally, I highlight some of the dilemmas and tensions that emerged as my coteacher and I attempted to privilege the stories and experiences of our students and ourselves within the classroom. Setting: Data for this study were collected at 'Howard High School,' a small comprehensive urban high school in the northeastern United States. Research Design: Data for this 1-year ethnography were collected using field notes, formal and informal interviews, document analysis, and video data. Conclusions/Recommendations: This article shows how Hip-Hop Lit operated as a space in which members offered and responded to various types of individual and group narratives through the practice of 'wounded healing.' Through this practice, students were able to recognize the commonality of their experiences, challenge various ideologies, and produce new knowledge. In doing this, the members of the class forged a cohesive community replete with multiple roles and relations of power. This article points to the need for critically interrogating the ostensible virtues of hip-hop-based education, as well as critical and culturally relevant pedagogies more broadly. This article also underscores the need for more ethnographic research that unpacks the complexities, contours, and contradictions of curricula, and pedagogy that responds to the lived experiences of students.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. L. Hill";"Wounded healing: Forming a storytelling community in Hip-Hop Lit";"Teachers College Record";"US";"Act";"YT"
3124;"This chapter takes a decidedly current and critical view of the schooling of queer youth in Canada. It is based on a number of sources, including the early political activism and ethnographic research work of George Smith (1998) in Ontario high schools in the 1980s and 1990s, in addition to my own current critical research/practice work during my temporary project position at the Prince Edward Island (PEI) Human Rights Commission (PEIHRC) and in PEI schools. The project's purpose is to facilitate ongoing, sustainable linkages, between the PEIHRC and PEI's Department of Education and Early Childhood Development. The chapter provides critical reflection on the policy and practices that frame 'gayness' in education by working through comparisons of these historical voices. I close, this chapter by problematizing one final school trip scenario implicating the rights of straight and queer students alike to equal and just treatment.";"Book Section";2013;"T. Hilton";"Still sleeping in the 'gay tent'? Queer youth in Canadian schools";"Youth, education, and marginality: Local and global expressions.";;"Act";"YT"
3125;"A survey of anti poverty activists and non activists in Canada and the Philippines was conducted to assess their beliefs about the causes of poverty in developing nations. Principal components analysis revealed that the respondents' poverty attributions could be distinguished along 5 main dimensions: exploitation, characterological weaknesses of the poor, natural causes, conflict, and poor government. Group breakdowns revealed several significant differences related to respondents' countries of residence and social ideologies. A path analysis suggested that attributions fully mediated the relationship between social ideology and participation in anti poverty activism.";"Journal Article";1999;"D. W. Hine and C. J. Montiel";"Poverty in developing nations: Cultural attributional analysis";"European Journal of Social Psychology";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3126;"Recent research finds that youth who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender (LGBT) are disproportionately incarcerated in juvenile justice systems. These systems have paid little attention to this subgroup in terms of their unique needs and risk factors. Using a feminist perspective, we analyze in-depth interviews with juvenile justice staff to better understand their perceptions about working with these youth. We examine the challenges for staff, for facilities, and for the girls, as well as consider staff recommendations for changes in policies or programs that are needed to support girls who identify as LGBT.";"Journal Article";2016;"K. Holsinger and J. P. Hodge";"The experiences of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender girls in juvenile justice systems";"Feminist Criminology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3127;"Studied students' opinions of their nation, society, government, and student demonstrations against the government. Human Ss: 1,945 normal male and female adolescents and adults (senior high school and university students from Seoul and Chuncheon). Ss completed a questionnaire concerning attitudes towards nation, society, government, and student demonstrations. Results were analyzed through correspondence analysis. Sex and age differences were examined among the Ss' attitudes. The results were further examined for differences in attitudes among Ss who had participated in demonstrations vs Ss who had not participated in demonstrations. (English abstract)";"Journal Article";1994;"S. Y. Hong";"An examination of the anti-government demonstration by students";"Korean Journal of Social Psychology";"Korea";"Act";"YT"
3128;"This article explores identity work and acculturation work in the lives of British mixed-heritage children and adults. Children, teenagers, and parents with mixed heritage participated in a community arts project that invited them to deliberate, construct, and reconstruct their cultural identities and cultural relations. We found that acculturation, cultural and raced identities, are constructed through a series of oppositional themes: cultural maintenance versus cultural contact; identity as inclusion versus identity as exclusion; institutionalized ideologies versus agency. The findings point towards an understanding of acculturation as a dynamic, situated, and multifaceted process: acculturation in movement. To investigate this, we argue that acculturation research needs to develop a more dynamic and situated approach to the study of identity, representation, and culture. The article concludes with a discussion on the need for political psychologists to develop methods attuned to the tensions and politics of acculturation that are capable of highlighting the possibilities for resistance and social change.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Howarth, W. Wagner, N. Magnusson and G. Sammut";"'It's only other people who make me feel Black': Acculturation, identity, and agency in a multicultural community";"Political Psychology";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3129;"Informal caregiving continues to be a crucial part of health and social care provision in the developed world, but the processes by which the identity of informal caregiver is conferred, or assumed, remain unclear. In this article we draw on data from a qualitative research study which examined the experiences of family members and friends of people with multiple sclerosis (pwMS) to explore how they interpret the label ‘carer’. We conducted narrative interviews with forty people throughout the United Kingdom between June 2011 and January 2012. Participants were spouses, partners, parents, children, siblings or friends of people who have had multiple sclerosis between 6 months and fifty years. We carried out thematic analysis of the interviews, informed by identity theory. Identity theory illuminated variation in peoples’ perceptions of themselves as carers, suggesting that self-identification with the role and label of carer is nuanced, shifting and variable. We propose a taxonomy of caring activity including emotional support, personal care, physical care, household tasks, advocacy and activism and describe four categories, with fluid and overlapping boundaries, in which the identity of carer was apparently embraced, enforced, absorbed or rejected. Variability and fluidity in self-identification as a carer are related to apparent expectations about whether one should assume a caring role. Those who were caring from the more tangential (and less taken for granted) relationship of sibling or ex-partner were among those who apparently embraced the role. Those who were expected to assume the caring role (typically spouses) were not always comfortable with doing so. It may be difficult to gain acknowledgement from family members and others that they occupy the role of carer if people resist the label as a bureau-cratisation of their personal relationships.";"Journal Article";2013;"N. Hughes, L. Locock and S. Ziebland";"Personal identity and the role of ‘carer’ among relatives and friends of people with multiple sclerosis";"Social Science & Medicine";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3130;"Past lab and scenario research on sexism suggests that women are more likely to contemplate than to engage in assertive confrontation of prejudice. The present study was designed to explore how the competing cultural forces of activist norms and gender role prescriptions for women to be passive and accommodating may contribute to women's response strategies. Women were asked to keep diaries of incidents of anti-Black racism, anti-Semitism, heterosexism, and sexism, including why they responded, how they responded, and the consequences of their responses. Participants were about as likely to report they were motivated by activist goals as they were to report being motivated by gender role consistent goals to avoid conflict. Those with gender role-consistent goals were less likely to respond assertively. Participants were more likely to consider assertive responses (for 75% of incidents) than to actually make them (for 40% of incidents). Assertive responders did, however, report better outcomes on a variety of indicators of satisfaction and closure, at the expense of heightened interpersonal conflict. Results are discussed with respect to the personal and social implications of responding to interpersonal prejudice.";"Journal Article";2007;"L. L. Hyers";"Resisting prejudice every day: Exploring women's assertive responses to anti-Black racism, anti-semitism, heterosexism, and sexism";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"YT"
3131;"Australian education is delivered through government and independent systems. This article discusses how education policies on gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer students in these different sectors have affected school climates. It describes how previously published policy analysis and survey data on Australian gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer students was used to identify the best policies currently in use in Australia. Significant correlations between policies and a variety of well-being and psycho-social outcomes for gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex, and queer students were uncovered. Ideal policy visions were promoted collaboratively in interstate and international contexts. However, the article cautions against a simplistic view of transnational best-practice adoption.";"Journal Article";2016;"T. Jones";"Education policies: Potential impacts and implications in Australia and beyond";"Journal of LGBT Youth";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3132;"Tran-spectrum youth include those who are gender questioning, transgender, intersex, genderqueer, and androgynous. Drawing on data from an Australian study of more than 3,000 same-sex-attracted and trans-spectrum youth aged 14 to 21, this article compares a group of 91 trans-spectrum youth from the study to 'cisgender' same-sex-attracted peers (who feel their gender identity aligns more fully with their ascribed sex). Comparisons are made on topics including identity disclosure and support; experience of abuse; suicide and self-harm; and school experiences. The trans-spectrum respondents particularly reported experiencing homophobic abuse and suicide attempts in response to homophobia and cissexism significantly more often than their cisgender counterparts. However, an exciting finding of the study was that some of these youth were able to reframe social rejection of their identities using a variety of self-affirming strategies. They were also more likely to respond to discrimination through activism, and many held high hopes for the ways in which they might impact their worlds in the future. The article finally reflects on the special provisions needed for this group in areas such as youth services and education, and the need for individuals to be supportive of trans-spectrum youth who disclose their identities to them.";"Journal Article";2013;"T. Jones and L. Hillier";"Comparing trans-spectrum and same-sex-attracted youth in Australia: Increased risks, increased activisms";"Journal of LGBT Youth";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3134;"A key indicator of a supportive campus climate for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) college students is the existence of an LGBT student organization. This article integrates the research on high school LGBT policies and programs with social movement studies of campus activism to examine the characteristics associated with the existence of university-approved LGBT groups on North Carolina campuses. Drawing on data from the National Center for Education Statistics, campus Web sites, and other sources, logistic regression is used to examine the importance of public opinion, campus and community resources, and the institutional context in predicting the location of these student groups.";"Journal Article";2013;"M. D. Kane";"Finding 'safe' campuses: Predicting the presence of LGBT student groups at North Carolina colleges and universities";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"YT"
3135;"Current science education reforms and policy documents highlight the importance of environmental awareness and perceived need for activism. As 'environmental problems are socially constructed in terms of their conceptualized effects on individuals, groups, other living things and systems research based on constructivist principles provides not only a coherent framework in which to theorize about learning, but also a context for understanding socially constructed issues' (Palmer and Suggate in Res Pap Educ 19(2), 2004, p. 208). This research study investigated the impacts of the learning processes structured based on the theories of constructionism and social constructivism on students’ environmental awareness and perceived need for activism. Students constructed multimedia artifacts expressing their knowledge, attitudes, awareness, and activism about environmental issues through a constructionist design process. In addition, a social networking site was designed and used to promote social interaction among students. Twenty-two high school environmental science students participated in this study. A convergent mixed methods design was implemented to allow for the triangulation of methods by directly comparing and contrasting quantitative results with qualitative findings for corroboration and validation purposes. Using a mixed method approach, quantitative findings are supported with qualitative data (student video projects, writing prompts, blog entries, video projects of the students, observational field notes, and reflective journals) including spontaneous responses in both synchronous and asynchronous conversations on the social network to provide a better understanding of the change in students’ environmental awareness and perceived need for activism. The findings of the study indicated that students’ environmental awareness and perceived need for activism were improved at different scales (personal, community, global) throughout the constructionist and social constructivist learning processes.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. Karahan and G. Roehrig";"Constructing media artifacts in a social constructivist environment to enhance students’ environmental awareness and activism";"Journal of Science Education and Technology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3136;"Involving the public in decision-making has become a bureaucratic pre-occupation for every health agency in the UK. In this paper we offer an innovative approach for local participation in health decision-making through the development of a 'grounded' citizens' jury. We describe the process of one such jury commissioned by a Primary Care Group in the north-west of England, which was located in an area suffering intractable health inequalities. Twelve local people aged between 17 and 70 were recruited to come together for a week to hear evidence, ask questions and debate what they felt would improve the health and well-being of people living in the area. The jury process acted effectively as a grass-roots health needs assessment and amongst other outcomes, resulted in the setting up of a community health centre run by a board consisting of members of the community (including two jurors) together with local agencies. The methodology described here contrasts with that practiced by what we term 'the consultation industry', which is primarily interested in the use of fixed models to generate the public view as a standardized output, a product, developed to serve the needs of an established policy process, with little interest in effecting change. We outline four principles underpinning our approach: deliberation, integration, sustainability and accountability. We argue that citizens' juries and other consultation initiatives need to be reclaimed from that which merely serves the policy process and become 'grounded', a tool for activism, in which local people are agents in the development of policies affecting their lives.";"Journal Article";2004;"E. Kashefi and M. Mort";"Grounded citizens' juries: A tool for health activism?";"Health Expectations: An International Journal of Public Participation in Health Care & Health Policy";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3137;"This study explores the design and practice of the Blacksburg Electronic Village (BEV), a mature networked community. We describe findings from longitudinal survey data on the use and social impact of community computer networking. The survey data show that increased involvement with people, issues and community since going online is explained by education, extroversion and age. Using path models, we show that a person's sense of belonging and collective efficacy, group memberships, activism and social use of the Internet act as mediating variables. These findings extend evidence in support of the argument that Internet use can strengthen social contact, community engagement and attachment. Conversely, it underlines concern about the impact of computer networking on people with lower levels of education, extroversion, efficacy, and community belonging. We suggest design strategies and innovative tools for non-experts that might increase social interaction and improve usability for disadvantaged and underrepresented individuals and groups.";"Journal Article";2005;"A. Kavanaugh, J. M. Carroll, M. B. Rosson, T. T. Zin and D. D. Reese";"Community Networks: Where Offline Communities Meet Online";"Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication";"US";"Act";"YT"
3138;"While feminist media scholars have recognized the growing importance of feminist blogs, such as Jezebel, Racialicious, and Feministe, to contemporary feminism, the contribution of girls to this feminist blogosphere remains understudied. In this paper, the author addresses this research gap by investigating the complex and diverse ways that girls are using blogging communities to participate in a feminist political activism that reflects their needs as contemporary young feminists within a neoliberal cultural context. This analysis draws upon two case studies of popular blogs by teenage feminists, and interviews that were conducted with four girl bloggers who participated in these two communities. The author argues that through the practice of blogging, teenage girls are actively reframing what it means to participate in feminist politics, drawing on opportunities that the Internet provides to embrace new understandings of community, activism, and even feminism itself.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. M. Keller";"Virtual feminisms: Girls' blogging communities, feminist activism, and participatory politics";"Information, Communication & Society";"US";"Act";"YT"
3139;"As with many movements operating in neoliberal regimes, Canadian disability movements struggle to maintain momentum and engage youth leadership. Drawing on feminist disability studies, this article presents the findings of a participatory research project on the Youth Activist Forum, an event which brought together 38 youth with and without disabilities to meet new and established leaders with disabilities. We argue that the process of planning, hosting, and attending the Youth Activist Forum forges a complex rare space that facilitates empowerment for youth. We frame the space as ‘rare’ because: the activities and leaders are overlooked by the scholars documenting Canadian disability movements; it is a new experience for many youth participants, planners, and speakers that builds community; it reveals a lack of shared frameworks through uncomfortable moments; and in some ways, it diverges from priorities on the Ontario funding and non-profit landscape. We argue that while rare and difficult to create, this space is necessary as it facilitates empowerment, recognizes existing youth leadership, and helps us imagine the future of disability movements. We conclude by discussing the value of our findings for youth studies researchers, particularly those drawing on disability studies literature and seeking to engage youth on disability issues.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. Kelly and E. Carson";"The Youth Activist Forum: Forging a rare, disability-positive space that empowers youth";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3140;"In this study, we draw on three interrelated concepts, i.e. placed resources, multiliteracies and the carnivalesque, to understand how information and communication technology (ICT) resources are taken up within the context of a print-based journalism club. Our research participants attend an under-resourced girls’ residential secondary school in rural Kenya. We used ethnographic methods to document how the 32 club members (aged 14–18 years) used digital cameras, voice recorders and laptops with connectivity to research, conduct interviews, photograph and create texts. Key findings include shifts in identity performance, journalistic competence, and hierarchical distinctions and societal power; growing writer activism and audiences; and the emergence of imagined identities and transformative social futures. Our research challenges current skills-based approaches to introducing new literacies and highlights how the introduction of new ICT resources, when situated within collaborative practices (both research and pedagogical), can result in enhanced literacy learning and text production. These changes have not been without tensions and dilemmas, including the extent to which such practices could only occur outside the formalized classroom with its traditional practices, structures and emphasis on exam results. In addition, some of these tensions raise new questions about the role of ICTs as pedagogical tools and the tendency to ‘romanticize’ their potential.";"Journal Article";2012;"M. Kendrick, W. Chemjor and M. Early";"ICTs as placed resources in a rural Kenyan secondary school journalism club";"Language and Education";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3142;"This paper draws upon data from two research projects following two distinct groups of young people: youth activists and homeless or street-involved youth. Although these two groups differ in many ways—the former largely white and middle-class, the latter more ethnically diverse and entirely working-class—each describes encounters with the police that are strikingly similar. The paper explores two such similarities: (1) the role played by cultural discourses of the 'good and legitimate citizen' and (2) the role of spatiality, or, more specifically, the importance of being an appropriate body in the appropriate space. The paper explores how the above two dimensions nuance and complicate the relationship between youth and police, in the context of governmentality studies.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Kennelly";"Policing young people as citizens-in-waiting: Legitimacy, spatiality and governance";"British Journal of Criminology";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3144;"Multiracial youth activism groups, based in working class and poor neighborhoods, seek to improve social conditions by organizing grassroots campaigns. Campaigns such as these, which require sophisticated planning, organizing, and advocacy skills, are noteworthy not just for their political impact, but also because of the insights they provide about learning environments outside of school. In this study I adopted Rogoff's (2003) theory of guided participation as a lens through which to analyze adult approaches to working with youth and how these approaches relate to opportunities for youth to participate in social action. Drawing on 2 years of ethnographic fieldwork in 3 multiracial activism groups, I found that adults managed tensions between youth empowerment principles and the task demands of campaigns in 3 distinct ways: facilitation, apprenticeship, and joint work. This analysis is relevant to educators who wish to support youth participation in mature social practices and researchers interested in elective learning environments.";"Journal Article";2008;"B. Kirshner";"Guided participation in three youth activism organizations: Facilitation, apprenticeship, and joint work";"Journal of the Learning Sciences";"US";"Act";"YT"
3145;"Youth programs that are organized around intellectually challenging, socially relevant projects create opportunities for deep cognitive engagement. One type of authentic project that deserves attention from applied developmental scientists is youth participatory action research (YPAR), in which participants study a problem relevant to young people’s lives and take action based on what they find. This combination of activism and inquiry can pose a cognitive challenge for participants, who must coordinate their emotional investment in a specific outcome with openness to unexpected or disconfirming evidence. We call this process managing bias. In this article we draw on qualitative data to show opportunities for youth to practice managing bias as part of an after-school YPAR project. In our conclusion we discuss implications of learning to manage bias for youth development processes and settings.";"Journal Article";2011;"B. Kirshner, K. Pozzoboni and H. Jones";"Learning how to manage bias: A case study of youth participatory action research";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"Act";"YT"
3146;"Media culture is a firm part of youth cultures today. Media can also be seen as one empowering technology in the information society alongside traditional school and government. What kind of civic identities are young people constructing in contemporary media culture? This article discusses media-saturated youth and audience agency, drawing on Dahlgren’s ideas of civic culture. Relying on empirical data from two case studies in Finland, we will introduce a typology of civic identities, which the young construct as members of the public in relation to media. Our first case study is a youth civic website called Vaikuttamo.net and the second is the Youth Voice Editorial Board, which consists of a group of young people producing news for mainstream media. Our research supports various earlier observations that young people are firmly engaged, though to a lesser extent, in the formal political realm. We particularly want to emphasize the role of the local media and the expressive potential of young people. The media should be noted as a public forum where cultural and political modes of expression and participation can be mixed—not only in global online media, but also in more traditional local media such as television and newspaper. The research shows that young people are also willing to enter generational public discussions about civic issues instead of keeping to their own forums of media publicity.";"Journal Article";2009;"S. Kotilainen and L. Rantala";"From seekers to activists. Characteristics of youth civic identities in relation to media";"Information, Communication & Society";"Finland";"Act";"YT"
3147;"This article focuses on the use of satellite teleconferences to educate and empower community activism program about the issue of youth tobacco control across fourteen communities. The article highlights a methodology to provide staff development workshops to community sites where participants received consistent messages with preparation for coalition building and local action planning to address youth tobacco control issues. The article concludes with recommendations for educators considering the use of distance education technologies to educate and empower collective activism in a limited time period.";"Journal Article";1997;"A. Kreisler, B. A. Snider and N. E. Kiernan";"Using distance education to educate and empower community coalitions: A case study";"International Quarterly of Community Health Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3148;"In India, online availability of information has created several new ways of communication and interaction through Internet relay chats, messaging email, video and voice chat, file sharing, blogging and discussion groups. Social media, particularly the Social Networking Sites, have enabled communication anywhere in the world and to anyone who shares interests and activities across political, social, economic and geographical boundaries. Of late, there has been intensive discourse and debate among intelligentsia about the perceptible impact of social media on opinion building and expression. Some civil society movements are also said to be accelerated by social media. This paper, through an empirical study, attempts to understand and analyse how social media, especially social networking sites, change the ways of communication, allow the public to critique and discuss fearlessly different social and political issues thereby becoming a force to reckon with for civil society movements and agitations in India. To study this phenomenon, Dehradun city, an education hub of India having a sizeable number of young active new media users, was chosen as a reference point. The study suggests that social media is yet to emerge as a definite force multiplier for civil society movements in India.";"Journal Article";2015;"R. Kumar and D. Thapa";"Social media as a catalyst for civil society movements in India: A study in Dehradun city";"New Media & Society";"India";"Act";"YT"
3150;"This article analyzes the process of youth political activism and development by drawing on ethnographic research on Asian and Pacific Islander youth activists. Young people revealed that collective action begins with a critical analysis of their lived experiences with inequalities. Their actions also involved oppositional consciousness that was nurtured in social justice-oriented community organizations. Tracking youth's successful efforts for school reform, I show how oppositional consciousness is realized and what activism looks like in practice.";"Journal Article";2008;"S. A. Kwon";"Moving from complaints to action: Oppositional consciousness and collective action in a political community";"Anthropology & Education Quarterly";"US";"Act";"YT"
3151;"Human systems, including institutional systems and informal social networks, are a major arena of modern life. We argue that distinct forms of pragmatic reasoning or 'strategic thinking' are required to exercise agency within such systems. This article explores the development of strategic thinking in a youth activism program in which young people worked for social change. These youth came to understand different human systems, the school board, teachers, and students, and they learned to employ three strategic modes of reasoning: seeking strategic information, framing communications to the audience, and sequential contingency thinking. Although youth described themselves as agents of their development, adults played important roles in supporting their experience of a cycle of experiential learning. These findings suggest how the new cognitive potentials of adolescence allow youth to develop modes of reasoning that expand their capacity to exercise agency over a longer arc of time and across a wider interpersonal space.";"Journal Article";2005;"R. Larson and D. Hansen";"The Development of Strategic Thinking: Learning to Impact Human Systems in a Youth Activism Program";"Human Development";"US";"Act";"YT"
3152;"The conceptualisation of male who have sex with male (MSM) to account for male homosexual behaviour has been developed to facilitate the endorsement of prevention message since the advent of HIV infection. Population studies performed to understand and monitor sexual and preventive behaviour usually recruit respondents through gay-friendly channels such as media, sexual venues or festivals, leading to recruitment bias. Few studies question possible differences according to varying sexual biography and current behaviour within the MSM population. The random sample of HIV+ individuals treated in specialised outpatient clinics (ANRS-EN12-VESPA study, 2003) provides the opportunity to question the MSM conceptualisation regarding sexual biography, social characteristics, current sexual behaviour, use of condom, living with HIV (quality of life, discrimination and participation in NGOs). Among the 2932 respondents, 1309 men reported a lifetime male sexual partner. Information regarding sexual biography (lifetime and current numbers of male and female sexual partners, lifetime number of male and female stable couples) was computed using cluster analysis and identified five profiles: exclusive gay (53.7%), gay with some bisexuality (21.8%), gay with mixed sexual history (8.1%), bisexual (7.8%) and heterosexual with male-to-male sex (8.6%). The profiles matched self-identification better among the most exclusive homosexuals than among men with current bisexuality. These five subgroups differed regarding demographic and social characteristics (except migration status), their period of diagnosis, age and CD4 count at diagnosis. Sexual activity, steady partnership, number of male and female partners, use of sexual venues and illegal substance use were different across subgroups. Reversely, these groups are homogenous regarding experience of discrimination and involvement in People living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA) activities. These findings among men living with HIV support the MSM conceptualisation and underscore the role of medicine and HIV activism in shaping the experience of HIV infection.";"Journal Article";2010;"F. Lert, R. Sitta, A.-D. Bouhnik, R. Dray-Spira and B. Spire";"HIV-positive men who have sex with men: Biography, diversity in lifestyles, common experience of living with HIV. ANRS-EN12 VESPA Study, 2003";"AIDS Care";"France";"Act";"YT"
3153;"This study examines the relationship between music preferences and civic activism among 182 participants aged 14-24 years. Our analyses show that participants who regularly listened to certain music genres such as classical, opera, musicals, new age, easy listening, house, world music, heavy metal, punk, and ska were significantly more likely to be engaged in civic activism than those who preferred other music genres. Previous literature had shown that political expression was associated with certain music genres, but our analysis provides empirical evidence that music genres associated with political expression are related to actual participation in civic activities, not just ideology. Discussion revolved around the importance of clustering music genres and music as part of youths' lifestyles in the context of civic activism.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. Leung and C. Kier";"Music preferences and civic activism of young people";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3154;"Presents an update and extension of the authors' (1996) review of the literature on mass media, developmental psychology, and eating disorders. The chapter explores the literature connecting mass media to the developmental psychology of eating disorders and to classroom-based primary prevention efforts. This review suggests a great need for further etiological research based on an integration of social comparison theory, developmental social learning theory, and vulnerability-stressor models of disordered eating. There is also a need for primary prevention research based on the multidimensional, community-oriented theories which have emerged from fairly successful efforts to equip young adolescents with the skills to resist initiation of cigarette smoking. The authors also argue that people committed to primary prevention should learn how to use mass media for health promotion, political activism, and development of protective factors such as 'media literacy skills.'";"Book Section";1998;"M. P. Levine and L. Smolak";"The mass media and disordered eating: Implications for primary prevention";"The prevention of eating disorders.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3155;"The opportunities afforded by the internet are considerable, although to a fair extent still untapped at present. But media attention, and hence public concern, more often alerts the public to the potential risks and dangers, stimulating discussions of how to regulate or restrict children's internet access and use. These opportunities include creative/content production, civic/political expression and deliberation, community involvement and activism, gaining valued technological expertise, advancing careers or employment, obtaining personal/health/sexual advice, accessing educational/information resources, participating in specialist/identity/ fan forums, and sharing a common culture. The risks, however, include exposure to illegal content, contact with pedophiles (e.g., via grooming in chatrooms), exposure to harmful or offensive content, encountering extreme (sexual) violence or racist/hate material, being open to commercial exploitation and manipulation or misinformation, invasions of privacy, and unwelcome contact (spam, viruses, etc.). Although many of these opportunities and risks are not new to society, they are, arguably, more immediate and widespread-especially for children-than was the case for previously new media. This chapter examines the activities of parents and children in balancing these risks and opportunities as they seek ways to use the internet meaningfully within their daily lives. We caution, however, that researching issues of domestic regulation often pushes at the limits of research methodology because they relate to the private, often unnoticed, and sometimes secret or illicit practices of everyday life. This raises ethical challenges and measurement difficulties, risking answers that are more socially desirable than honest, more official than actual, and more context-dependent than universal. The research reported here, drawing on the UK Children Go Online (UKCGO) project, could only attempt to address this through sensitive questioning, cautious interpretation of answers, and triangulating multiple data sources while recognizing the complex nature of families' interpretations of everyday, sometimes contested, practices.";"Book Section";2006;"S. Livingstone and M. Bober";"Regulating the internet at home: Contrasting the perspectives of children and parents";"Digital generations: Children, young people, and new media.";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3156;"New technologies and a growing global consciousness have created innovative opportunities for young people to connect locally, nationally and internationally for social action. This paper describes the dynamics of collective action in this new environment. Particular attention is given to how youth social action initiatives use information and communication technologies (ICT) to foster connection, action and sustainability. In-depth interviews were performed with five youths (aged 18-24 years) and two youth workers at two international non-government organizations (NGOs) focusing on social justice and human rights: Global Youth Connect and Amnesty International Canada. Qualitative methods were used to code and analyze the interview tapes and notes. Three main results are discussed: (i) the role of connection in building a youth action movement; (ii) the differential use of various communication technologies; and (iii) access barriers to connection opportunities. ICT enables new and expanded ways of connecting youth to express and share their experiences, which is a key success factor for social action initiatives.";"Journal Article";2002;"C. Lombardo, D. Zakus and H. Skinner";"Youth social action: Building a global latticework through information and communication technologies";"Health Promotion International";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3157;"This study shows how Guttman errors analysis can be applied to social research. In this work, the method is used in the study of environmental concern. The new instrument usefully chart also ways in which less evident forms of engagements may be recognized. The study uses data from the 2000 World Values Survey and International Social Survey Programme. First, Mokken Scale Analysis is applied to build a cumulative scale of mobilization for the defense of the environment. Second, Guttman errors are analyzed to identify specific patterns of activism. The analysis of the indexes enable the isolation of an often elusive phenomenon not shown by other techniques: the presence of individuals with a pronounced degree of activism but who do not share the attitudes of the majority of environmentalists. These particular patterns might constitute specific ways to relate to the environment. Guttman errors analysis can be fruitfully applied in measurement of attitudes or behavior. In particular, it can shed light on the presence of individual that sociological research should consider, study and label separately.";"Journal Article";2016;"E. Loner";"A new way of looking at old things. An application of Guttman errors analysis to the study of environmental concern";"Quality & Quantity: International Journal of Methodology";"Italy";"Act";"YT"
3159;"Two correlational studies of activists examined the association between belonging to community organizations or groups and sustained activism within a particular domain. In Study 1 (N = 45) larger activist networks, controlling for activist identification and greater political knowledge, were associated with stronger activism intentions. In Study 2 (N = 155), larger Time 1 peace activism social networks were associated with more Time 2 peace activism and, via Time 2 activism, with sustained activism at Time 3. In contrast, Time 1 nationalist and party political identities were inhibiting factors of peace activism at Time 2, and indirectly at Time 3. In addition, larger peace activism networks at Time 1 were associated with greater international human rights activism and Christian activism at Time 3, but not as consistently with other forms of cross‐domain activism. The possible organizing principles for these interrelationships are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"W. R. Louis, C. E. Amiot, E. F. Thomas and L. Blackwood";"The 'activist identity' and activism across domains: A multiple identities analysis";"Journal of Social Issues";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3160;"Before we begin to discuss what 'Teaching Trayvon' means to us, we think it is important to explain why we do the work we do as engaged pedagogues defined by bell hooks. In her book Teaching to Transgress, hooks (1994) writes that she strives, '[t]o teach in a manner that respects and cares for the souls of our students [which] is essential if we are to provide the necessary conditions where learning can most deeply and intimately' begin (p. 13). We are, of course, inspired by hooks’ words, but we also feel challenged and pushed by this proposition to think about ways we can reach our students beyond the restrictions of the classroom to create what Gutierrez and Stone (2000) call a third space. The third space provides teachers and youth with the opportunity to create and traverse authentic interactions in an effort to 'shift in the social organization of learning and what counts as knowledge' (Gutierrez, 2008, p. 152). According to Gutierrez and Stone (2000), the third space acts as 'a discursive space in which alternative and competing discourses and positionings transform conflict and difference into rich zones of collaboration and learning' (p. 157). The idea of Teaching Trayvon is found in the third space because it represents the present, and social and cultural history, of our students, as they wrestle with the reality of the murder of Trayvon Martin, racism, trauma, Hip Hop, and social media. It also allows teachers to investigate how the complexities of their identities are tied and tethered to Martin as a symbol of racial injustice in this so-called 'postracial' America through the lens of social media. In our work, we examine how youth negotiate these intersections within formal and informal educational settings (cyberspace). Furthermore, we see Teaching Trayvon as a space to expand notions of public pedagogy in conjunction with the Internet as a site of contemporary Black activism and the Internet as a space to mourning. Teaching Trayvon builds on the idea that new social media is a highly accessible multimedia platform of communication and (race) performance accessible across socialeconomic and cultural discourses. Thus, this chapter seeks to unpack the grounding of Hip Hop and social media as a form of 21st-century public pedagogy. The lynchpin of our argument is the murder of Martin and the protest discourse that arose with youth in contexts both in and out of school. The chapter asks the question: How do we engage youth as critical pedagogues in the historicized discourse of violence endured by Blacks in the 21st century juxtaposed multimodally with platforms like YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook, which provide a space for the Black youth to witness, mourn, and resist aspects of the post–Civil Rights Black experience?";"Book Section";2015;"B. L. Love and R. N. Bradley";"Teaching Trayvon: Teaching about racism through public pedagogy, hip hop, black trauma, and social media";"Racial battle fatigue: Insights from the front lines of social justice advocacy.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3161;"As persons and as citizens, we cannot hide behind mediations of subjectivity or objectivity, as both have manufactured ways to claim moral responsibility. In contrast, what our reflexive dialogue about youth activism teaches is that what critical activist-oriented pedagogy invites in and from every one of us—learner and teacher, youth and adult, and leader and follower—is an inquiry ethos that searches for other ways of formulating the recognition that each human being comes into presence and develops as a unique individual who is responsibly communicatively and collectively engaged with the world. Critical pedagogy is required, and is believed already present, in every institution, because it lives in the differences we embody as human beings, and voices or shows attention towards, and provides action against, disempowering categorization. The critical pedagogy educator, in proximity to the source of otherwise possibility—youth—is offered over, again and again, to the presence embodied in each unique person's becoming. Educators cannot escape this responsibility to attend, unless they have become totally seduced by the discourses of institutional social dialectic and of adultism. To have been blinded or desensitized through regimes of denial or amnesia to ignore the need to attend to the abusive oppressors of head, heart, and hands may be the greatest of all human tragedies. This world of responsibility for the self's otherness and other's selfness is always served up as an invitational interruption of difference, uniqueness, plurality, diversity and possibility. It is youth who offer us as adults the possibility, over and over, to recover and remember and reanimate what it means for us to be ethical as human beings and to re-commit to making our local and global worlds better for all. Through thoughtful coleadership, the adult and youth act together for education.";"Book Section";2011;"D. E. Lund and J. Paul";"Off-loading self/other/world responsibilities: Confronting questionable ethics in youth engagement in social justice activism";"Critical pedagogy in the twenty-first century: A new generation of scholars.";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3163;"This article presents an effort to curb child marriage. The girls and women affected by child marriage are some of the most marginalized in the world and are among those we should be aiming to protect and empower. Despite laws to prevent the practice in many of the countries where it is common, global rates have hardly declined over the past 10 years. The aim to ensure a life of dignity for all, and so the elimination of child marriage is imperative because it is inextricably linked to progress on a range of issues that affect children and young people. The response to child marriage requires partnership and collaboration across such sectors as education, health, and justice, and must include girls and boys, their families, communities, religious and traditional leaders, governments, and others. The response must also comprise a combination of concrete actions that lead to fundamental social changes. There is a need for greater investment in girls at risk of child marriage and support for married girls is needed for supporting programs.";"Journal Article";2013;"G. Machel, E. Pires and G. Carlsson";"The world we want: An end to child marriage";"The Lancet";"Switzerland";"Act";"YT"
3164;"In this article, we describe the development and implementation of a project, 'Our Leaders Are Us: Youth Activism in Social Movements', that we undertook with New York City high school students exploring events leading up to and following the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Brown. As part of a 50th anniversary celebration of the Brown decision, we designed a series of three workshops that sought to extend urban students' knowledge of Brown, segregation, and activism and to examine the roles of young people in critical civil rights campaigns. In addition, we discussed with students the ways in which young people can be involved in contemporary social movements and the strategies they can use to effect what they perceive to be needed changes in their lives. Along with the researchers' extensive field notes, the participating students completed questionnaires throughout the project so that their understanding of Brown and related issues could be documented. Using our findings, we suggest ways that educators can develop and implement similar programs for use in schools.";"Journal Article";2008;"A. R. Marri and E. N. Walker";"'Our leaders are us': Youth activism in social movements project";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3165;"Opinion leaders are influential members of their social networks, strategically selected for their ability to sway community norms. The aims of the study were to assess: 1) whether it is feasible to identify student opinion leaders (SOLs) and their social networks among Grade 11 students at two high schools in Cape Town, South Africa; and 2) whether these opinion leaders would be willing to be involved in an HIV/AIDS prevention program in their school. 412 students at School A (mean age 16.5 yrs) and School B (mean age 19.5 yrs) completed a semi-structured, anonymous, self-administered questionnaire. The authors conducted key informant interviews among the students and teachers. Students in both schools provided a wide range of that define social networks, which were generally consistent with those that emerged in the key informant interviews. Using information from the survey and key informant interviews, the authors identified 44 and 42 SOLs at the two schools respectively. Of these, all but two at each school were willing and available to participate in HIV/AIDS prevention program.";"Journal Article";2000;"C. Mathews, S. Guttmacher, A. Hani, I. Antonetti and A. J. Flisher";"The identification of student opinion leaders for an HIV prevention programme in Cape Town high schools";"International Quarterly of Community Health Education";"South Africa";"Act";"YT"
3166;"Social activists have argued that African American men must play a prominent role as volunteers in social programs that affect the African American community. Using a sample of 171 African American men aged 17–79 yrs, the present study examines the relative utility of social capital, communalism, and religiosity variables as predictors of volunteerism, membership in community-based as well as political and social justice organizations, and the number of hours that men dedicate to volunteer work each year. Church involvement was associated with a greater likelihood to volunteer and a greater likelihood to be a member of a community-based organization. Men who scored higher on communalism, and men who were more involved in church life dedicated more time to volunteer work each year. A complex pattern of relationship emerged between age, education, and the various participation outcomes. Implications of the findings are discussed.";"Journal Article";2000;"J. S. Mattis, R. J. Jagers, C. A. Hatcher, G. D. Lawhon, E. J. Murphy and Y. F. Murray";"Religiosity, volunteerism, and community involvement among African American men: An exploratory analysis";"Journal of Community Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3167;"Critical pedagogy, combined with partnerships with adults at school, enabled the Gay–Straight Alliance (GSA) advisor to create the foundation for reflective, activist-oriented learning at one Midwestern high school. Underreported in current literature, the use of critical pedagogy in school clubs and/or organizations has broad implications for teachers and teacher educators. Informed by the tenets of critical multiculturalism, this study draws on ethnographic fieldwork from one school year and in-depth interviews with students and the GSA advisor. Data reveal that the GSA advisor’s unique conception of critical pedagogy is characterized by expanding students’ knowledge, facilitating students’ activism, and encouraging students’ reflection on significant interactions with peers and family. The author concludes that these pedagogical practices play a key role in creating a long-term GSA, where engaged student learning combined with activism promote a 'third space' in teacher development.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. B. Mayo, Jr.";"Critical pedagogy enacted in the gay–straight alliance: New possibilities for a third space in teacher development";"Educational Researcher";"US";"Act";"YT"
3168;"Critical pedagogy empowers Gay Straight Alliance (GSA) advisers facilitate reflective, activist-oriented learning. Its use in school clubs has broad implications for both teachers and youth workers. Informed by critical multiculturalism, this study draws on ethnographic fieldwork from one school year and in-depth interviews with GSA participants. Data reveal that the GSA advisor's understanding of critical pedagogy is characterized by expanding students’ knowledge, facilitating students’ activism, and encouraging students’ reflection on significant interactions with peers and family. The author concludes these pedagogical practices help create long-term GSAs, where engaged student learning and activism promote a 'third space' in youth development work.";"Journal Article";2015;"J. B. Mayo, Jr.";"Youth Work in Gay Straight Alliances: Curriculum, Pedagogy, and Activist Development";"Child & Youth Services";"US";"Act";"YT"
3171;"Through a survey, this paper documents a small part of the history of veterans' support groups representing ex-service personnel from the 2 world wars. The role and function of veterans' support groups is reviewed in reference to political groups representing the aged. This paper also looks at expression of intergenerational support for the veterans' groups by surveying 10 younger people's (aged 16–24 yrs) attitudes and understanding of them. The results indicate that the veterans' support groups, despite variation in some characteristics, have implicitly acted in the same manner as the political aged interest groups. Also contrary to the groups' beliefs, there is intergenerational support for them, although a revised marketing strategy is recommended to enhance that support.";"Journal Article";1995;"J. McCormack";"Collective reminiscence or senior activism? The role of veterans' groups in Victoria";"Australasian Journal on Ageing";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3172;"An emergent culture of youth activism suggests the need to examine a fundamental question about political learning. Does formal education function primarily to engender compliance or does instruction foster differentiation, and perhaps defiance, in political identity construction? We draw on data from a 3-year panel study of high school students. Results support a theoretical model in which schools prompt discussion in families and peer groups. The flow of interpersonal influence in the two spheres share common steps but can be thought of as parallel staircases to divergent orientations, with families promoting compliant voting and peer groups fostering activism.";"Journal Article";2007;"M. McDevitt and S. Kiousis";"The red and blue of adolescence: Origins of the compliant voter and the defiant activist";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"YT"
3173;"Examined the effects of participating in Earthwatch expeditions on social activism. 363 US citizens (aged 16-79 yrs) participating in an Earthwatch expedition completed questionnaires 2 mo prior to and 2 mo following the expedition concerning new network ties established, perceived self-efficacy gains, and pretrip social movement participation. Results show that participation in an expedition exerted a significant positive effect on social movement activities through fostering new network contacts. No effects were observed concerning self-efficacy.";"Journal Article";2002;"N. G. McGehee";"Alternative tourism and social movements";"Annals of Tourism Research";"US";"Act";"YT"
3174;"Unlike school-aged youth attending well-resourced suburban schools, working-class poor students attending inner-city public schools are oftentimes denied the opportunity to develop a sense of agency within their schools and communities. In this article, the author addresses one way that educators and researchers can encourage young people to engage in participatory processes of teaching and learning aimed at developing personal and collective agency. In addition, she describes how a group of university-based students participated in on-the-ground experiences that contributed significantly to their understandings of how individual and collective agency energizes teaching and research processes. The author embeds those discussions within the framework of a participatory action research project she engaged in with a group of middle school adolescents in the northeast region of the United States.";"Journal Article";2006;"A. McIntyre";"Activist Research and Student Agency in Universities and Urban Communities";"Urban Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3175;"Youths at risk for violent and antisocial behavior often suffer from alienation and a lack of bonding to family, school, and community. The role of the school social worker is often to implement interventions that support inclusion and connection to these entities. Yet using a theoretical trajectory that solely supports a unidirectional flow of care from the school social worker to youths may limit the level of application of learned skills. When working with marginalized and disempowered youths, the school social worker must also confront the conditions that further promote the marginalization and isolation of youths. This article asserts that using critical service learning (CSL) that encourages youth activism may promote attributes of resilience and social and emotional learning. Various types of CSL projects and the barriers to use of CSL projects, such as adultism, are discussed, as are practice implications for school social workers.";"Journal Article";2010;"C. McKay";"Critical service learning: A school social work intervention";"Children & Schools";"US";"Act";"YT"
3177;"This essay offers a narrative reading of the representation of bisexuality on One Tree Hill by examining the character Anna Tagaro. Grounding this reading in observations about bisexuality, media representation and adolescent identity formation processes, the essay exposes Anna’s representation as both a viable coming out story for an adolescent audience and a systematic erasure of bisexuality as a valid social identity. The displacement of political activism with friend and ally Peyton creates a representation that functions both as liberating and constraining simultaneously. Moreover, Anna’s inclusion as the only Latina character in an all white, all heterosexual cast offers an intersectional representation of race and sexual identity. This conflict between progress and constraint in the representation of youth identity choices offers scholars ample data for future studies in teen television and sexuality.";"Journal Article";2009;"M. D. E. Meyer";"'I’m just trying to find my way like most kids': Bisexuality, adolescence and the drama of One Tree Hill";"Sexuality & Culture: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly";"US";"Act";"YT"
3178;"A multidimensional community-based skin cancer prevention program was conducted in Falmouth, Massachusetts, combining community activism with publicity campaigns and behavioral interventions to improve sun protection knowledge, attitudes, and practices in parents, caregivers, and children. The program was associated with improvements in target outcomes, based on 2 telephone surveys involving a total of 805 parents. After program implementation, fewer parents reported sunburning of their children, particularly among children 6 yrs old or younger (18.6% in 1994 vs 3.2% in 1997), and more parents reported children using sunscreen, particularly continuous use at the beach (from 47.4% to 69.9% in younger children). Improvements also were seen in parent role modeling of sun protection practices, parents' self-efficacy in protecting children from the sun, and sun protection knowledge.";"Journal Article";1999;"D. R. Miller, A. C. Geller, M. C. Wood, R. A. Lew and H. K. Koh";"The Falmouth Safe Skin Project: Evaluation of a community program to promote sun protection in youth";"Health Education & Behavior";"US";"Act";"YT"
3179;"In eating disorders as in other psychopathologies, the twofold purpose of supervision is to provide learning for the supervisee and to optimize the service for the patient. This chapter addresses supervision in the treatment of eating disorders from two vantage points: case management and psychotherapy proper. With regard to case management, issues of hierarchy and leadership may influence the cohesiveness of the team and its therapeutic effectiveness and in this respect a structured eating disorders program has an advantage over an ad-hoc operation of private caregivers. With regard to psychotherapy, although cognizant and respectful of alternative and even more ubiquitous models of psychotherapy, the author has chosen to address the supervision of psychodynamic psychotherapy, congruent with her own orientation. The contemporary supervisory stance has parted from the previous purely didactic approach and recognizes the centrality of counter-transference. Unmotivated for change and difficult to treat, patients with eating disorders arouse in the therapist strong countertransference reactions which reverberate in supervision: both therapists and supervisors are prone to experiencing frustration, anger, loss of value and confidence in their professional effectiveness. Traditional psychoanalytic devotion to the process, while delegating secondary attention to the symptoms is not realistic in eating disorders, notorious for their mortality risk. Artful navigation between activism and neutrality is one of the many challenges for both the therapist and the supervisor engaged in the endeavor.";"Book Section";2012;"E. Mitrany";"The art of supervision in the treatment of eating disorders";"Treatment and recovery of eating disorders.";"Israel";"Act";"YT"
3180;"Objective: This paper focuses on the use of participatory approaches to research and intervention and explores the uses of photo-voice as a methodology and a means of promoting childhood and youth activism in the context of HIV and AIDS. Method: Photo-voice, a visual participatory methodology, was used with 21 Grade 8 and 9 learners in one of three schools participating in a larger project, to identify, understand and interpret incidents related to stigma and discrimination against people living with and affected by HIV and AIDS, as well as the strategies proposed by the learners to possibly reduce stigma. Results: Three themes emerged: awareness of HIV and AIDS, awareness of HIV-related stigma and its impacts, and acceptance of personal agency and taking action. Conclusions: Understandings of and perceptions about HIV and AIDS are improving, yet significant pockets of ignorance about the dynamics of HIV infection still remain among the youth. Negative attitudes towards people infected with and affected by the virus remain, and stigmatisation continues. The use of photo-voice and other participatory methodologies offers alternative strategies for involving youth in their own knowledge production, as well as in the development of an individual sense of agency for taking action.";"Journal Article";2007;"R. Moletsane, N. de Lange, C. Mitchell, J. Stuart, T. Buthelezi and M. Taylor";"Photo-voice as a tool for analysis and activism in response to HIV and AIDS stigmatisation in a rural Kwazulu-Natal school";"Journal of Child and Adolescent Mental Health";"South Africa";"Act";"YT"
3181;"Using embodied sociology, literature on overweight/obesity/fatness and qualitative data generated during a study of masculinities and weight-related issues, this paper explores various accounts that help bridge the gap between slim ideals and bulky realities. As well as bringing together and categorizing weight-related accounts according to their status as justifications or excuses, two additional aligning actions are discussed: contrition and repudiation. These concepts are grounded, respectively, in a discussion of intentional weight loss and size activism. The value of re-reading classic social theory in a corporeal light is underscored and qualitative data on male embodiment are presented.";"Journal Article";2006;"L. F. Monaghan";"Weighty Words: Expanding and Embodying the Accounts Framework";"Social Theory & Health";"Ireland";"Act";"YT"
3182;"Objective: The current study examined the measurement equivalence on a measure of personal empowerment for Black and White consumers of mental health services. Method: Confirmatory factor analysis was used to assess measurement equivalence of the 28-item Empowerment Scale (Rogers, Chamberlin, Ellison, & Crean, 1997), using data from 1,035 White and 301 Black persons with severe mental illness. Results: Metric invariance of the Empowerment Scale was supported, in that the factor structure and loadings were equivalent across groups. Scalar invariance was violated on 3 items; however, the impact of these items on scale scores was quite small. Finally, subscales of empowerment tended to be more highly intercorrelated for Black than for White respondents. Conclusions and Implications for Practice: Results generally support the use of Empowerment Scale for ethnic group comparisons. However, subtle differences in the psychometric properties of this measure suggest that Black and White individuals may conceptualize the construct of empowerment in different ways. Specifically, Black respondents had a lower threshold for endorsing some items on the self-esteem and powerlessness dimensions. Further, White respondents viewed the 3 dimensions of empowerment (self-esteem, powerlessness, and activism) as more distinct, whereas these 3 traits were more strongly interrelated for Blacks.";"Journal Article";2014;"S. B. Morris, J. Huang, L. Zhao, J. D. Sergent and J. Neuhengen";"Measurement equivalence of the Empowerment Scale for White and Black persons with severe mental illness";"Psychiatric Rehabilitation Journal";"US";"Act";"YT"
3183;"For some time, social movement research and political science have studied protests and activists. However, little empirical research attempts to relate movements to the type of social change they endeavour to achieve. In this paper, we suggest that different psychosocial processes may distinguish between different types of movement and protest. In particular, we cross lines between classical social psychology studies on the individual–authority relationship and studies on protest and social movements. We focus attention on the psychological processes triggered in obedience/disobedience. Our results show that when disobedience is associated with attitudes of inclusiveness, it is also positively linked to prodemocratic individual attitudes and to the enhancement of democracy at institutional levels.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. Morselli and S. Passini";"Disobedience and support for democracy: Evidences from the World Values Survey";"The Social Science Journal";"Switzerland";"Act";"YT"
3185;"On December 10, 2014, the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded in Oslo, Norway, to Kailash Satyarthi and Malala Yousafzai 'for their struggle against the suppression of children and young people and for the right of all children to education' (Nobel Media AB, 2014). Satyarthi, who lives in New Delhi, India, has a long record as an international activist for the rights of children and youth. Yousafzai was already known to the world as Malala, the Pakistani girl who was shot in the head by the Taliban for her support of education for girls (Yousafzai, 2013). Then, life went on. Within a week the Pakistani Taliban attacked a school in Peshawar, Pakistan. They killed more than 140 individuals, including more than 130 schoolchildren. In a recent study, Elisabeth King (2014) analyzed education in Rwanda over the past century. Rwanda is of course quite different from Pakistan. But in Rwanda, as in Pakistan, India, and everywhere else, complex histories and identities figure prominently in education and violence (Moshman, 2004, 2009, 2011). In recognition of the 2014 Peace Prize focus on children, youth, and education, I provide here an overview of King’s illuminating book, which has implications far beyond Rwanda.";"Journal Article";2015;"D. Moshman";"Identity, history, and education in rwanda: Reflections on the 2014 nobel peace prize";"Child Abuse & Neglect";"US";"Act";"YT"
3186;"The aim of this research is to assess the intended level of religious and political activism and radicalism in a sample of Muslim and Christian youth living in a marginalised neighbourhood in a southern city in Spain. Interrelations between activism and radicalism and other psychosocial factors potentially contributing to religious and political mobilisation processes are analysed, such as group identification, self-esteem, violent disinhibition, religious extremism and perceived oppression. Important differences in religious and national identification were found. Muslims scored higher in a statistically significant way on various indicators of religious extremism. Both perceived oppression and shared ideology inside the endogroup seem to be contributing factors to having an intention of radicalism in the Muslim group where social identity anchored in religion prevails. These results point to the fact that there is a polarisation that can serve as the threshold of conflict and radical mobilisation in the critical context analysed. The results are discussed within the framework of previous research into psychology of radicalisation and terrorism.";"Journal Article";2014;"M. Moyano and H. M. Trujillo";"Intention of activism and radicalism among Muslim and Christian youth in a marginal neighbourhood in a Spanish city";"Revista de Psicología Social";"Spain";"Act";"YT"
3187;"In this study, the researcher explores the role of literacy—specifically writing in the lives of adolescent Muslim girls who used writing as a sociopolitical tool when participating in a literacy collaborative grounded in Islamic principles and writing for social change. Previously, researchers have largely focused on the literacies of immigrant adolescent Muslims, leaving African American girls out of scholarly conversations. Employing methods of intertextual analysis grounded within a qualitative study, the researcher examined two questions: (a) What social issues do African American Muslim girls choose to write within broadside poetry? (b) How do these self-selected social issues relate to their identities? Findings show girls most frequently wrote about issues related to (a) war and violence and (b) the abuse, violence, and mistreatment of women and girls. Writing was a means to make sense of and critically shape their multiple identities, including who they are as Muslims, their community, and ethnic and gendered identities.";"Journal Article";2015;"G. E. Muhammad";"Iqra: African American Muslim girls reading and writing for social change";"Written Communication";"US";"Act";"YT"
3188;"The current study explores community perspectives on alcohol abuse prevention strategies in rural Kenya. Data from focus group discussions with members of community organizations and in-depth interviews with a snowball sample of key informants revealed that rural communities view national alcohol abuse prevention interventions as ineffective and messages as unpersuasive in changing this high-risk behavior. The use of ethnic languages, stronger fear appeals, and visual aids were recommended for alcohol prevention messages aimed at communities with low literacy. Community members favored narratives and entertainment-education strategies, which are more engaging, and print media for their educational value. Health activism, although common, was viewed as less effective in motivating individuals to change drinking behavior but more effective in advocacy campaigns to pressure the government to enforce alcohol regulations. This study suggests further empirical research to inform evidence-based prevention campaigns and to understand how to communicate about alcohol-related health risks within communities that embrace alcohol consumption as a cultural norm.";"Journal Article";2016;"N. Muturi";"Community perspectives on communication strategies for alcohol abuse prevention in rural central Kenya";"Journal of Health Communication";"US";"Act";"YT"
3189;"In recent years, a vibrant political movement has emerged, led by a sector previously thought to be too vulnerable to engage in public protest-undocumented youth. This article explores the experiences of undocumented youth and their emergent activism. I posit that growing up within the context of dominant discourses regarding immigration in a moment marked by a re-entrenchment of borders and citizenship shapes not only the lived experiences, but also the political consciousness of many undocumented young people. Drawing on 18 months of ethnographic research with undocumented Latino youth activists in California, this article argues that oppositional consciousness is forged through the constant navigation of 'illegality'. I examine two sites upon which this navigation takes place—the negotiation of fear and shame and the navigation of the exclusion—and explore the way in which negotiation of 'illegality' in these sites of daily life contributes to the development of an oppositional consciousness.";"Journal Article";2013;"G. Negrón-Gonzales";"Navigating 'illegality': Undocumented youth & oppositional consciousness";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3190;"This chapter looks at contemporary masculinities in Indonesia, the fourth most-populated country in the world. Theoretically, this chapter makes use of the work of Honneth (1997) on recognition and Horrocks (1995) on the formation of masculinities. Horrocks proposes that dominant ideas about ideal masculinity are influential in the shaping of male subjectivity and are communicated through myths, heroic narratives, and legends. These abound in the traditions of the Indonesian archipelago, along with a range of beliefs and superstitions about the gendered body and warrior invulnerability. At the same time, global discourses of gender equity, gay rights, hyper masculinity, and Islamist activism are also influential, although we do not discuss them here. Nor is there any claim that the masculinities described below are in any way normative for Indonesia. We use accounts taken from our ethnographic research and some relevant studies to look specifically at how warrior mythology and concepts of the male body inform some current constrictions of youthful masculinity.";"Book Section";2014;"P. Nilan, A. Demartoto and A. Wibowo";"Youthful warrior masculinities in Indonesia";"Masculinities in a global era.";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3192;"Community-based youth organizations represent potentially powerful settings for activism among marginalized urban youth. This article uses quantitative and qualitative data collected in one such organization to examine the link between youth-adult relationships and youth activism. Survey data point to adults as contributing to youth's activist development and reveal pathways that lead to this outcome. Interview and observation data clarify youth's perceptions of adult support, highlight the complexity of building egalitarian relationships, and situate youth-adult interactions within broader public action. Analyses direct attention to transformations among youth and convey the challenges inherent in breaking out of conventional patterns of youth-adult interaction.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. L. O'Donoghue and K. R. Strobel";"Directivity and freedom: Adult support of activism among urban youth";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"YT"
3193;"Learning Power documents a radical approach to school reform that includes: grassroots public activism informed by social inquiry as the best way to realize Brown v. Board of Education's promise of 'education on equal terms'; activist young people, teachers, parents, and community organizations working to improve schools in our nation's poorest neighborhoods; the voices, images, and actions of people who are organizing to fight for better schools; and a comprehensive critique of the prevailing logic of American schooling and an alternative logic based on justice and participatory democracy. Here are arguments against those who want to give up on public schools in America. Read Learning Power for clear examples of how ordinary people can influence schooling through their organizing and social critique.";"Book";2006;"J. Oakes, J. Rogers and M. Lipton";"Learning power: Organizing for education and justice";"The John Dewey lecture";"US";"Act";"YT"
3194;"At 5, Susie Orbach would answer the door and ask: 'Are you a socialist? Are you a Jew?' These two characteristics, she tells us in Chapter 2, marked the identity of a child growing up in an emotionally volatile political household in post-war England. Politics were either whispered or screamed, but in every case, were always imbued with secrecy. As a child, she wondered about what the other secrets might be. It took an adolescence and young adulthood to figure out the paradox of a seemingly verbal, communicative family where intimate communications were out of reach. From these beginnings, Orbach traces a lifelong interest in politics, activism, women's issues—especially around body image—and psychoanalysis.";"Book Section";2014;"S. Orbach";"I wanted the stuff of secrets to be in the light";"Clinical implications of the psychoanalyst's life experience: When the personal becomes professional.";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3196;"The first generation of 'Digital Natives'—children who were born into and raised in the digital world—is coming of age, and soon our world will be reshaped in their image. Our economy, our politics, our culture and even the shape of our family life will be forever transformed. But who are these Digital Natives? In Born Digital, leading Internet and technology experts John Palfrey and Urs Gasser offer a nuanced portrait of these young people who can seem, even to those merely a generation older, both extraordinarily sophisticated and strangely narrow. Exploring a broad range of issues—from privacy to creativity, cyber-bullying to online political activism—Born Digital will be essential reading for parents, teachers, and the myriad of confused adults who want to understand the digital present—and shape the digital future.";"Book";2008;"J. Palfrey and U. Gasser";"Born digital: Understanding the first generation of digital natives";;"US";"Act";"YT"
3197;"The question of how youth become engaged or motivated is vital to youth development programs, because engagement influences not only program retention but the likelihood of youth gaining the benefits that programs offer. This article reports on an in-depth study aimed at generating grounded theory about the change process through which youth who are initially disengaged become motivated by program activities. Youth in a civic activism program were interviewed over a 4-month period and qualitative analyses were used to derive a model of this change process. This process was found to proceed from the youth forming a personal connection to the program 's mission to becoming intrinsically motivated by work on program activities. The analyses suggested that peers and the adult leader played important roles in supporting motivational change at each stage. The model developed from the investigation draws on existing theories of motivation.";"Journal Article";2006;"N. J. Pearce and R. W. Larson";"How Teens Become Engaged in Youth Development Programs: The Process of Motivational Change in a Civic Activism Organization";"Applied Developmental Science";"US";"Act";"YT"
3198;"In this text I explore youth’s discourse during the protests and riots that took place in Greece in December 2008. These riots occurred after the assassination of a 15-year-old student by a police officer in the centre of Athens. The uproar caused by the event had a major impact not only everywhere in Greece but also all over the world. Young students played a leading and central role in the protests so that the majority of journalists as well as many politicians and theorists claimed that it was a ‘revolution of the youth’, the ‘democracy of children’ and so forth. In this framework, a new discourse cropped up. Young people claimed the democratisation of the state and society; they demanded it happened ‘here and now’ instead of being a future utopia. Young people engaged dynamically in the conflict, and they did so on their own terms, stemming from their unique social experience as children, as students and as young people. Drawing from discourse theory, sociology of childhood and youth, I intend to examine how their own experience has affected and reconceptualised universals such as ‘democracy’, ‘citizenship’, ‘youth’, ‘childhood’ and so on.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Pechtelidis";"December uprising 2008: Universality and particularity in young people's discourse";"Journal of Youth Studies";"Greece";"Act";"YT"
3199;"This article summarizes data from a qualitative study investigating the ways in which female youth perceive and respond to challenges related to the interplay of late adolescence and a minority sexual orientation. Fifteen sexual minority females in late adolescence were interviewed individually and in focus groups. The interviews focused on participants’ perceptions of challenges, the impact those stressors have in their lives, and methods they utilize to cope with them. The most common negative experiences reported were isolation, lack of acceptance, harassment, and violence. Sub-themes include: hearing negative messages about gender and sexual orientation, pressures to conform to a variety of cultural norms including gender norms, fears of future violence, and pressure to identify sexual orientation. Collectively, the participants described these negative consequences of experiences of heterosexism, sexism, and racism as their most difficult experiences. The most common responses to these stressors reported by participants were finding support in relationships, engaging in coping responses, pursuing education and activism, rebellion and resistance, and avoidance and deferment.";"Journal Article";2010;"D. K. Pendragon";"Coping behaviors among sexual minority female youth";"Journal of Lesbian Studies";"US";"Act";"YT"
3200;"Objectives: We assessed the effectiveness of a 2-year multicomponent, school-based intervention designed to reduce tobacco use rates among adolescents in an urban area of India. Methods: Students from 32 schools in Delhi and Chennai, India, were recruited and randomly assigned to an intervention or control group. Baseline, intermediate, and outcome data were collected from 2 cohorts of 6th- and 8th-grade students in 2004; 14063 students took part in the study and completed a survey in 2004, 2005, or 2006. The intervention consisted of behavioral classroom curricula, school posters, a parental involvement component, and peer-led activism. The main outcome measures were self-reported use of cigarettes, bidis (small hand-rolled, often flavored, cigarettes), and chewing tobacco and future intentions to smoke or use chewing tobacco. Results: Findings showed that students in the intervention group were significantly less likely than were students in the control group to exhibit increases in cigarette smoking or bidi smoking over the 2-year study period. They were also less likely to intend to smoke or chew tobacco in the future. Conclusions: School-based programs similar to the intervention examined here should be considered as part of a multistrategy approach to reducing tobacco use among young people in India.";"Journal Article";2009;"C. L. Perry, M. H. Stigler, M. Arora and K. S. Reddy";"Preventing tobacco use among young people in India: Project MYTRI";"American Journal of Public Health";"US";"Act";"YT"
3201;"This article considers young people's socialization into mnemonic communities in 14 European countries. It argues that such socialization is an intersubjective and selective process that, to a great degree, depends on the particular social environment that conditions the discourses on pasts available to young people. Drawing on memory studies, it recognizes memory as a valid alternative to the institutionalized past (history) but envisages the two as inextricably connected. Given this, it identifies several strategies adopted by young people in order to socialize understandings of the past. While these strategies vary, some reveal receptivity to populist and far right ideologies. Our study demonstrates how internalization of political heritage via mnemonic socialization within families is conditioned by both the national political agenda and socio‐economic situation experienced across Europe.";"Journal Article";2015;"A. Popov and D. Deák";"Making sense of the ‘difficult’ past: Transmission of political heritage and memory‐work among young people across Europe";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3202;"This article examines a grassroots movement for public education that has recently emerged to challenge corporate-style education reformers. These reformers became well-established in the early 21st century promoting the business strategies of capitalism such as school choice, competition, privatization, and closure. To understand how and why local communities are fighting for public education while embracing a much older, traditional notion of the common good, this article takes Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania as a case study, situating the struggle for public education in historical and political contexts. It also places the corporate-reform and grassroots movements in a social and economic framework, and it pays special attention to the urban youth who stand at the center of much of the policy debate on public education, considering the ways in which young people themselves express political agency through activism.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. B. Ramey";"For the public good: Urban youth advocacy and the fight for public education";"Children and Youth Services Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3203;"This reprinted chapter originally appeared in the Harvard Educational Review, 1998(Sum), 68(2). In this article, I focus on the role of grassroots, pro-Puerto Rican independence activists in community-based educational projects in Chicago. Through this focus, I attempt to understand Puerto Rican education at the intersections of conflictive political narrative, notions of 'community building,' and nationalist identities, as I believe that schooling cannot be divorced from the political and socioeconomic forces governing neighborhood development. In the case of Chicago's Puerto Rican barrio, there is a powerful irony in the fact that a pro-independence ideology, which encourages critical appraisal of U.S. policies toward Puerto Rico and of the myth of the 'American Dream,' actually encourages high school students to pursue mainstream mobility routes, such as abandoning gangs, finishing high school, and enrolling in college. One would think that such nationalist ideologies and identity politics would instead create resentment and anger, and encourage program participants to reject mainstream U.S. institutions. However, the opposite seems to be the case: high-risk Puerto Rican youths — including gang members and teenage mothers — are being drawn into the alternative high school, peer counseling initiatives, and the community-building process sponsored by the pro-independence activists. I argue that it is precisely the identity politics behind the oppositional education programs that explains why these students defy the odds and remain interested in schooling.";"Book Section";2010;"A. Y. Ramos-Zayas";"Nationalist ideologies, neighborhood-based activism, and educational spaces in Puerto Rican Chicago";"Humanizing education: Critical alternatives to reform.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3204;"Knowledge, attitudes, and behavior regarding the morality of tobacco use of 355 mostly African-American youth in Mississippi, were measured before and after tobacco prevention lessons in summer vacation Bible school. Knowledge and behavioral intentions were strong initially and did not change. Two attitudes improved: youth favored anti-tobacco policy and activism even more after the lessons compared to before. One attitude deteriorated: youth favored banning young people from tobacco less strongly after the lessons compared to before. Educational implications for introducing tobacco prevention, which may seem to be a secular topic, into a religious setting such as summertime Bible school, include covering important topics such as the perniciousness of tobacco companies, the negative influence of tobacco advertisements, the benefits of anti-tobacco policies, and ways to increase young people's personal comfort with anti-tobacco activism.";"Journal Article";2002;"B. Reinert, V. Carver and L. M. Range";"Anti-tobacco education in vacation bible school in Mississippi: The morality of tobacco prevention";"International Quarterly of Community Health Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3205;"To further understand school nurses' tobacco policy beliefs and attitudes toward tobacco companies, a convenience sample of 53 school nurses completed questionnaires about antitobacco policies and attitudes toward tobacco companies. Overall, these nurses strongly agreed with tobacco policies such as banning youths from wearing clothing with a tobacco logo to school and fining restaurant owners who permit smoking. In addition, these nurses on average were negative toward tobacco companies. For example, they thought that tobacco companies and advertising leads to youth tobacco use. However, this group of school nurses thought that youths were basically neutral toward tobacco companies. Considering their professional experience with tobacco prevention at school, school nurses would be logical designers of tobacco prevention school interventions. An implication of these results is that school nurse education should include policy and activism components.";"Journal Article";2005;"B. Reinert, V. Carver and L. M. Range";"School nurses' opinions about the prevention of tobacco use";"Journal of Community Health Nursing";"US";"Act";"YT"
3206;"Filipino American ethnic identity is assumed to be the product of our historical and cultural backgrounds and the process of negotiating and constructing a life in the US. Ethnic identity is important because it affects the maintenance and expression of traditional culture, helps individuals enhance their self-concept and self-esteem, and enables individuals to have a sense of belonging to an ethnic group. In addition, it is a necessary ingredient for ethnic consciousness and activism. I argue that part of the 'identity crisis' of youth in the Filipino American community (and here I mean 'community' in the broadest sense) is reconciling issues of self-love and self-respect as Filipinos. The other major category of issues concerns being accepted and included as Filipinos by the larger Filipino American community. Concurrent with issues of empowerment concerning politics and economics, Filipino Americans must grapple with these issues of self-definition and inclusion to define our community, outline our concerns, and determine our path for the 21st century.";"Book Section";1997;"L. A. Revilla";"Filipino American identity: Transcending the crisis";"Filipino Americans: Transformation and identity.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3207;"Utilizing an in-depth case study of a student occupation at Newcastle University as its focus, this article makes a critical appraisal of Beck, Giddens and Inglehart’s ideas about youth and political agency in late modernity. In short, we argue that when considering the case of the 2010 UK student occupation movement, dominant theoretical thinking about young peoples’ politics overemphasizes the importance of individualism and ‘lifestyle politics’ and is premised on a somewhat uncritical philosophical approach towards youth’s collective ability to self-organize for social change in the modern world. Interview data from our case study highlight the importance of collective reflexivity in the student movement, the merging of so called ‘materialist’ and ‘post-materialist’ political values and the importance of both physical and virtual spaces for youth activism.";"Journal Article";2013;"R. Rheingans and R. Hollands";"‘There is no alternative?’: Challenging dominant understandings of youth politics in late modernity through a case study of the 2010 UK student occupation movement";"Journal of Youth Studies";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3208;"[Correction Notice: An Erratum for this article was reported in Vol 80(4) of Journal of Personality (see record [rid]2012-18433-013[/rid]). In the original article, the last sentence of the paragraph below Figure 1 on Page 586 is a duplicate and has been deleted. The correct paragraph is present in the erratum.] Passion energizes and directs both peaceful and violent ideologically inspired movements. The type of ideological passion that underlies people’s political or religious commitment was proposed to moderate the effect of social identity–threatening circumstances on their choice of activist tactics. Ideological passion was defined as a strong inclination toward a loved, valued, and self-defining cause, ideology, or group in which people invest considerable time and energy. Harmonious ideological passion was expected to promote peaceful activism and nonviolence partly because it is anchored in a strong and secure sense of identity—one that facilitates nondefensiveness in identity-threatening circumstances. Obsessive ideological passion, in contrast, was expected to engender hatred and aggressive extremism in identity-threatening circumstances partly because it is anchored in a strong, but insecure, sense of identity. Results from 2 studies, conducted with nationalist activists (N = 114) and devout Muslims (N = 111), supported these hypotheses. Implications for the motivation/passion and intergroup literatures are discussed.";"Journal Article";2012;"B. Rip, R. J. Vallerand and M. A. K. Lafrenière";"Passion for a cause, passion for a creed: On ideological passion, identity threat, and extremism";"Journal of Personality";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3209;"Activism and organizing can be a fertile subject matter for young people to study. This article presents a case study of a summer seminar in which urban high school students examined the historical struggle for educational justice in their communities. Adopting a 'communities of practice' approach to learning, the article documents the changing participation of seminar participants and the changing identities and skills that this entailed. During the seminar, students took on identities as 'critical researchers'--skilled investigators who produce and share knowledge relevant to social change. In the process, seminar participants developed and deployed high-level academic skills in language arts, social studies, and mathematics.";"Journal Article";2007;"J. Rogers, E. Morrell and N. Enyedy";"Studying the struggle: Contexts for learning and identity development for urban youth";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"YT"
3210;"Much of the debate concerning British young people today involves issues such as participation, morals, community activities, citizenship, caring, politics, and values. This chapter aims to explore some of these issues further, focusing on British young people's altruism, as operationalized by involvement in voluntary and campaigning activities. This chapter is structured as follows: First, a brief account of the historical and cultural context of young people's community involvement in the UK is given. Second, research that looks at the involvement of 1,165 14–16 yr olds in voluntary activities and campaigning is described. Third, some general comments are made about the political, policy, and social implications of youth engagement and participation.";"Book Section";1999;"D. Roker, K. Player and J. Coleman";"Exploring adolescent altruism: British young people's involvement in voluntary work and campaigning";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth.";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3211;"Background: Youth engagement is an important component of comprehensive tobacco control programs. Oklahoma has dozens of Students Working Against Tobacco (SWAT) teams throughout the state. Traditionally, SWAT has focused more on community and peer education than policy initiatives. To systematically engage SWAT members in high-impact policy work, Oklahoma launched new training materials and policy-focused campaigns in October 2011. Purpose: To examine initial campaign implementation and impact, including outcomes and lessons learned. Methods: Youth baseline and post-campaign survey data and program coordinator post-campaign survey data were collected in 2011–2012 and analyzed in 2013. Chi-square analyses and t tests were used to identify differences in youths’ attitudes, self-efficacy, and activism behavior. Descriptive statistics and thematic analysis of coordinator survey data were used to identify barriers to campaign implementation. Copies of passed policies were collected. Results: Youths’ tobacco-related attitudes (p < 0.001) and confidence to implement local policy campaigns (p = 0.011) and discuss Big Tobacco’s lies (p = 0.048) were higher at follow-up. Excepting survey collection (p = 0.019), youth did not engage in new advocacy behaviors during the study period. Seven policies were partly attributed to the campaigns. Timing, lack of training, and material format were identified as barriers to implementation. Conclusions: When implementing similar programs, significant planning must go into the timing of the launch. Instruction must be provided to local staff before materials are disseminated. Developed materials must account for short meetings and limited access to technology. With some adjustments, campaigns like these could prove valuable tools for engaging youth in high-impact local tobacco control efforts.";"Journal Article";2015;"H. M. Ross, J. A. Dearing and A. L. Rollins";"Oklahoma’s youth-driven tobacco policy campaigns: Assessment of impacts and lessons learned";"American Journal of Preventive Medicine";"US";"Act";"YT"
3212;"Research on heterosexual allies has focused on heterosexual identity development models and pathways to ally activism. The positive aspects or positive experiences of identifying as an ally to lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) identified individuals and communities have received little attention. Using an online survey of participants recruited from LGBT ally related social media, we collected open-ended responses to a question about the positive aspects of self-identifying as a heterosexual ally. A final analytic sample of 292 self-identified male and female heterosexual adults (age 18–71, M = 33.47, SD = 13.32) provided responses that generated 8 themes. Positive aspects of being a heterosexual ally were: (a) increased knowledge and awareness, (b) upholding values of justice, (c) beneficial individual relationships, (d) community belonging, (e) educating others, (f) being a role model, (g) using social privilege, and (h) speaking out and taking a stand. The findings suggest that being a heterosexual ally is rewarding and may enhance individual well-being. These findings provide information that may contribute to effective ally development efforts.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. S. Rostosky, W. W. Black, E. D. B. Riggle and D. Rosenkrantz";"Positive aspects of being a heterosexual ally to lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) people";"American Journal of Orthopsychiatry";"US";"Act";"YT"
3214;"There is instability in the developmental course of problem gambling [PG] over time; however, studies that examine PG at an aggregate level obscure these variations. The current study employed data from a longitudinal study of Australian young adults to investigate: 1) PG patterns (i.e., resistance, persistence, desistence, and new incidence); 2) prospective risk and protective factors for these patterns; and 3) behavioural outcomes associated with these patterns. A sample of 2261 young adults (55.73% female) from Victoria, Australia, who were part of the International Youth Development Study completed a survey in 2010 (T1, age 21) and 2012 (T2, age 23) measuring PG (two items based on established measures), risk and protective factors, and behavioural outcomes. The majority of the sample (91.69%) were resistors (no PG at T1 and T2), 3.62% were new incidence PG cases, 2.63% were desistors (PG at T1 but not T2), and 2.07% reported persistent PG at T1 and T2. Individual civic activism was protective of new incidence PG, while affiliation with antisocial peers and frequent alcohol use increased the risk of persistence. Persistent problem gamblers also experienced the greatest number of poor behavioural outcomes at T2. New incidence was associated with internalising symptoms at T2, while desistance was not associated with any behavioural outcomes. In conclusion, each PG pattern was associated with different predictors and outcomes, highlighting the need to consider variation in the course of young adult PG in order to provide efficacious prevention and intervention approaches, and to protect against relapse.";"Journal Article";2016;"K. E. Scholes-Balog, S. A. Hemphill, J. W. Toumbourou and N. A. Dowling";"Problem gambling patterns among Australian young adults: Associations with prospective risk and protective factors and adult adjustment outcomes";"Addictive Behaviors";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3216;"The rise of post industrial urban centers and global communication technologies has created a distinctive Urban Youth Culture (UYC) with roots in Black history and social activism. In the discourse on education and Black youth, UYC is rarely seen as a positive force promoting academic achievement and self esteem. Drawing on the voices of Black urban youth in an all-male high school mentoring program, this article offers an affirming view on the significance and pragmatism of UYC to a group of young men at an East Coast high school. Findings reveal that the young men related to and relied on UYC to help them negotiate school and establish positive academic and social identities for themselves.";"Journal Article";2011;"Y. Sealey-Ruiz and P. Greene";"Embracing urban youth culture in the context of education";"The Urban Review";"US";"Act";"YT"
3218;"Compared 181 high school students who participated in the antiwar, student, and civil rights protests of the 1960s with 1,111 nonactivists, using data from the Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study. The authors explored how political and religious socialization, social psychological orientations, and class origins affected the Ss' involvement in the protests. Interrelationships between SES, gender, social psychological orientations, and political and religious socialization were examined. Data indicate that socialization processes and social psychological dispositions were strongly linked to protest participation and that social class spurred protest both directly and through its effects on these factors. Gender differences in social movement participation were largely a function of socialization, social psychological differences, and women's lower rates of college attendance.";"Journal Article";1994;"D. E. Sherkat and T. J. Blocker";"The political development of sixties' activists: Identifying the influence of class, gender, and socialization on protest participation";"Social Forces";"US";"Act";"YT"
3219;"Youth participatory evaluation is a relatively new field. Although young people have always been involved in community work, their entrance into more formal evaluation work has been seen only in the past two decades. As a new paradigm of youth activism and learning, youth participatory evaluation involves the combination of two fields: youth development and evaluation practice (London, 2002). In parallel to the fields of positive youth development, believing that young people can be contributors to society and can demonstrate and model responsible behavior—and combining this with more participatory evaluation practices, such as utilization-focused evaluation (Patton, 2008), empowerment evaluation (Fetterman, Kaftarian, & Wandersman, 1996), and participatory evaluation (Whitmore, 1998)—places young people in a position to actively engage in programs in schools, communities, and other areas where youth live and contribute to society. Although there is much being written about the theories and outcomes of youth-led evaluation, the more critical issues revolve around how it is implemented and what contexts and conditions allow it to develop and thrive. This chapter addresses that point: what examples of youth participatory and/or youth-led evaluation demonstrate its potential and its practice so that all can learn from the experiences of the early adopters and practitioners. A primary purpose of this chapter is to describe several youth-led evaluation projects and explain how those initiatives produced positive changes in youth and contributed important information to the evaluation process. Many of these outcomes relate to increased knowledge of critical-thinking skills and engaging reflective work. In many ways this is the essence of evaluation work: developing the capacity of young people to ask questions, organize information to answer those questions, and analyze and make sense of the information collected to use the process to change or improve a program and/or a community.";"Book Section";2013;"R. Shumer";"Engaging youth in the evaluation process";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3220;"This article uses extensive ethnographic data on the U.S. white power movement (WPM) to describe the interactional aspects of managing activist stigma in everyday settings. We describe their stigma management as a form of everyday resistance. In the face of strong cultural codes against extreme racism, they conceal their Aryan identity to avoid the constant ire, indignation, and conflict they face from others. But, concealing their activist identity creates dissonance, which they work out by exploiting opportunities to selectively disclose features of their racist self. Disclosing aspects of their Aryan self while covering the more extreme aspects creates some expressive balance, which activists experience as resistance to social constraints on identity and self-expression that they perceive. We explain variances in the degree to which WPM members conceal and disclose their identity by focusing on structural differences in the common, everyday settings of family, work, school, and other public contexts.";"Journal Article";2009;"P. Simi and R. Futrell";"Negotiating White power activist stigma";"Social Problems";"US";"Act";"YT"
3221;"This article addresses the relationship between identity and activism and discusses implications for social movement persistence. We explain how individuals negotiate opportunities as parents to align and extend an activist identity with a movement's collective expectations. Specifically, we focus on how participants in the U.S. white power movement use parenting as a key role to express commitment to the movement, develop correspondence among competing and potentially conflicting identities, and ultimately sustain their activism. We suggest that parenting may provide unique opportunities for activists in many movements to align personal, social, and collective movement identities and simultaneously affirm their identities as parents and persist as social movement activists.";"Journal Article";2016;"P. Simi, R. Futrell and B. F. Bubolz";"Parenting as activism: Identity alignment and activist persistence in the White Power Movement";"The Sociological Quarterly";"US";"Act";"YT"
3222;"The effect of eco-activism upon a person's well-being is explored in this article. First, the author considers the question of how eco-activism becomes a life goal for some individuals and focuses on interviews with five 'hyper-activists' (aged 17–70 yrs). Then definitions of mental health are addressed. Then three hypotheses are proposed: the flow thesis, the burnout thesis, and finally a synthesis. Data for this investigation is provided by a long-running national project titled Life under economic threat, particularly the Berlin Survey , which is both a quantitative and a qualitative study of mostly younger eco-activists. Supports is found for all three hypotheses. Eco-activism is associated with positive effects on an individual's well-being (as a source of flow), but also with negative effects (as a source of burnout). The conclusory section addresses the individual and societal conditions that may encourage people to adopt eco-activism as a life goal, and also addresses the question of how activists can maintain and maximize their mental health.";"Book Section";2001;"S. Sohr";"Eco-activism and well-being: Between flow and burnout";"Life goals and well-being: Towards a positive psychology of human striving.";;"Act";"YT"
3223;"Prior research shows that members of voluntary organizations are more likely to protest than nonmembers. But why, among members, do some protest while others do not? I explore whether organizational involvement—the extent in which members engage in the 'life' of their organizations—affects protest. I identify four dimensions of involvement—time and money contributions, participation in activities, psychological attachment, and embeddedness in interpersonal communication networks. Only the first dimension has robust effects on protest, and they are nonlinear: intermediate contributors have the highest protest rates. The three other dimensions substantially increase protest only under specific 'involvement profiles.'";"Journal Article";2010;"N. M. Somma";"How do voluntary organizations foster protest? The role of organizational involvement on individual protest participation";"The Sociological Quarterly";"Chile";"Act";"YT"
3224;"This book is about supporting young people who use self-harm as a way of coping with distress. It aims to move practice beyond fear and control and towards more empowering ways of working with young people. It demonstrates why we need to give up the desire to control young people and stop them self-harming, and why we need to start listening, supporting and empowering them to take control of their own lives. Beyond Fear and Control brings together practitioners, activists and service users from a wide range of service contexts who have developed new and innovative ways of effectively supporting young people who self-harm. These include informal support, self help, group work, work in prisons, counseling, therapy, housing support, legal rights, harm minimization, direct payments and activism. It covers underlying issues such as abuse, neglect, oppression, discrimination and trauma-based dissociation. Beyond Fear and Control is, therefore, written for anyone who works with people who self-harm, including those who work in health care, social services, youth and community services, therapeutic and legal settings. It is also intended for students and academics interested in this area. This book was commissioned by 42nd Street in order to demonstrate the benefits of working in a young person-centered way with young people who self-harm. 42nd Street is a community-based resource for young people under stress aged between 13-25 years. Although the contributors work in a range of different settings, they all share with 42nd Street an ethos of empowerment.";"Book";2007;"H. Spandler and S. Warner";"Beyond fear and control: Working with young people who self-harm";;"UK";"Act";"YT"
3225;"The growing literature on youth and political conflict has not included an adequate focus on youth activism. To address this deficit, this study used youth‐ and parent‐reported data (N = 6,718) from the 1994–1995 Palestinian Family Study to test an ecological model of family influence (parents' activism, expectations for their adolescents' activism, support, psychological control), youth characteristics (self‐evaluation), and elements of the broader social ecology (socioeconomic status, religiosity, and region of residence) predicting Palestinian 9th graders' political activism during the first intifada (1987–1993). Parental activism was the strongest predictor of youth activism, both directly and via parental expectations for activism. Classic parenting behaviors were not systematically useful in understanding activism; neither were socioeconomic status or religiosity. The model applied equally well for sons and daughters, with the exception that maternal activism contributed uniquely to daughters' activism beyond the significant effect of fathers' activism.";"Journal Article";2012;"C. R. Spellings, B. K. Barber and J. A. Olsen";"Political activism of Palestinian youth: Exploring individual, parental, and ecological factors";"Journal of Marriage and Family";"US";"Act";"YT"
3226;"Youth as a unique group is a 20th-century idea. The changes wrought worldwide by World War II propelled adolescence to a status and identity that coincided with unparalleled economic growth. While developmental psychologists refined their theories of normal growth and maturation, society and the media were at work constructing youth as consumers, thereby liberating them from traditional family controls. An increasingly smaller world impinges mightily on the culture of youth. An international and interdisciplinary roster of experts shed light on today's youth culture by exploring such topics as: Hip hop culture, Punk culture, Social justice movements, Video games, Political activism, Language and identity, Post-feminism, Television, Rites of passage, Heterosexuality and homosexuality, Race and ethnicity, Social class Poetry and literature, Visual art, Conceptions of beauty and body image, Academics, Sports, Drugs, Families, Refugee youth, The Internet, Youth journalism, Fashion, and Violence. In addition to excellent essays, users will find a timeline of contemporaneous international developments in youth culture. An introductory essay places youth in historical and contemporary contexts and underscores the notion that despite their power as consumers in a market-oriented world, youth are still seen, and see themselves, in contradictory ways. In total, this work brings new understanding to the complex and fluid phenomenon of youth culture now. Accessible and fascinating, adults and adolescents will find this an authoritative and reliable guide.";"Book";2006;"S. Steinberg, P. Parmar and B. Richard";"Contemporary youth culture: An international encyclopedia., Vol. 1";;;"Act";"YT"
3227;"Youth as a unique group is a 20th century idea. The changes wrought worldwide by WWII propelled adolescence to a status and identity that coincided with unparalleled economic growth. While developmental psychologists refined their theories of normal growth and maturation, society and the media were at work constructing youth as consumers, thereby liberating them from traditional family controls. An increasingly smaller world impinges mightily on the culture of youth. An international and inter-disciplinary roster of experts shed light by exploring such topics as hip hop culture; punk culture; social justice movements; video games; political activism; language and identity; post-feminism; television; rites of passage; heterosexuality and homosexuality; race and ethnicity; social class; poetry and literature; visual art; conceptions of beauty and body image; academics; sports; drugs; families; refugee youth; the Internet; youth journalism; fashion; and violence. Accessible and fascinating, adults and adolescents will find this an authoritative and reliable guide.";"Book";2006;"S. Steinberg, P. Parmar and B. Richard";"Contemporary youth culture: An international encyclopedia., Vol. 2";;"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3228;"This paper describes the process of adapting a well researched effective primary prevention program developed for public school girls (age 8-13 years) for a reform, conservative and modern orthodox Jewish population. 'Full of Ourselves (FOO), A Wellness Program To Advance Girl Power, Health and Leadership' is a new innovative primary prevention program that has been proven to boost girls, self-and body-esteem and decrease negative body talk and vulnerability to the development of eating disorders. This program reduces risk for disordered eating by teaching a range of coping strategies that help girls resist the dominant cultural emphasis on body preoccupation and size, changing knowledge about healthy eating, improving unhealthy eating-related behaviors, and strengthening relationship skills. In addition, it promotes body acceptance and provides leadership/mentoring and activism opportunities that bolster self and body esteem. 'Bishvili: For Me', The Jewish Guide to 'Full of Ourselves' has been developed for all Jewish Day Schools, as well as camps and Jewish Youth programs. 'Bishvili' draws on Jewish culture, values and rituals to strengthen Jewish girls’ resistance to dominant cultural values which are known to increase girl’s vulnerability to eating disorders. The guide includes empowering Jewish texts specifically chosen to address risk factors for eating disorders, particularly Jewish texts that reinforce prevention strategies aimed at nourishing and respecting one's body and soul, taking a stand for oneself and others, and assuming personal responsibility to make the world a better place.";"Journal Article";2008;"C. Steiner-Adair";"Cultural sensitivity and eating disorders primary prevention: The adaptation of an effective primary prevention program for Jewish girls";"International Journal of Child and Adolescent Health";"US";"Act";"YT"
3229;"This paper presents the results of a post hoc component analysis designed to tease apart the effects of different intervention strategies used in Project Northland, a group-randomized, community-wide, multi-level intervention trial originally conducted in the 1990's to prevent and reduce alcohol use among a cohort of mainly White students in rural Minnesota. This study focuses on Phase I, when students were in 6th-8th grade. The intervention during this phase included five components: classroom curricula, peer leadership, youth-driven/led extra-curricular activities, parent involvement programs, and community activism. Student exposure to/participation in these components was followed over time using reliable process measures. These measures were used as time-varying covariates in growth curve analyses to estimate the effects of the intervention components over time. Multi-item scales from annually-administered student surveys were used to measure relevant outcome variables, like alcohol use. The impact of the components appears to have been differential. The strongest effects were documented for the planners of extra-curricular activities and parent program components. The classroom curricula proved moderately effective, but no effects were associated with differential levels of community activism. The interactions tested here did not provide support for synergistic effects between selected intervention components. Care must be taken when selecting and combining intervention strategies meant to reduce adolescent alcohol use.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. H. Stigler, C. L. Perry, K. A. Komro, R. Cudeck and C. L. Williams";"Teasing Apart a Multiple Component Approach to Adolescent Alcohol Prevention: What Worked in Project Northland?";"Prevention Science";"US";"Act";"YT"
3230;"This chapter discusses the impact of media exposure on adolescents' health behavior. In an ever more complicated media world, we must continue to monitor the impact of media on our young patients. Decades ago, no one could have anticipated that there would be limitations on cigarette advertising, smoke-free restaurants and work places, a multibillion dollar settlement against Big Tobacco, or that public opinion would be solidly mobilized against the unhealthy practice of smoking. All these changes came about because of public health activism. Media, unlike tobacco, can be prosocial, educational, and entertaining. But media are also associated with serious, well-documented negative outcomes. Despite the power of multinational media conglomerates and the intransigence of the media industry, we can make a difference in the future.";"Book Section";2009;"V. C. Strasburger and M. J. Hogan";"Media exposure and adolescents' health behavior";"Adolescent health: Understanding and preventing risk behaviors.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3231;"The transformation of common language toward inclusion of all people is the mechanism by which many aim to alter attitudes and beliefs that stand in the way of more meaningful social change. The term for this motivated concern for language is 'political correctness' or 'PC.' The current project seeks to introduce a new tool for investigations into this phenomenon, the concern for political correctness (CPC) scale. CPC assesses individual differences in concern for politically correct speech. Exploratory and confirmatory structural equation modeling showed consistent factor structure of the two subscales; an emotion subscale measuring negative emotional response to hearing politically incorrect language, and an activism subscale measuring a willingness to correct others who use politically incorrect language. Correlational analyses suggested that concern for political correctness is associated with more liberal beliefs and ideologies and less right-wing authoritarianism. The emotion subscale was also found to be associated with lower emotional well-being and the activism subscale with more frequent arguments. Laboratory-based criterion validation studies indicated that the two subscales predicted negative reactions to politically incorrect humor.";"Journal Article";2015;"E. Strauts and H. Blanton";"That’s not funny: Instrument validation of the concern for political correctness scale";"Personality and Individual Differences";"US";"Act";"YT"
3232;"This qualitative study explores the effects of social justice–oriented youth programming on racial and ethnic identities and social justice action for Asian American youth. Study participants were 5 male and 3 female Asian American high school students, ages 15–17, whose ethnicities included Chinese, Vietnamese, and Chinese-Vietnamese. Data sources included multiple in-depth interviews with the 8 participants, both pre- and post-programming, as well as research observations of all programming. Analysis was based in a critical ideological constructivist philosophy utilizing a grounded theory approach. Constant comparative analysis began with open coding during the data collection process, which continued after all data were collected. Open coding was followed by axial and theoretical coding, which were audited by the research team. Results indicated that before program participation, participants generally had superficial understandings of race and ethnicity and little awareness of racism, as well as limited engagement in social justice action. After program participation, they reported more sophisticated understandings of race and ethnicity as well as development of their own racial and ethnic identities. They also reported an increased sense of empowerment and social justice responsibility and greater engagement in social justice action. Implications for research and practice are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. L. Suyemoto, S. C. Day and S. Schwartz";"Exploring effects of social justice youth programming on racial and ethnic identities and activism for Asian American youth";"Asian American Journal of Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3233;"Collective action will be effective in achieving broader social change goals to the extent that it influences public opinion yet the degree to which collective action 'works' in changing opinion is rarely studied. Experiment 1 (n = 158) showed that, consistent with a logic of strategic non-violence, non-violent collective action more effectively conveys a sense of the illegitimacy of the issue and the efficacy of the group, thereby promoting support for future non-violent actions. Experiment 2 (n = 139) explored the moderating role of allegations of corruption. A social context of corruption effectively undermined the efficacy and legitimacy of non-violent collective action, relative to support for violence, thereby promoting (indirectly) support for future extreme action. The implications of this research, for the logic of strategic non-violence and mobilizing supportive public opinion, are discussed.";"Journal Article";2014;"E. F. Thomas and W. R. Louis";"When will collective action be effective? Violent and non-violent protests differentially influence perceptions of legitimacy and efficacy among sympathizers";"Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin";"Australia";"Act";"YT"
3234;"The present study examines the effects of a culturally relevant school-based intervention in promoting cultural assets (i.e., ethnic identity, collectivist orientation, racism awareness, and libratory youth activism) among a group of African American adolescent girls. The overall goal of the intervention was to promote cultural factors that can protect African American youth from the adverse effects of racism. A total of 74 African American girls participated in the study, of whom 36 were in the intervention group and 38 in the control group. Pre- and posttests were administered to assess intervention effects. Overall findings reveal that the intervention had significant and positive effects on ethnic identity, racism awareness, collectivism, and liberatory youth activism. Implications for risk prevention and promotion of psychosocial functioning among African American youth are discussed.";"Journal Article";2008;"O. Thomas, W. Davidson and H. McAdoo";"An evaluation study of the Young Empowered Sisters (YES!) Program: Promoting cultural assets among African American adolescent girls through a culturally relevant school-based intervention";"Journal of Black Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3235;"This editorial discusses the response of psychiatric nurses to the global pandemic of sex trafficking. It is noted that human trafficking is the fastest growing crime across the globe, and the numbers are staggering: 27 million people annually and $32 billion in profits for the traffickers. Although all trafficking is abhorrent, a clinical guide for nurses explains that deserves our careful attention. To help victims, we must first identify them. The editor maintains that nurses in emergency departments and clinics should watch for 'red flags:' tattoos with men's names; fearful or highly anxious behavior; not in control of own documents, such as passports; old fractures and other signs of physical abuse; malnutrition; sexually transmitted diseases; and being accompanied by a person who dominates. It is very important to realize that trafficking victims may not trust health care personnel initially. All psychiatric nurses must become involved in developing treatment centers, educating the public about sex trafficking, and engaging in political activism on behalf of the victims.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. P. Thomas";"From the editor: How can psychiatric nurses respond to the global pandemic of sex trafficking?";"Issues in Mental Health Nursing";;"Act";"YT"
3236;"Diverse samples of adolescents (n=643; aged 15-18 yrs) and young adults (n=474; aged 19-28 yrs) reported on how often they observed exclusionary behavior, how much they disapproved of such behavior, whether exclusion influenced their social and academic adjustment, and their academic grades and college plans. Perceptions of exclusion in school ecologies were distinguished from attitudes about exclusion and age-related differences were apparent. Among adolescents, norms apparent in school ecologies reflected concern with safety, achievement, social activism, and elitism. Attitudes reflected concerns with censorship, ambition, and the preservation of group boundaries. Among young adults, there were no common perceptions of school ecologies or attitudes toward exclusion. These findings offer definition to young people's awareness of whether exclusion promotes harm and feelings of disengagement in educational settings.";"Journal Article";2002;"T. A. Thorkildsen, D. Reese and A. Corsino";"School ecologies and attitudes about exclusionary behavior among adolescents and young adults";"Merrill-Palmer Quarterly";"US";"Act";"YT"
3237;"In the social mobility literature, the position generator (PG) has been used to examine the relationship between the structural location of individuals, and outcomes such as obtaining a high status job. Diversity of occupational ties (as measured by the PG) is also a significant predictor of an individual's cultural capital. A great deal of work has also been done in the field of social movements examining the relationship between networks and mobilization. However, only limited attention has been given to the position generator in this literature. Also, while past research has demonstrated that prior network ties to activists is one of the most important predictors of current activism, relatively little research has been devoted to examining network structure as an outcome of activism. The present paper builds upon these insights by utilizing data collected with the position generator on a sample of environmental movement members, and examining the relationship between individual activism (as an independent variable) and diversity of occupational ties (as a dependent variable). The result of key theoretical significance is that those who are more active in the environmental movement develop a greater diversity of occupational ties to other environmentalists. Results suggest that this process occurs over time. These findings provide evidence that social capital (as indicated by network diversity) is one outcome of social movement mobilization.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. B. Tindall, J. Cormier and M. Diani";"Network social capital as an outcome of social movement mobilization: Using the position generator as an indicator of social network diversity";"Social Networks";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3238;"Young women are a global spectacle. Scholars, activists, policy makers, and feminists--those on the Left and those on the Right--pin our anxieties on their sexualities, our stereotypes on their souls, and our hopes on their futures (Cahill, 2004). With the broad sweep of global capital and militarized, racialized patriarchy, young women are being represented and simultaneously groomed as consumers, soldiers, HIV carriers, potential victims, virgins, whores, sweatshop workers, drug lord mules, sex workers, mothers, students--transmitting culture, capital, values, virtue, and disease. They are, allegedly, the reason the United States invaded Afghanistan, the shock of Abu-Ghraib, the ones who must bear their de-scarved heads in France, and those who must seek permission to get abortions. Feminist, queer, and critical race theorists have eloquently argued the ways in which young women's bodies and minds have come to represent a field of contested, global struggles (Carney, 2001; Harris, 2004; Lesko, 2001; Walkerdine, Lucey, & Melody, 2001). Rearticulated, at once, as victims and perpetrators, consumers and commodity, survivors and seductresses, they occupy a focal point for global gaze and surveillance. Concerned with the commodification/consumerization of young women, in this chapter we enter a space in which young women speak back to the surround sound of global injustice and begin to articulate their demands for justice. This chapter integrates fragments of spoken word pieces by young women crafted in a collective of young urban and suburban women, and some men, gathered by the Social Justice and the Arts Institute to pool their critical, situated knowledge about unjust distributions of resources, opportunities, and respect. Together, those in the institute created Echoes, a youth-based theater piece of research and resistance in which history, social inquiry, dance, and spoken word were performed by youth and elders for the anniversary of the Brown v. Board of Education decision. In a volume dedicated to the lives of urban girls, it is fair to ask how we understand young women's work when it is produced in a collective with young men. Our response is that this is precisely what we find interesting. The collective project of Echoes was organized around better understanding historic and present-day struggles for educational justice and civil rights. Through our research with, and as, the young women of Echoes, we have come to understand this work, expanding spaces for critical engagement, intellectual exploration, creativity, and wonder, to be essential in our current political moment, one where preparing for high-stakes tests precludes curiosity and wonder, where library searches have become evidence of suspicion, and where social critique has become treason. Critical participatory research, launched in schools, communities, or prisons, around kitchen tables or in Girl Scout troops, provides a vital way of maintaining and resuscitating democracy, sustaining feminist and antiracist hope and possibility across generations.";"Book Section";2007;"M. E. Torre, M. Fine, N. Alexander and E. Genao";"'Don't die with your work balled up in your fists': Contesting social injustice through participatory research";"Urban girls revisited: Building strengths.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3239;"Masculine honor is an important cultural code in the south of Italy. Italian criminal organizations (COs) manipulate and exploit this code to maintain legitimacy among local populations and exert social control in the territory where they operate. This research tested the hypothesis that different levels of identification—the region and the nation—would have opposite associations with male honor‐related values and, indirectly, with intentions to oppose COs collectively. Results from a sample of young southern Italians (N = 170) showed that regional identification positively predicted endorsement of male honor‐related values, which in turn were associated with lowered intentions to oppose COs. In contrast, national identification negatively predicted male honor‐related values, associated in turn with stronger intentions to oppose COs. These results also held when perceived risk and social dominance orientation were taken into account. Directions for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"G. A. Travaglino, D. Abrams, G. R. de Moura and G. Russo";"That is how we do it around here: Levels of identification, masculine honor, and social activism against organized crime in the south of Italy";"European Journal of Social Psychology";"UK";"Act";"YT"
3240;"Self-advocacy has always been a part of my life as long as I can remember. When I was too young to speak up for myself, I had two parents who would speak up for me. Their decision of raising me at home and their continued advocacy enabled me to live a full and rich life; a life that was denied to many others in similar circumstances. My first eight years of learning took place in a segregated classroom challenges. As you might imagine, even trying to learn the basic 3 R's proved difficult in that environment. Adding to those challenges, I was told when I reached my pre-teen years that I was then expected to help teach the younger students. This actually turned out to be a positive experience because it let me know that I could assist others with disabilities. This foundation set the stage for a long and rewarding career which has included teaching, training, counseling and advocacy. My self-advocacy career began when I was a rising high school freshman. In a self-advocacy act during high school, my classmates and I worked with our parents and some of our former teachers, to resolve yet another issue. It involved getting a general diploma instead of a special education certificate. Unfortunately, the need to use my self-advocacy skills would not end with high school. So, as you can see, my self-advocacy journey continues. I have gained much along the way.";"Journal Article";2007;"E. Turner";"Using self-advocacy to meet life's challenges";"Journal of Vocational Rehabilitation";"US";"Act";"YT"
3241;"In this chapter we will outline a theory of the evolution of prejudice from everyday experiences, derived from our observations during field trials of psychodynamic interventions applying the concepts of mentalization and the understanding of power dynamics in complex social systems (Twemlow, Fonagy, and Sacco 2005a; 2005b). Although lip service is often paid acknowledging the omnipresence of everyday prejudices, our feeling is that attention to this natural crucible is often overlooked because everyday prejudices are not dramatic or grossly offensive. They generally involve preferences rather than prejudices such as for kinds of food, entertainment, and choice of vacation or other commonplace events. Certainly people joke that their partner might be prejudiced against certain places or foods, but it is not a serious, hateful judgment. Few are categorically hostile (Allport 1954), with mindless expressions of their culture, group, and individual identity, and instead most of us grow up reflecting and reacting against the generations that came before us. In previous work on terrorism (Twemlow and Sacco 2002), we suggested that terrorism (an ultimate form of prejudice) may be an outgrowth of social activism and other less-pathological forms of fanaticism. In the same fashion, malignant prejudices might be on a continuum with normal behaviors such as personal preferences and everyday prejudices. When prejudice is being considered, it may be easier to work with a continuum in mind rather than absolutes, cultural mandates, and rigid group rules. Reducing demonization of prejudice might help reduce overall prejudice by opening up more opportunities for dialogue about less-threatening, shared, everyday biases and prejudices, in contrast to sensitive issues such as race, politics, religion, sex, and economics. Prejudice functions as a power dynamic involving a coercive victimizing force and a stigmatized victim located within a social context of bystanders. The content of the prejudice may be difficult to contain, so that addressing the underlying power dynamic, we argue, gets closer to the source of longer-term social problems. Addressing the power dynamic can redirect energy away from content that is usually the sum total of a person's individual and cultural history (Volkan 1999a). Change might begin or might be possible when power is addressed and drained of needless coercion, and is focused on the cause (the threatening power dynamic), rather than a manifestation or result of the threat, for example, race. Thus, everyday, institutionalized prejudices coexist with their more malignant counterparts derived from racism, gender hostility, ethnic hatred, bullying, and political oppression. Our first example comes from the Peaceful Schools project (Fonagy et al. 2005; Twemlow, Fonagy, and Sacco 2005 a; 2005b), an intervention using psychodynamic principles in a controlled experiment with three elementary schools, and then a three-year, randomized, controlled trial in nine schools. The power dynamics of bully-victim-bystander were translated into an effective K-5 intervention. The second example describes a new approach using this model in the developing country of Jamaica, where a history of colonial enslavement has created extreme institutionalized prejudice and a culture of violence (Twemlow and Sacco 1996). The third is taken from a citywide intervention in an affluent, mainly white city, where a solution to the problem of maintaining a pure, affluent culture invited aggression in high-school students and a corresponding community fragmentation, with parents colluding--by their abdicating, bystander role and class struggles related to overvaluation of competition--with intoxicated students in hazing younger students. These students were propelled onto the national stage as a result of this drunken, hazing incident that embarrassed this otherwise 'ideal' suburban town";"Book Section";2007;"S. W. Twemlow and F. Sacco";"The prejudices of everyday life, with observations from field trials";"The future of prejudice: Psychoanalysis and the prevention of prejudice.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3243;"Using data from 28 countries in four continents, the present research addresses the question of how basic values may account for political activism. Study 1 (N = 35,116) analyses data from representative samples in 20 countries that responded to the 21‐item version of the Portrait Values Questionnaire (PVQ‐21) in the European Social Survey. Study 2 (N = 7,773) analyses data from adult samples in six of the same countries (Finland, Germany, Greece, Israel, Poland, and United Kingdom) and eight other countries (Australia, Brazil, Chile, Italy, Slovakia, Turkey, Ukraine, and United States) that completed the full 40‐item PVQ. Across both studies, political activism relates positively to self‐transcendence and openness to change values, especially to universalism and autonomy of thought, a subtype of self‐direction. Political activism relates negatively to conservation values, especially to conformity and personal security. National differences in the strength of the associations between individual values and political activism are linked to level of democratization.";"Journal Article";2015;"M. Vecchione, S. H. Schwartz, G. V. Caprara, H. Schoen, J. Cieciuch, J. Silvester, P. Bain, G. Bianchi, H. Kirmanoglu, C. Baslevent, C. Mamali, J. Manzi, V. Pavlopoulos, T. Posnova, C. Torres, M. Verkasalo, J. E. Lönnqvist, E. Vondráková, C. Welzel and G. Alessandri";"Personal values and political activism: A cross‐national study";"British Journal of Psychology";"Italy";"Act";"YT"
3246;"This article provides an intensive case study of a change process in which members of a youth program developed relationships with and altered attitudes and behavior toward diverse groups, including those defined by ethnicity, social class, religion, and sexual orientation. Latino and African American members of a community youth activism program were interviewed over a 4-month period, and supplementary data were obtained from participant observations and from interviews with the lead organizer. Qualitative analyses revealed a process in which youth were active agents of self-change. Their reports suggest three stages of change: developing relationships across groups, learning and discovery, and coming to act with awareness in relation to difference. The program facilitated this change not only by providing Allport's contact conditions and affording youth personalized experiences but also by providing them with critical understanding of the interpersonal and systemic processes that create marginalization and injustice.";"Journal Article";2007;"N. D. Watkins, R. W. Larson and P. J. Sullivan";"Bridging intergroup difference in a community youth program";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"YT"
3247;"This single case study of an outreach worker's service to a young, single, African-Canadian mother illustrates the paradoxes of help as both accommodation and resistance. Through a feminist, post-structural, qualitative analysis, the author explores issues of gender, race, and class to examine discourses and technologies utilized by the worker. Alternate perceptions of normalcy, nurturance as power, and activism through solidarity, as examples, were used by the worker to edge towards more liberatory practice, even while she accepted her positioning as judge of the client's mothering ability and of the allocation of resources. This article demonstrates that, even for workers committed to anti-oppressive practice, help is an unavoidable mix of disciplinary and emancipatory activities.";"Journal Article";2006;"M. Weinberg";"Pregnant With Possibility: The Paradoxes of 'Help' as Anti-Oppression and Discipline With a Young Single Mother";"Families in Society";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3248;"The tragedies of Columbine and September 11th led public schools to step up surveillance practices in urban schools—producing an environment with less freedom and more control. While students are aware of the seeming powerlessness they face at the hands of security guards and surveillance technologies, they are also engaged in developing new ways to cope with, negotiate, and respond to these practices and injustices. Everyday surveillance is matched by everyday resistance. Not passively succumbing to the programs of surveillance in their schools and communities, students are navigating and responding in surprising, sometimes radical, ways. In an era of punitive public policies and school reforms, when urban teenagers are already perceived as threatening and misbehaving and labeled as deviant and criminals, research in search of resistance needs to seek out hidden transcripts and public protest.";"Journal Article";2011;"J. Weiss";"Valuing youth resistance before and after public protest";"International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education";"US";"Act";"YT"
3249;"Unfortunately, school reform policies and research typifies Black and Latina/o youth as at-risk, a problem, and an overall burden on the education system (Ginwright & Cammarota, 2007; Irizarry, 2011; Valencia, 2010). Regrettably, there is limited 'nuanced understanding of how [Black and Latina/o youth as activists] respond, resist, and work to transform school and community' (Ginwright, 2007, p. 404). Women of color notably construct visible spaces where gendered racism (toward women and men) is contested (Collins, 2000; hooks, 1981; Oesterreich, 2007); and this community building should be legitimized as an educational asset or as critical social capital (Ginwright, 2007; also see Yosso, 2005). As such, we revisit our prior participation in V.O.I.C.E.S. (Verbally Outspoken Individuals Creating Empowering Sistahs), a leadership and empowerment program for high school women of color. Brooke and Mercedes, currently undergraduate students at four-year universities, were, at the time of their involvement with V.O.I.C.F.S., high school students and youth facilitators. Brooke was one of the founders of (he program. Anjalé, now a university professor in education, was formerly an adult facilitator for the program, project director for several related youth leadership programs, and a full-time graduate student. To prepare for this chapter as co-authors, we spent a course of three months corresponding via an online discussion hoard to reflect on how our prior role as visible young women activists in V.O.I.C.E.S. placed us in a formidable position to construct critical spaces for youth leadership in secondary schools (see Weis & Fine, 2001). We analyzed our discussion board text using principles of youth activism (Delagado & Staples, 2008; Noguera & Cammarota, 2006) as well as concepts from Black feminist thought and hip-hop feminism, theories that focus on young women of color (Brown, 2009; Hernández & Rehman, 2002; Oesterrich, 2007; Ward, 2001) in order to convey how, as young women activists, we constructed a 'space to survive and thrive in the complexities of institutional inequities' and transformed school policies and practices.";"Book Section";2014;"A. Welton, B. Brock and M. Perry";"Building a youth leadership fortress: High school women of color as visible activists";"Women interrupting, disrupting, and revolutionizing educational policy and practice.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3250;"The first part of the editorial discusses World AIDS Day and UNICEF's launch of the 'Unite for Children, Unite Against AIDS' campaign. The editors continue by discussing initiatives that have been released to target youth activism under the age of 25. Part two of the editorial discusses studies that are in the current issue. Most of the articles in this issue concern adolescents and young adults, and represent wide-ranging themes, yet the articles measure and explore psychosocial variables and the relationships among community-based, structural and psychosocial variables. They report on methodological developments in measuring partner sexual communication, barriers to HIV-testing, coping strategies for orphans, psychosocial needs in families with an HIV-positive parent, and variables associated with sexual risk behavior among incarcerated adolescents. The editors conclude by discussing a future special issue that will highlight youth experiences with HIV/AIDS.";"Journal Article";2007;"R. T. White and B. A. Dicks";"Introduction";"Journal of HIV/AIDS Prevention in Children & Youth";;"Act";"YT"
3251;"Armed conflict resulting in massive civilian casualties persists worldwide. A majority of those who survive are women and children, members of historically marginalized communities (United Nations, 2001). Local and international efforts to address the multiple effects of violence in post-war contexts is challenging and, all too frequently, unsuccessful (UNICEF, 2000). Seeking to accompany those directly affected by socio-political turmoil, many academically trained researchers working in these areas have embraced feminist principles that strive to facilitate processes of empowerment and social action that challenge traditional hierarchies of exclusion. One strategy to achieve these goals is participatory action research (PAR), wherein local community members become active agents in analyzing and redressing the effects of oppression and violence within the community (Park et al., 1993). While finding feminist principles and PAR methodologies theoretically sound, those of us who have struggled with implementing field research that engenders social justice and empowerment understand at first hand the numerous challenges attendant to these processes. As members, facilitators, and technical advisors of a PAR project called Photo Voice, Brinton and Joan joined 20 Mayan women who were living in the remote Guatemalan Highland town of Chajul. The project was conceived and carried out in the early years of transition from war to post-war. It sought both to document the horrors and effects of war, and to explore the women's responses to them in order to strengthen their individual and organizational capacities and resources (see Lykes et al., 1999 for details). The article looks at examples of 'crossing bridges' in the initial phases of Photo Voice and how two feminist researchers and academicians from the United States 'make meaning' of themselves and their collective efforts towards building a better future.";"Journal Article";2003;"J. Williams and M. B. Lykes";"Bridging Theory and Practice: Using Reflexive Cycles in Feminist Participatory Action Research";"Feminism & Psychology";"US";"Act";"YT"
3252;"This article reports findings from an interview-based study focused around the role of the Internet in the development and operations of four nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that use sport as part of their youth engagement efforts. Findings showed, on the one hand, how the emergence of certain NGOs would not have been possible if not for the Internet. On the other hand, it was clear that the Internet contributes to a form of 'ironic activism,' meaning that the practices that underlie certain forms of Internet-enabled NGO activity also reproduce neoliberal, market-driven approaches to dealing with social problems. The article includes discussion about ways in which the use of communication technologies by 'sport for development' NGOs is reflective of broader developments in and around the NGO community.";"Journal Article";2009;"B. Wilson and L. Hayhurst";"Digital activism: Neoliberalism, the Internet, and sport for youth development";"Sociology of Sport Journal";"Canada";"Act";"YT"
3254;"This book brings together an international collection of essays that describe the state of community participation among the world's youth. Authors from around the globe use fresh empirical data to present portraits of contemporary youth constructing their civic identities through such means as community service and political activism. The image of 'generation X' as socially disconnected and apathetic is contradicted by young people's efforts to comprehend the complexities of society and to work toward the realization of social–moral ideals. The findings contribute to a theory of political socialization that bases youth's understanding of political aspects of society and citizenship on participation in community and civic activities rather than on the intake of abstract pieces of formal information. To this end, youth seek to resolve ideological tensions, to overcome corrupting political practices, to deal with disillusionment, and to bridge barriers against youth's meaningful participation in the working of society. Special conditions offer insight into the process through which youth try to establish meaningful person–state relationship, both individually and collectively defined.";"Book";1999;"M. Yates and J. Youniss";"Roots of civic identity: International perspectives on community service and activism in youth";;"US";"Act";"YT"
3255;"This study tests the hypothesis that the social activism that some American Indian tribes engaged in during the 1960s to 1990s improved their average health, as measured by 1990 rates of mobility and work disability. The hypothesis is tested on a subuniverse of 59 reservation units using conventional regression techniques, including a factor analysis that generated three factors: Socioeconomic status (SES), Claims Against the Government, and Cultural Renewal. SES predicted lower rates of both types of disability across the sample. The activism predictions were supported mainly in the Southwest region where Claims and Renewal predicted lower levels of physical limitations. In the non-Southwest tribes, only Claims predicted (weakly) fewer claims for work disability. Alternative hypotheses are discussed.";"Journal Article";2005;"F. W. Young";"Social Activism and Disability Rates in American Indian Tribes";"Cross-Cultural Research: The Journal of Comparative Social Science";"US";"Act";"YT"
3256;"This chapter describes the history of the Mississippi Safe Schools Coalition (MSSC), a youth-led organization founded in 2008 by a group of queer youth activists. The MSSC works to create a safe learning environment for all students. The coalition has protected students' constitutional rights and has worked to address homophobia, transphobia, sexism, and all forms of discrimination. Using a dual strategy of public education and advocacy, MSSC aims to foster acceptance of students regardless of their actual or perceived sexual orientation or gender identity.";"Book Section";2013;"S. Young, K. Richards-Schuster, A. Davis and I. Pellegrine";"Creating spaces for the next generation of civil rights in Mississippi: Youth participation in the Mississippi Safe Schools Coalition";"Civic youth work: Cocreating democratic youth spaces.";"US";"Act";"YT"
3257;"Comments on an article by Reed Larson and David Hansen (see record [rid]2006-03293-001[/rid]), which discussed the development of strategic thinking in a youth activism program. The current author discusses several advantages and disadvantages to this type of approach. First, it is developmentally realistic. Substantive change in young people takes time if it is to include the integration of desired behavior into present cognitive structures. Second, the intervention-outcome approach more often than not fails to match the actual regimens of programs with proposed outcomes. This weakness is found in the literature on community service, which has had difficulty in demonstrating that service subsequently stimulates civic behavior. Thus they avoided the figment that perhaps after experiencing the Generation Y program, students might show improved academic performance or reduced risk taking. Third, by focusing on core processes, Larson and Hansen offer a useful perspective on the issue of generalization.";"Journal Article";2005;"J. Youniss";"Much to learn about new agents of political socialization";"Human Development";"US";"Act";"YT"
3258;"This study examined the contribution of the personal and social resources to community activists’ competence. The research population included 163 activists who engage in volunteer activity in traditional communities. The findings revealed that the activists’ gender, supervision by community-organizers, sense of mastery, sense of belonging to the community, citizen participation, representation, and perceptions of leadership all contributed significantly to the activists’ competence. A comprehensive analysis of the findings is presented, as well as practical recommendations for community organization. The recommendations highlight the importance of professional supervision for community activists, which aims to develop perceptions of community leadership, community belonging, citizen participation, and representation in order to enhance the success of community activity. Finally, the examination of personal and social resources that contribute to activists’ competence can facilitate identification of potential community activists, in addition to shedding light on the content that professional supervisors should incorporate in their work with activists.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Zanbar and H. Itzhaky";"Community activists’ competence: The contributing factors";"Journal of Community Psychology";"Israel";"Act";"YT"
3259;"The first investigation of the characteristics of Israeli ultra-Orthodox community activists, the study examines the contribution of personal and social resources to the effectiveness of community activity serving community development. The sample comprised 163 volunteers active in promoting citizens rights through democratic processes. The variables predicting effectiveness are presented, along with practical recommendations for macro-intervention social workers in the field.";"Journal Article";2013;"L. Zanbar and H. Itzhaky";"Effectiveness perception: Contributing resources among community activists in a traditional society";"Social Development Issues: Alternative Approaches to Global Human Needs";"Israel";"Act";"YT"
3262;"Comments on an article by R. Yuill and D. Durber (see record [rid]2008-16499-005[/rid]). Yuill and Durber, in their article discussing boys’ sexually expressed relationships with older males in this journal, begin with the common but mistaken assumption that the sometimes sexually expressed mutual attraction between peripubertal/early adolescent boys and older males is somehow related to 'gay, lesbian, bisexual, and ‘trans’ peoples' and has only recently been exorcised from 'contemporary gay organizations and cultures,…'. But so-called adult male 'homosexuality' and what has come to be known as 'boylove' constitute two different and only peripherally related worlds. Boy/older male relationships can be semantically construed as homosexuality, but in practice are viewed as a separate and different non-homosexual paradigm by the participants. Yuill and Durber errors are further compounded when they refer to boy/older male relationships as unidirectionally 'man-boy,' while the authors cited earlier in this paragraph have indicated that such relationships are almost always bidirectional.";"Journal Article";2009;"D. L. Riegel";"‘Querying’ the queering of science: Response to Yuill and Durber";"Sexuality & Culture: An Interdisciplinary Quarterly";;"Act";"Teens"
3263;"In the present study, 24 female high school sophomores participated in a peer-administered media literacy program and completed a posttest to assess critical thinking about the media and body satisfaction. Participants watched and discussed an excerpt from Jean Kilbourne's film 'Slim Hopes: Advertising and the Obsession with Thinness,' after which they were taught skills for challenging the media internally, by questioning derogatory self-thoughts in response to the media, and externally, by asking critical questions about the media and engaging in activism. Compared to 17 female high school sophomores who did not take part in the program, female students who participated in the media literacy program reported less internalization of the thin beauty standard and lower perceived realism of media images. Groups did not differ on measures of body satisfaction. Results suggest that adolescent females can be taught to think more critically about the media.";"Journal Article";1998;"L. M. Irving, J. DuPen and S. Berel";"A media literacy program for high school females";"Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment & Prevention";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3265;"Within the past decade, notable changes have taken place in the understanding of the prevention and treatment of eating disordered behaviors. The etiology of eating disordered behavior is now viewed as a pathogenic developmental trajectory influenced by individual, familial, and cultural variables that manifests as a restricted experience of the self, which is diminished to dissatisfaction with and control of the body (i.e., food restriction, binging and/or purging). The developmental model of eating disorder etiology guides strategic implementation of prevention efforts, in the elementary years, that address individual, familial, and cultural factors. Recognizing the ineffectiveness of didactic, psychoeducational prevention programs, prevention efforts have turned toward a more constructive learning model with program content that reflects positive psychology ideals. Prevention curricula include media literacy and activism, coping and self-regulating strategies, assertiveness and competence training, and the development of a positive physical self-concept. When a child or adolescent is clinically ill, school professionals provide support for all aspects of the treatment effort: health status and medication, nutritional rehabilitation and counseling, and psychosocial needs. Overall, by helping maintain a safe, positive, and healthy environment; by providing constructive prevention efforts that address areas known to promote resiliency; and by facilitating treatment and school transition efforts, school personnel can be a powerful component of efforts to prevent and heal eating disorders.";"Book Section";2006;"C. Cook-Cottone and L. Phelps";"Adolescent Eating Disorders";"Children's needs III: Development, prevention, and intervention.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3266;"analyze the scope and magnitude of adolescents' concerns during this era of AIDS / look at the ways in which those needs have been neglected / make suggestions for improvement within the health care system and educational, social service, and media sectors / discuss comprehensive services and technical assistance on the local, regional, and national levels, based on the New York City Adolescent AIDS Program Chancellor Joseph Fernandez and his staff's contribution to AIDS activism in the New York City school system is examined, along with the power waged by the formation of coalitions of educators, health care workers, parents, and students in the battle for control of this pandemic disease";"Book Section";1993;"K. K. Hein, J. F. Blair, S. C. Ratzan and D. E. Dyson";"Adolescents and HIV: Two decades of denial";"AIDS: Effective health communication for the 90s.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3268;"Introduction: Progress in dealing with the alcohol-impaired driving problem in the United States during the past 25 years is addressed. Methods: Trends in various measures of the problem were tracked and a thorough review of the relevant literature conducted. Results: In the 1980s and continuing into the early 1990s, major decreases occurred in alcohol-impaired driving and its consequences. The contribution of alcohol to fatal crashes dropped by 35-40% during this period. Two primary reasons for the decline appear to be the emergence of citizen activist groups that mobilized public support and attention to the problem, and the proliferation of effective laws. Since about 1995 the alcohol-impaired driving problem has stabilized at a reduced but still quite high level. Conclusions: Highway safety organizations and citizen activist groups have continued to highlight the problem, but its status as a social issue has diminished. We basically know what the primary target groups are, and we know measures that would work to reduce the problem if implemented more fully. We know that political leadership, state task forces, and media advocacy are important ingredients in addressing the problem. It is likely that a resurgence in citizen activism will be necessary to foster these elements and refocus the nation on the unfinished battle against alcohol-impaired driving. Impact on Industry: Alcohol-impaired driving is still a major problem that needs continuing attention.";"Journal Article";2006;"A. F. Williams";"Alcohol-impaired driving and its consequences in the United States: The past 25 years";"Journal of Safety Research";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3269;"This study investigated whether later-in-life high school peace activists remained a discrete body as they were in high school (i.e., still different from their age cohorts). The participants were 39 of approximately 150 former Israeli high school seniors who, as 2 separate groups, signed protest letters in 1970 and 1987, expressing dissatisfaction with their government's unwillingness to make further efforts for peace with the Arabs. The participants consider themselves to be as leftist now as they were when they signed the letters. Most of the petitioners of 1987 held and still hold pacifist views. The gap in attitudes between the petitioners and their peers from the same demographic background remains, although the petitioners are now less politically active than before. Academically, they majored in the social sciences, humanities, and arts. Professionally, most of them are now occupied in the arts, journalism, and the welfare services and education, and are underrepresented in technical–scientific–engineering occupations and in the business world. Comparison with veteran American anti-war student activists indicates similarities in their choice of studies and in their present occupations.";"Journal Article";1998;"A. Hetsroni";"All we were saying was give peace a chance: The future of Israeli high school peace activists";"Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology";"Israel";"Act";"Teens"
3271;"Examined social and personal factors that cause Whites to become neo-Nazi activists, methods for prevention, and the relation of militant White racism to ordinary White racism. Members of a neo-Nazi group in Detroit completed interviews during a 4-yr period. Results show that the militant White racist movement is a loose confederation of small groups made coherent by the organizing work of major leaders and united by common ideology. Two thoughts at the core of this movement are that race is real, and that those in the movement are God's elect. Leaders combine charisma, ideology, and organizational capacity to create White racist groups and the movement. Social factors intersect with personal and family psychodynamics to cause a person to become a neo-Nazi. Positive personal connections, community, schools, and an antiracist education all make White adolescents less vulnerable to the recruitment efforts of neo-Nazis and Ku Klux Klan organizers.";"Journal Article";2002;"R. S. Ezekiel";"An ethnographer looks at neo-Nazi and Klan groups: The racist mind revisited";"American Behavioral Scientist";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3272;"Presents an interview with Cheryl Chase, the founder and current Executive Director of the Intersex Society of North America (ISNA). She is an internationally recognized leader in intersex activism. She brings a passion to this work fueled by a painful intersex history. Chase had a tumultuous childhood and adolescence marked by tomboyism, social isolation, and unhappiness. She was kept in the dark about her early medical treatment. She underwent a mysterious abdominal surgery at age eight, followed by annual pediatric endocrinological check-ups until age twelve when she began menstruating. She was seen by a child psychiatrist between the ages of ten and eleven because of her disruptive behavior. At nineteen she began seeking information about her medical history only to be stonewalled by her parents and doctors. It was after much perseverance that she learned that she had been declared a boy at birth but this had later been reversed. Doctors then performed a clitoroplasty, which effectively removed her phallus. Histology of her gonads had ultimately shown that she had ovotestes, a condition still labeled with the misleading and archaic term 'true hermaphroditism.' This interview was conducted on November 17, 2003 after Chase had taken a year's break from the executive directorship of ISNA. She again became Director in January 2004.";"Journal Article";2006;"V. A. Rosario";"An Interview with Cheryl Chase";"Journal of Gay & Lesbian Psychotherapy";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3273;"Assessed the positions of various sectors of the academic community on the need for, and value of animal research in psychology and the respondents' consummatory habits. The Ss (295 males and 434 females) included high school and college students, professors and people not currently in college. Results indicate that the Ss were either semi- or fully non-vegetarian with no observed differences between groups in dietary practices. They used leather products, with a larger proportion of high school students using them. The latter were also more likely to value animal life as equal to or above human life, and considered themselves to be animal life activists. Ss were generally unaware of the role of animal research in addictions, depression, attention deficit disorder, psychoneuroimmunology, endocrinology, memory function and medicine. More information needs to be provided about the role of animal experimentation.";"Journal Article";1995;"D. M. Compton, K. L. Dietrich and J. S. Smith";"Animal rights activism and animal welfare concerns in the academic setting: Levels of activism and the perceived importance of research with animals";"Psychological Reports";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3274;"The authors of this volume are a force to be reckoned with. They constitute over fifty writers, researchers, and activists who are thoughtfully critiquing the status quo of fat-related practices. And they are just the tip of the iceberg. There are now over one hundred books written from a fat-affirmative perspective, including many autobiographical pieces and works of fiction for children, adolescents, and adults. They are stating that the so-called medical reality of weight is all smoke and mirrors. We can imagine a world in which body size is not particularly salient. It would not be one of the dividing lines used to define beauty/ugliness, winning/losing, health/disease. In that world, 'fat studies' might seem strange and irrelevant. But in our world, body size can determine one's quality of life. This is, in fact, the argument used by many of the people hawking weight loss: 'Use our product/service so you can escape from the stigmatized group!' So how can we organize as fat activists, and what are the barriers?";"Book Section";2009;"D. Burgard, E. Dykewomon, E. Rothblum and P. Thomas";"Are we ready to throw our weight around? Fat studies and political activism";"The fat studies reader.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3277;"Examined attitudes and demographic characteristics of animal rights activists attending the 1996 March for the Animals. Age and gender for 209 activists surveyed were similar to those of 1990 march demonstrators. Most goals of the animal rights movement were judged to be moderately to critically important, although beliefs about their chances of being realized varied considerably. Movement tactics judged to be least effective included the liberation of laboratory animals and the harassment of researchers. Education was seen as being a particularly important instrument of future social change. Demonstrators' scores on the Life Orientation Test, a measure of dispositional optimism, were significantly greater than scores of comparison groups. There was a significant positive relationship between levels of optimism and activists' perceptions of the achievement of movement objectives.";"Journal Article";1998;"S. L. Galvin and H. A. Herzog, Jr.";"Attitudes and dispositional optimism of animal rights demonstrators";"Society & Animals: Journal of Human-Animal Studies";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3279;"The role of a Gay-Straight Alliance as a force for social justice, as well as for support in a school community, is highlighted in one GSA's story. The GSA and an annual countywide conference, PrideWorks, have as their key goals education and advocacy. Their focus on making schools an inclusive and respectful place where all are welcome and valued carries a message for students, parents, and professionals. An underlying theme of bright, articulate teens as the leadership force emerges through the students' words and adults' reflections. The stories of the GSA and conference are told through interviews with key individuals, including teachers, current and former students, and other school personnel. Connections are made to the larger context of the 'new gay teenager.'";"Journal Article";2006;"R. Friedman-Nimz, J. Altman, S. Cain, S. Korn, M. J. Karger, M. J. Witsch, S. Muffly and M. Weiss";"Blending support and social action: The power of a Gay-Straight Alliance and PrideWorks Conference";"Journal of Secondary Gifted Education";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3280;"Low-income schools and communities are under tremendous pressure to meet state and federal mandates, in part because of the Bush administration's No Child Left Behind Act of 2001. This pressure has caused considerable distress for district- and school-level educators, particularly in historically low-performing areas by encouraging and, in many ways, forcing them to shape local polices and practices that revolve largely around raising standardized test scores. For instance, many chronically low-performing schools have reduced the entire school day to what I call a 'Test-Prep Pedagogy' in which the relationship between teaching and learning, teachers and students, and the overall intellectual experience is reduced to raising test scores. In schools that practice Test-Prep Pedagogy, teaching and learning is reduced to test review, such as repetitively reviewing test questions. In such schools, teachers and students are given very few, if any, opportunities to build community or establish respectful and personalized relationships, especially in light of research that shows such processes are critical to the success of low-income students of color in U.S. schools. Equally troubling, Test-Prep Pedagogy has in many ways stifled the creativity of teachers and students, both limiting the ways in which knowledge is produced and restricting any chances of realizing liberatory practice, particularly in urban schools that can serve as social spaces of activism and resistance. This chapter describes the outcome of a dialogue between pre-service teachers and urban high school students. First, I provide the theoretical perspectives and principles that drive the pedagogy used in this project, followed by the teacher and student context in which this work is conducted. Then, I discuss the various components of the program followed by an analysis of the impact that this initiative had on the dispositions of pre-service teachers.";"Book Section";2011;"L. F. Rodriguez";"Challenging test-prep pedagogy: Urban high school students educate pre-service teachers using liberatory pedagogy";"Listening to and learning from students: Possibilities for teaching, learning, and curriculum.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3282;"Examined the problem of point-of-purchase tobacco advertising through media advocacy and community mobilization. Precampaign assessment revealed a considerable amount of tobacco advertising and promotions in 103 stores sampled in San Jose, California. A community mobilization campaign was instigated to capitalize on an existing sign control ordinance that limits store window coverage and sidewalk signs. Through presentations and media advocacy efforts, community residents were mobilized to file complaints with the city's code enforcement office when neighborhood stores were noncompliant with ordinance provisions. Significant reductions in campaign-related tobacco advertising variables were seen in the San Jose stores after the sign law campaign. Differences were noted between stores close to and farther away from schools.";"Journal Article";1995;"T. Rogers, E. C. Feighery, E. M. Tencati, J. L. Butler and L. Weiner";"Community mobilization to reduce point-of-purchase advertising of tobacco products";"Health Education Quarterly";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3283;"Examined whether 1,960 college students' frequency of community service is associated with sociodemographic background; institutional type (public, private with church affiliation, and private with church affiliation and strong emphasis on religion); personal value patterns; and involvement in campus activities. Two personal variables showed significant relationships to community service in each of the institutional categories: Spiritual/religious values were positively associated with service, while an emphasis on professional success showed a negative relationship. Findings offer evidence of the importance of human values in the development of prosocial behavior.";"Journal Article";1990;"R. C. Serow and J. I. Dreyden";"Community service among college and university students: Individual and institutional relationships";"Adolescence";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3284;"This paper addresses the relationship between identity and learning and how their integration in adolescence is an important part of short- and long-term developmental dynamics. We discuss how social practice theories can be expanded from a position termed ‘transformative activist stance’ that puts emphasis on collaborative practice aimed at changing the world and enacted by individual activist contributions as the grounding for both identity and learning. We further focus on critical-theoretical knowledge as a tool for identity development and a catalyst for merging identity and learning. The developmental trajectory of an adolescent boy living in a group home and participating in a collaborative transformative project showcases a dramatic personal transformation from a victim of oppressive circumstances to an agent of social change with a meaningful life agenda resulting from a merger of his evolving commitment to contribute to transforming his present community practice and of his growing immersion in critical-theoretical learning.";"Journal Article";2011;"E. Vianna and A. Stetsenko";"Connecting learning and identity development through a transformative activist stance: Application in adolescent development in a child welfare program";"Human Development";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3285;"Life Goes On (1989–1993) was the first television series in U.S. history not only to introduce a recurring teenaged HIV-positive character but also to feature an actor with Down syndrome in a leading role. Drawing new connections among disability studies, queer theory, and bioethics, I argue that Life responded to American disability rights activism and the AIDS epidemic of the early 1990s by depicting sex education as disability activism. By portraying fulfilling sexual relationships for its disabled protagonists, Life challenged heteronormative and ableist underpinnings of marriage, sexuality, reproduction, and sex education and imagined transgressive queer/disabled alliances that often surpassed those of activists of its cultural moment. By representing homophobia, AIDS-phobia, and ableism as intertwined oppressions, the series conjured an expansive vision of sexual justice and pleasure, one that included and united teenagers, intellectually disabled people, and seropositive people—populations whose sexualities have generally been regarded as pathological or nonexistent.";"Journal Article";2012;"J. P. Elman";"Cripping safe sex: Life Goes On’s queer/disabled alliances";"Journal of Bioethical Inquiry";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3286;"The contributors in this volume will enrich the academic literature on critical service-learning in several important ways. First, several contributors will document the work of critical scholar-practitioners who have implemented critical service-learning projects in international contexts. Second, several contributors will highlight the transformative work implemented by schoolteachers in K-16. Third, the contributors will provide a critical analysis of how the larger power structures have generated specific social problems within the contexts of their given learning initiatives. Not only is this analysis necessary to help teachers, scholars, administrators, and citizens make sense of the social, political, and historical forces that perpetuate institutional forms of injustice against most global citizens, but it ensures that they recognize what accounts for specific social actors accruing unearned privileges inside and outside of their own lived worlds. Fourth, they will highlight how the neoliberal agenda has impacted life within their learning communities and how they were able to find fissures amid the status quo to implement and sustain their political projects. Finally, they will document how students' newfound understanding of social stratification and oppression led them to become to become agents of change in their schools and in their communities. Students will be portrayed as critical agents who hold the insight to engage in cultural work with their teachers, community groups, and other activists, where they conduct research projects to understand the interworking of their world, advocate for the implementation of policies, practices and initiatives to eliminate injustice, and teach others about what they have learned and why they have become civically engaged citizens. Part I of this volume promotes sustainable learning that is different from traditional service-learning pedagogies or charity work, which swoops in and out without any learning occurring or sustainable change in how students view the nature of social stratification. The chapters here discuss challenging unjust policies and practices and asymmetrical relations of power and define how service is conceptualized among participants in critical service-learning projects. Part II of this volume discusses the visions associated with critical service-learning in teacher education programs and other K-16 settings. None of these suggest a method for doing critical service-learning, which would be too reductive. Instead, each posits its own vision and demonstrates this with examples of critical work.";"Book";2011;"B. J. Porfilio and H. Hickman";"Critical service-learning as revolutionary pedagogy: A project of student agency in action";"Critical constructions: Studies on education and society";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3288;"Although it is generally assumed that support for democratic values and beliefs develops as a result of social learning, the concrete socializing circumstances through which this occurs are less obvious. This study investigated the relationship between democratic family functioning and democratic values of adolescents. Adolescents’ (N = 1,341, 16- to 17-year-olds) reports on their parents’ psychological control, autonomy granting, warmth, and behavioural control were considered predictors of adolescents’ democratic orientation. The results demonstrated that the democratic functioning of families was positively related to adolescents’ support for democratic values when controlling for the effects of gender, political experience, authoritarianism, empathy, and political activism. Additionally, this study examined the possible role of empathy as a mediator in the relation between democratic family functioning and adolescent’s democratic values. The results show that empathy was a partial mediator of a family’s contribution to adolescents’ democratic orientation.";"Journal Article";2011;"M. Miklikowska and H. Hurme";"Democracy begins at home: Democratic parenting and adolescents' support for democratic values";"European Journal of Developmental Psychology";"Finland";"Act";"Teens"
3289;"In keep with our global mental health theme for 2013, my editorial remarks this month will focus on violence against women across the globe. In my view, improved mental health for the world’s people can never be achieved without decreasing the violence perpetrated on girls and women. This editorial would become very lengthy if I continue to provide examples of the tragic consequences of violence against women. But I won’t, because psychiatric-mental health nurses are well aware of the widespread problem and its devastating consequences. Many of us are already involved in advocacy for women and girls in our own countries. What I need from you, our readers, are articles about your own involvement in legislative activism, community consciousness-raising, and therapeutic work with female victims. I want to highlight, in future issues of the journal, interventions that are working, such as the steps being taken against genital mutilation in Somalia, Ghana and Ethiopia; group counseling and economic skill building interventions for Pakistani women; and bystander programs for primary prevention of sexual assault.";"Journal Article";2013;"S. P. Thomas";"Editorial: Violence against women across the globe";"Issues in Mental Health Nursing";;"Act";"Teens"
3290;"How did I come to this position? One of the benefits of essays such as these is that they cause authors to reflect back on what the roots of their critical social, economic, and educational concerns were. It's almost impossible to isolate individual causes. Was the critical stance I've taken and helped to build due to my growing up poor in a poor neighborhood in a decaying, old industrial city? Being raised in a deeply committed family where my parents may have been poor but also were antiracist and anticorporate activists? Being very active politically myself as a teenager? Did the time I spent while still in high school as the publicity director of one of the first chapters of the Congress of Racial Equality radicalize me even more? What effect did my experience in the Army in the early 1960s have? What of the time I spent working as a printer—historically one of the most politically radical crafts—while I went to school at night for my undergraduate degree at a small state teachers college? And did the time I spent as a teacher In urban and rural schools, as president of a teachers union, and then the years I spent as a graduate student at Columbia University during a time of major campus unrest and protests play significant roles?";"Book Section";2012;"M. W. Apple";"Education, politics, and social transformation";"Researching and teaching social issues: The personal stories and pedagogical efforts of professors of education.";;"Act";"Teens"
3291;"This study examined 7,000 Palestinian 9th grade students living in the West Bank and Gaza Strip from all 64 United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) during 1994. Information is presented concerning educational aspirations, school performance and suggestions for strengthening the Palestinian school system. The impact of the intifada, the popular uprising which resulted in the Oslo agreement, on the students' performance was also ascertained. The response rate among students in completing the Arabic questionnaire was 95%. The results demonstrate that Palestinian students have exceptionally higher educational aspirations in spite of living under Israeli occupation and in dire poverty. Results also indicate that students work hard in school and are supported by their parents. Intifada participation was not related to school performance as those who were heavily involved in the conflict earned just as good grades as those who did not participate. However, students realize that their educational aspirations are not likely to be fulfilled because of their families poverty and the disruptive influence of the Israeli occupation.";"Journal Article";1999;"C. Fronk, R. L. Huntington and B. A. Chadwick";"Educational attitudes and trends in Palestine";"Educational Studies";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3292;"Examined similarities and differences in the socialization of protest activists (antiwar, student, and civil rights) and environmental activists. Data from 1965 interviews with 1,699 high school seniors and 1,562 of their parents (M. K. Jennings and R. Niemi, 1981) were analyzed. Social class, social-psychological orientation, and religious socialization were predictors of participation in both movements. Efficacy, religious affiliation, race, and region significantly distinguished environmental activists from other protesters";"Journal Article";1993;"D. E. Sherkat and T. J. Blocker";"Environmental activism in the protest generation: Differentiating 1960s activists";"Youth & Society";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3293;"This chapter about ethical and legal issues in medical care discusses informed consent; malpractice, negligence, and good Samaritans; justice and social activism; the role of confidentiality; decision-making capacity (minors and capacity, the role of religious beliefs, psychiatric illness and capacity, neurological illness and capacity, unconsciousness); maximizing patient self-determination; advance directives, end-of-life decisions, and futility; death and dying; personal and professional relationships; academic and financial conflicts of interest; and the role of medical students and residents.";"Book Section";2007;"J. P. Spike";"Ethical and legal issues in patient care";"The behavioral sciences and health care, 2nd rev. and updated ed.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3294;"The evangelical crisis pregnancy center (CPC) movement demonstrates both low rates of success and robust support from evangelicals. I draw upon three theoretical frameworks—subcultural identity, organizational solidarity, and doing religion—to explain this seeming paradox. Data stem from a study of this pro-life/antiabortion movement and include fieldwork observations in seven CPCs, thirty-eight semistructured interviews, and analysis of primary and secondary documents. Empirically, evangelicals’ commitment to CPCs is tied to three aspects of subcultural identity: emphasis on intrinsic meanings of success, solidarity among evangelical organizations, and understandings of activism as an identity marker. These findings suggest that evangelicals are doing religion through their activism, making action and identity mutually reinforcing, and insulating activists from forces that might otherwise hinder religious identity. Theoretically, these results indicate that subcultural identity theory should be modified to acknowledge organizational solidarity as a form of religious action and the mutually reinforcing relationship between action and identity as the process of doing religion.";"Journal Article";2014;"K. Kelly";"Evangelical underdogs: Intrinsic success, organizational solidarity, and marginalized identities as religious movement resources";"Journal of Contemporary Ethnography";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3295;"Comments on an article by Sharon Lamb & Zoë D. Peterson (see record [rid]2012-11997-001[/rid]). In this commentary, I offer a response to Lamb & Peterson (2011). I base these comments on the feminist scholarship on adolescent girls’ healthy sexuality that Lamb (2010a) critiqued in the first of this series. I address and redress several of her concerns by providing the context and history of my own research and recovering the meanings of desire, pleasure and subjectivity as they appeared in this body of work. I then engage Lamb and Peterson’s points of consensus about the role of sexual empowerment in adolescent girls’ healthy sexuality by 1) positioning sexualization as more than a context; 2) identifying a missing discourse of gender inequity as a central issue in their discussion; and 3) explaining how the use of theory and interpretation in feminist research methods is necessary for and distinct from a surface reading of narratives of lived experience. Finally, I will provide examples of some alternative paths for supporting healthy adolescent women’s sexuality that extend beyond school-based sex education and media literacy into alternative engagements with girls through technology, media activism and participatory practices.";"Journal Article";2012;"D. L. Tolman";"Female adolescents, sexual empowerment and desire: A missing discourse of gender inequity";"Sex Roles";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3296;"As thousands of demonstrators took to the streets of Ferguson, Missouri, to protest the fatal police shooting of unarmed African American teenager Michael Brown in the summer of 2014, news and commentary on the shooting, the protests, and the militarized response that followed circulated widely through social media networks. Through a theorization of hashtag usage, we discuss how and why social media platforms have become powerful sites for documenting and challenging episodes of police brutality and the misrepresentation of racialized bodies in mainstream media. We show how engaging in 'hashtag activism' can forge a shared political temporality, and, additionally, we examine how social media platforms can provide strategic outlets for contesting and reimagining the materiality of racialized bodies. Our analysis combines approaches from linguistic anthropology and social movements research to investigate the semiotics of digital protest and to interrogate both the possibilities and the pitfalls of engaging in 'hashtag ethnography.'";"Journal Article";2015;"Y. Bonilla and J. Rosa";"#Ferguson: Digital protest, hashtag ethnography, and the racial politics of social media in the United States";"American Ethnologist";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3297;"Like many recent high school graduates, 18-year-old Charlie Rose eagerly anticipated the start of her freshman year in college. One of a select few accepted to Plan II, the nationally ranked honors program at the University of Texas (UT) at Austin, Charlie declared a premed-math double major. She dreams of a career working with the uninsured as an obstetrician-gynecologist. Similar to her Plan II peers, she has a record of high academic achievement during high school, which is complemented by an impressive list of extracurricular activities. Unlike most of her peers, though, Charlie's most important 'extracurricular activity' is mothering Cae, her toddler son. Throughout Charlie's story, identity emerges as a central theme. For teenage mothers, identity formation is particularly full of twists and turns because of the added roles, responsibilities, and needs that are tied to parenting. Progressive social support systems and networks have helped Charlie open doors, achieve self-sufficiency, and move closer toward fulfilling her dreams. These social support systems have also provided a platform for Charlie to articulate her critical analysis of society's shortcomings in its treatment of teenage parents. Through her lens, we see how stigma stunts and stereotypes sabotage. And through Charlie's activism and example, we are inspired to believe in the potential of this unique and complex population.";"Journal Article";2007;"C. M. Lewis, M. Scarborough, C. Rose and K. B. Quirin";"Fighting stigma: An adolescent mother takes action";"Affilia: Journal of Women & Social Work";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3298;"Drawing upon participant observation and interviews with white power movement (WPM) activists, this article explains how members materialize, communicate, and sustain white power identities under highly antagonistic social conditions. We emphasize the role of the movement's free spaces in movement persistence. In particular, we contrast the social ties and cultural practices that various types of free spaces in the movement both enable and inhibit. WPM members construct two main types of free space. 'Indigenous-prefigurative' spaces involve small, local networks where political socialization, boundary marking, and other cultural practices allow members to participate in relationships that 'prefigure' Aryan dominance. These practices are collapsed into otherwise benign, everyday activities in settings such as family homes, Bible study groups, informal parties, and crashpads, where members perform them in relative safety from social controls. 'Transmovement-prefigurative spaces' offer opportunities to draw otherwise unconnected local actors and networks into broader webs of white power culture. Intentional Aryan communities, music festivals, and cyberspace connect individuals to extra-local movement networks which help reinforce solidarity and commitment to the WPM. These free spaces contribute to the persistence of white power activism by creating a bi-leveled infrastructure of spaces that support distinct kinds of network ties and practices to sustain collective identity.";"Journal Article";2004;"R. Futrell and P. Simi";"Free Spaces, Collective Identity, and the Persistence of U.S. White Power Activism";"Social Problems";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3299;"Gender and sexuality are often at the crossfire of culture, ethnicity, religion, and international politics for Arab Americans. They constantly face pressure to embrace popular norms in their American society while they try to preserve their conservative Arabic heritage.They are also subject to multiple stereotypes that are forced upon them by popular media and politicized historical narratives. This chapter presents many complex aspects of Arab American gender and sexuality, highlighting the challenges Arabs in the U.S. face and how they overcome them. After a discussion of how ethnic identity is associated with gender identity development, the chapter focuses on three areas of Arab Americans’ lives as related to gender and sexuality. First, it examines how they negotiate their complex gendered ethnic identities and roles. Second, it discusses sensitive issues such as dating, sex, body image, and sexual orientation, which diverge at the crossroads of Arab traditional values and American liberal customs.Third, it explores how Arab American women have maneuvered the public space despite experiencing discrimination. In particular, it discusses women’s agency through their labor force participation and activism. A case example is provided to illustrate the challenges facing Arab women in expressing their sexuality or joining the workforce. The chapter ends with an analysis of the current research, providing suggestions for future areas of study.";"Book Section";2016;"R. Stephan and M. Aprahamian";"Gender and sexuality: Treading complex cultural challenges";"Handbook of Arab American psychology.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3300;"The psychology of religion and spirituality has emerged in the last quarter-century as a vibrant and multifaceted area of scientific inquiry. From foremost authorities, this comprehensive, seamlessly edited volume presents the breadth of current knowledge in the field. Grounded in the latest empirical research, the Handbook offers state-of-the-science perspectives on the psychological processes underlying spirituality, religious behavior, and religious experience; fosters the development of integrative theory; and identifies vital directions for future investigation. Beginning with a chapter that elaborates five themes as a unifying framework for the volume, Part I reviews foundational concepts and provides in-depth descriptions of established and novel research methodologies. Part II considers developmental issues, with coverage of childhood, adolescence and adulthood, aging, and the family life cycle. Findings emerging from basic psychological subdisciplines are the focus of Part III, which addresses the neural and cognitive bases of religiousness and examines connections to emotion, personality, and social behavior. Featuring a key chapter on religion as a meaning system, Part IV delves into a range of associated practices and experiences, including conversion and spiritual transformation; ritual and prayer; fundamentalism; spiritual struggle and doubt; forgiveness; and religious values, vices, and virtues. Part V rounds out the volume by probing implications for individual and collective well-being. Topics include the role played by religion in health, psychological adjustment, and psychotherapy, as well as in work settings and in peaceful or violent political activism. Throughout, extensive cross-referencing among chapters helps to knit them into a coherent whole. A concluding chapter by the editors further explores the book's major themes and sets the direction for an expanded research agenda. The most complete and authoritative resource of its kind, this book belongs on the shelves of researchers and students in the psychology of religion and spirituality, religious studies, social and personality psychology, theology, and related fields. It will serve as a uniquely informative and thought-provoking text in graduate-level courses.";"Book";2005;"R. F. Paloutzian and C. L. Park";"Handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality";;"US";"Act";"Teens"
3301;"Human papillomavirus (HPV) vaccination rates are significantly lower than recommended targets. Public awareness campaigns can raise awareness of the severity and prevalence of HPV infection and the cancer prevention benefits of the vaccine. We conducted an environmental scan of HPV vaccine public awareness campaigns during the summer of 2014. We used online search strategies and expert input to identify candidate campaigns. Multiple study investigators reviewed all data abstraction and analysis. After applying our inclusion criteria, we identified 14 campaigns with parents or teenagers as the target audience. We characterized campaign messages according to constructs of the Health Belief Model. Most messages focused on the cancer prevention benefits of HPV vaccine; few addressed psychological or practical barriers to getting or completing the vaccine. Four of 14 campaigns had pre- or postcampaign data readily available, only 2 used vaccine outcomes in their evaluations. We concluded there was a high prevalence of HPV vaccine public awareness campaigns but little available evidence on their impact on intermediate or vaccine outcomes.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. R. Blasi, D. King and N. B. Henrikson";"HPV vaccine public awareness campaigns: An environmental scan";"Health Promotion Practice";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3302;"Kathleen Kinkade (better known as Kat) died on July 3, 2008, at Twin Oaks, the intentional community near Louisa, Virginia, that she founded in 1967 with a small group of people inspired by B. F. Skinner's Utopian novel, Walden Two (1948). Born December 8, 1930, Kat was not the stereotypical 1960s commune founder. Older than most, divorced, and the mother of a teen-aged daughter, she was drawn to intentional community living not from a desire to experiment with drugs and sex or escape reality but 'to make a new and better society' (Kinkade, 1973, p. 1). In an interview 24 years after the start of Twin Oaks, Kat said that she still considered herself a behaviorist 'in the big-picture sense,' and expressed some disappointment that her beliefs were not more widely shared in the community (personal communication, March 10, 1991).";"Journal Article";2009;"D. Altus";"In memoriam: Visionary and activist: Kathleen Kinkade (1930-2008)";"The Behavior Analyst";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3303;"Homicide is an important source of premature mortality, with intimate partners committing approximately one in seven homicides. Utilizing national statistics, this article explores recent data on intimate partner homicide in 10 European countries, namely Finland, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden and the UK. It discusses policy developments and the role of key policy-making actors and it provides a novel classification, based on the time when government action developed, that maps the 10 countries in a temporal sequence under three main headings: early birds, intermediate and newcomers. Notwithstanding great differences, the article finds common trends in policy developments. Institutional commitment in collecting intimate partner homicide data is consistent with an enduring record of both women’s activism and public action in addressing intimate partner violence.";"Journal Article";2014;"C. Corradi and H. Stöckl";"Intimate partner homicide in 10 European countries: Statistical data and policy development in a cross-national perspective";"European Journal of Criminology";"Italy";"Act";"Teens"
3304;"Invisible Conflicts is a student organization that sponsors the education, mentorship, and empowerment of twenty Ugandan orphans and vulnerable children. A twenty-one-year civil war in northern Uganda, between the government and a rebel faction called the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), has led to the forced displacement of over 1.7 million people into internal refugee camps. To support their rebellion, the LRA abducted over 30,000 Ugandan children, forcing them to be sex slaves and fight as soldiers. Because of these atrocities, all of the Dwon Madiki Partnership-sponsored children live in squalid conditions in and around the many displacement camps. Since life around these camps is marked by poverty, hunger, and little or no access to education, an entire generation of children find themselves denied a childhood and a chance to succeed in life. The Dwon Madiki Partnership, by funding the education of these children and addressing their developmental needs, offers them a chance to succeed and in turn give back to their communities, thus helping break the cycles of poverty and violence caused by the war. This chapter is organized as follows: introduction, by Evan Ledyard; founder's autobiography, by Nathan Mustain; history of the war, by Nathan Mustain (research by Amy Nemeth); Invisible Children, by Amy Nemeth; the first screening, by Nathan Mustain; Caroline Akweyo's story, interview conducted by Dave Thatcher, recorded by Amy Nemeth; Invisible Conflicts begins, by Nathan Mustain; taking action: ending a war, by Nathan Mustain and Morgan Smith; the Dwon Madiki Partnership, by Katie Scranton, Morgan Smith, Dave Thatcher, Diana Zurawski, Amy Nemeth, Carolyn Ziembo; vision for the future, by Carolyn Ziembo and Amy Nemeth; and conclusion, by Evan Ledyard, Katie Scranton, and Dave Thatcher. Ways to help and an organizational snapshot conclude the chapter.";"Book Section";2009;"E. Ledyard, N. Mustain, A. Nemeth, K. Scranton, M. Smith, D. Thatcher, C. Ziembo and D. Zurawski";"Invisible Conflicts/the Dwon Madiki Partnership";"The new humanitarians: Inspiration, innovations, and blueprints for visionaries, Vol 2: Changing education and relief.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3305;"Critical attention has been paid to the aftermath of second-wave feminism in contemporary Japan, particularly in terms of the current state of twenty-first century feminist activism. Yet, there has been scarce attention paid to the nation’s articulation of postfeminist discourses within popular culture. Drawing on the cultural significance of manga in modern, neoliberal Japan, this article seeks to understand the cultural currency of the highly sexual and highly sexualised representations of the schoolgirl within postfeminism. In this article, I suggest that Kazuto Okada’s Sundome embodies a comparatively positive representational shift for shōjo sexuality, and that this transformation has occurred partly as a consequence of masculine anxieties activated by moral panics surrounding girls’ sexual behaviour in Japan. The article demonstrates how male-authored contemporary manga is progressive in a number of ways, particularly in terms of the representation of girls’ sexual practices and sexual decision-making.";"Journal Article";2013;"J. Gwynne";"Japan, postfeminism and the consumption of sexual(ised) schoolgirls in male-authored contemporary manga";"Feminist Theory";"Singapore";"Act";"Teens"
3306;"This study examines the process of parent engagement at three community and school-based parent participation projects involving Latino immigrant families in California. Through the participants’ testimonios, the study investigates the motivations and interactions contextualizing their leadership development, participation, and organizing activities as well as the significance of their emerging school activism on other aspects of their lives. Specifically, the study explores the notions of tequío and women-led activism, seen as critical to understanding the participants’ engagement process and to increase the level and quality of Latino parent participation in schools, maximizing its positive impact on their children’s education and life prospects.";"Journal Article";2012;"P. M. Jasis and R. Ordoñez-Jasis";"Latino parent involvement: Examining commitment and empowerment in schools";"Urban Education";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3307;"The purpose of this paper is to draw out the consequences of the communal character of learning approach promoted by a sociocultural framework. This approach has both descriptive-analytical and prescriptive-guiding power: it helps to analyze existing practices be they traditional, exclusive, or innovative but, what is, probably, even more important, it also helps to guide practitioners in the design of more inclusive educational practices. In the first part of the paper, we will provide a framework for analyzing the case of a shift from a traditional institutionalized perspective that understands learning as an individual process located in the head of the learner to the institutionalization of learning as a communal process—a regime which helps avoid constructing children in terms of a deficit model, disability, and academic failure. In the second part of the paper, we will discuss how treating learning as a communal process can guide an educational practitioner to develop a new pedagogical regime of a learning community of social activists that leads to inclusive pedagogy and eliminate 'zones of teacher-student disability.'";"Journal Article";2007;"E. Matusov, J. St. Julien, P. Lacasa and M. A. Candela";"Learning as a communal process and as a byproduct of social activism";"Outlines: Critical Social Studies";;"Act";"Teens"
3308;"This study found that 46 of 116 children from the R. R. Sears et al (1957) child-rearing study classified at age 31 as participants in the protest movements of the 1960s came more often from middle-class families and attained higher educational levels than their counterparts who did not participate in the protests. In midlife, activists remained more rebellious and altruistic than their peers of equivalent education. Sixties activists did better in grade school and had positive permissive parents at age 5. Parenting style was associated with doing well in school only in girls. As adults, female activists were less involved in family life and had better jobs than their peers. Male activists did less well occupationally and were less happy than their male peers or the female activists.";"Journal Article";1994;"C. E. Franz and D. C. McClelland";"Lives of women and men active in the social protests of the 1960s: A longitudinal study";"Journal of Personality and Social Psychology";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3309;"The transition from adolescence to adulthood is formative for civic development. Unfortunately, many adolescents from Latino and Asian backgrounds experience discrimination, which can alienate them from civic life. This study employed cross‐lagged structural equation modeling to test the bidirectional links between perceived discrimination and civic beliefs and activism among Latino and Asian late adolescents (N = 400, Mage = 17.34, 61% female). Civic beliefs (i.e., believing that the government is unresponsive) and civic activism (i.e., protesting and expressing political opinions) in high school predicted increased perceptions of discrimination over time. Perceiving high levels of discrimination in high school predicted a decrease in the belief that society is fair over time.";"Journal Article";2015;"P. J. Ballard";"Longitudinal links between discrimination and civic development among latino and asian adolescents";"Journal of Research on Adolescence";;"Act";"Teens"
3310;"When I first moved to the United States as a child, I considered my home to be my birthplace in India where I lived with my family for seven years. Later in adolescence, I developed the sense that my home is the in the United States. Since migrating to the United States, I have been periodically asked by Americans of various ethnic backgrounds about the place of my origin, my home. The authors of the minyan collection bring to our attention the nature of invisibility in the experience of many Jewish Americans while the physical and psychological notions of home and identity are transformed, sometimes dramatically, throughout their lives. These women reflect on their life journeys with honesty and depth and welcome the reader to experience the complex ways in which identity is shaped by trauma, persecution, strength and adversity within family dynamics, and resiliency. One of the most remarkable features of these narratives involves the resiliency of the authors and their family members. The multidimensional nature of resilience is represented in the narratives, as each author describes a unique approach to coping with loss, separation, and social injustice. For many of these women, participation in social justice efforts and activism are rooted in Jewish culture and history.";"Journal Article";2010;"P. Tummala-Narra";"Looking beneath the surface: Trauma, invisibility, and the negotiation of identity in the minyan";"Women & Therapy";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3311;"Offers an overview and analysis of the interrelationship between man–boy love and the gay rights movement in the US since 1969. In the US, as the gay movement has retreated from its vision of sexual freedom for all in favor of integration into existing social and political structures, it has sought to marginalize cross-generational love as a 'non-gay' issue. The 2 movements continue to overlap, amid signs of mutual support as well as tension, a state of affairs that also characterizes their interrelationship in other countries.";"Journal Article";1990;"D. Thorstad";"Man/boy love and the American gay movement";"Journal of Homosexuality";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3313;"Criminal organizations have a strong influence on social, political, and economic life in Italy and other parts of the world. Nonetheless, local populations display collective passivity against organized crime, a phenomenon known as omertà. Omertà is linked to the concepts of honor and masculinity. That is, in order to fit ideological constructions of manliness, individuals should display indifference toward illegal activities and should not collaborate with legal institutions. In two studies, we investigated the link between endorsement of a masculine honor ideology and collective action intentions against criminal organizations (antimafia). Study 1 (N = 121) involved a Northern Italian sample, and Study 2 (N = 301) involved a Southern Italian sample. Across studies, results showed that endorsement of masculine honor ideology was associated with lower willingness to engage in social activism against criminal organizations. This relationship was mediated by attitudes toward criminal organizations (Study 1 and 2) and, in line with the notion of omertà, by lower levels of collective motive and more anxiety about interacting with police (Study 2). Directions for future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2016;"G. A. Travaglino, D. Abrams and G. R. de Moura";"Men of honor don't talk: The relationship between masculine honor and social activism against criminal organizations in Italy";"Political Psychology";"UK";"Act";"Teens"
3317;"Whatever disagreements exist about morality, and there are many, people understand that morality deals with people's relationships with other people. Yet is it also possible that people have moral relationships with nature? With animals? Plants? Bodies of water? Landscapes? The earth? In this chapter, the author examines empirical and conceptual literature across diverse fields that answers yes to these questions. This literature supports the proposition that nature plays an important and perhaps irreplaceable role in moral development and the moral life. The course of this chapter is as follows. The first section reviews literature on children's interactions with animals, the role of animals as moral facilitators in children's residential treatment centers, the development of environmental moral reasoning, and adolescents' moral environmental activism. Section 2 focuses on the field of conservation behavior. Section 3 brings together diverse literatures that suggest that connection to nature enhances people's physical and psychological well-being. Section 4 extends this last idea and suggests that humans, in ancestral times, came of age not only with nature, but with wild nature, and that this connection to wildness remains an essential human need. Section 5 seeks an answer to the question, if humans need connection with nature, let alone wild nature, then why are humans destroying nature so readily? Finally, Section 6 suggests that moral relationships with nature do not develop independently of human-human moral relationships, but dialectically inform one another in ontogenesis.";"Book Section";2006;"P. H. Kahn, Jr.";"Nature and moral development";"Handbook of moral development.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3318;"created by the 1988 amendments to the Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act of 1974 (CAPTA), the [US Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect] consists of 15 members appointed to represent various constituencies in the child protection system (in our cases, adolescent services and psychology) / the Board conceptualized its primary mission as the evaluation of the nation's progress in ensuring the safety of its children and the development of a vision for more effective protection of children / [provide a] comprehensive look at the effectiveness of the child protection system the board's vision is one of a 'neighborly' society—a society in which 'all American adults . . . resolve to be good neighbors—to know, watch, and support their neighbors' children and to offer help when needed to their neighbors' families' the nature of the problem / the inherent problems in the child protection system / the Board's approach [the policy, the strategy]";"Book Section";1994;"G. B. Melton and F. D. Barry";"Neighbors helping neighbors: The vision of the U.S. Advisory Board on Child Abuse and Neglect";"Protecting children from abuse and neglect: Foundations for a new strategy.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3319;"This study provides a comprehensive investigation of the relationship between Openness and political orientation and activism in Europe. Analyses were conducted on the 4 waves of the European Social Survey, including large representative samples in up to 26 European countries (total N > 175,000). In line with previous studies, a robust, positive relationship between Openness and left-wing political orientation was obtained in Western Europe. However, in Eastern Europe, the relationship between Openness and political orientation was weaker, and reversed in 3 out of 4 waves. Moreover, Openness yielded significant positive relationships with unconventional activism and to a lesser degree with conventional activism. The magnitude of the relationship between Openness and activism was dependent on political orientation and region. Stronger associations between Openness and activism were found for those having a left-wing orientation in Western Europe, whereas in Eastern Europe, Openness was somewhat stronger related to activism for those having a right-wing orientation. In the discussion we elaborate on the role of the geopolitical context in the relationship between Openness and political variables.";"Journal Article";2014;"A. Roets, I. Cornelis and A. Van Hiel";"Openness as a predictor of political orientation and conventional and unconventional political activism in Western and Eastern Europe";"Journal of Personality Assessment";"Belgium";"Act";"Teens"
3320;"Parents and other caregivers of children and adolescents, whether grandparents, foster parents, community elders, or other adults in a parental role, are the most important models, monitors, and mediators of appropriate media use for children and adolescents. This chapter discusses parents' role; media education within the family; specific roles parents play in media-educated families; other forms of media, including video games, music, and computers; advocacy and activism; and correlation of health and behavior problems with media use habits.";"Book Section";2012;"M. J. Hogan";"Parents and other adults: Models and monitors of healthy media habits";"Handbook of children and the media, 2nd ed.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3321;"Inquiry across fields of study redux' / Richard L. Farber / This article suggests effective education is dependent on sound teacher and administrative leadership that provides for professional collaboration and interdisciplinary articulation. 'Committing to critical inquiry: Critical condition' / Patrick Shannon / This article discusses what critical inquiry is and how it is relevant to education. 'Musings from a creative mind: An interview with Elliot Eisner' / Cherice Montgomery / This article comprises and interview with Elliot Eisner about his book (2002) on education: The Arts and the Creation of the Mind. 'Self-improvement or lived practice: The divergent cultures of action research' / Mary-Lee Judah and George Richardson / In this article we take up the issue of the divergent cultures of action research and ask whether they may be seen as complementary or mutually exclusive research traditions. 'Triangulation as a method of inquiry' / Gerard A. Tobin and Cecily M. Begley / Triangulation has been suggested by researchers as a way of solving the quantitative/qualitative debate and uniting the two approaches and is the topic of this article. 'An ethnographic case study of a 7-year-old boy with autism: Expanding the power of triangulation: 3 = pyramidation' / Cindy A. Combs / A 2-year, action-research-based case study describes the communication system of a 7-year-old boy with autism who was nonverbal. 'Making mindscapes: Continuing reflections of a community of researchers' / Susan Finley, Ardra L. Cole, J. Gary Knowles, and Rosebud Elijah / This paper describes the experiences of conceptualizing, writing, performing, and evaluating the Mindscapes experience. 'Stress management, visualization, and students: A quest for meaning and knowledge' / Renée Guimond-Plourde / Stress management with children is the basis of this study, resulting from work undertaken in 1988, more specifically from research conducted within the framework of an M.A. in education. 'Reading is listening (di)versifying my voice through feminist theory literature' / S. Purcell Woodard / In this article, theory, poetry, and narrative combine to show how exposure to written text (i.e., the literature) at the postsecondary level informs and shapes the thinking and actions that guide the curriculum choices we make as college educators. 'African American women principals: An abstract of urban educational leadership' / Lisa D. Hobson-Horton / The author conducted a qualitative and exploratory research study to identify and analyze leadership as conceptualized by four African American women principals of urban, Midwest, public school districts. 'To be a Holmes scholar: A critical examination of the process and development of one African American woman' / Adah Ward Randolph / This inquiry examines the reflective and critical musings of one African American woman on her journey to earning the PhD. 'Refugee children: The battle of hopelessness' / Shabana Kausar, Fayyaz Ahmad, and Shabila Kausar / This study aimed to compare the personality characteristics, general adjustment patterns, and attitudes of adolescent boys (ages ranging between 12-18 years) from refugee and non-refugee families living in Muzaffarabad, Azad Kashmir, Pakistan. 'Social activism in Indian films' / Aneesh Joshi / The following is a subjective list of five films from Indian cinema and their briefs that provide a glimpse into the Indian society through the lens of cinema. 'Ethnographic investigations into the creation of Black images in comic books' / Stanford W. Carpenter / This article discusses caricature and stereotypical imagery of Black people and cultures in comic books. 'The end of an era' / Barbara Round / A retiring teacher reflects on her life and career.";"Book Section";2010;"Anonymous";"Part VI : Committing to critical inquiry";"Storied inquiries in international landscapes: An anthology of educational research.";;"Act";"Teens"
3323;"This article memorializes Phyllis Bronstein (1939–2012). Bronstein was a feminist scholar, social and clinical psychologist, and activist for social justice. At the University of Vermont, she engaged almost 100 undergraduates in her research teams, mentored the research and professional development of 43 graduate students, and trained over 90 clinical psychology students in the feminist family therapy program she developed. Bronstein published over 45 chapters and journal articles, and three edited books. One stream of her scholarship focused on sociocultural factors in parenting, child and adolescent development, with studies conducted in the United States and Mexico. Bronstein is perhaps best known for two volumes on the integration of multicultural and gender issues into the psychology curriculum, coedited with Kathryn Quina and published by the American Psychological Association. Bronstein’s third stream of scholarship addressed sexist, racist, and ageist practices in academic and clinical professions.";"Journal Article";2015;"S. S. Canetto and K. Quina";"Phyllis Bronstein (1939–2012)";"American Psychologist";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3324;"In this chapter, I articulate a multilayered, anti-classist agenda for teachers, teacher educators, and K-12 educational policymakers. While locating the persistence of educational inequality in power differentials, I reject cultural-deficit rationales used to justify why low-income and working-class children so often fare badly in schools. Instead, I advocate for an asset-based approach founded on high expectations for working-class students, one that challenges damaging myths and stereotypes and other pervasive forms of the class bias that permeates schooling. Informed by scholarship on educational 'risk' within the intersecting contexts of classism, racism, and other forms of institutional injustice, and mindful of lessons learned over two decades of community-driven, equity-focused educational activism in Toronto, Canada, I recommend that educators adopt a series of anti-classist principles in their work by pursuing strategies ranging from changing how we recruit, educate, and mentor teachers, to critiquing and correcting biased learning materials, to developing robust school board human rights policies. If these recommendations were to be implemented, working-class students would be far more likely to realize their right to socioeconomically just, meaningful, and high-quality schooling.";"Book Section";2015;"T. Zoric";"Poverty and class bias in schools: An anti-classist agenda for educators";"Poverty, class, and schooling: Global perspectives on economic justice and educational equality.";"Canada";"Act";"Teens"
3327;"Focuses on the history and experiences of Puerto Rican students in the US by addressing issues of identity, culture, ethnicity, language, gender, social activism, community involvement, and policy implications. Written primarily by Puerto Rican authors, the text concentrates on the education of Puerto Ricans in particular and features both scholarly chapters and reflective essays, as well as poems. The text also combines broad overview studies with classroom practice and social action and includes chapters that trace the history of the education of Puerto Ricans in US schools and in New York City in particular.";"Book";2000;"S. Nieto";"Puerto Rican students in U.S. schools";"Sociocultural, political, and historical studies in education";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3328;"A single‐case research design (N = 3) was implemented to explore the efficacy of a multicultural skills‐based experiential training model on the multicultural competency and relationship conditions of counselors. Results indicated that counselor perceptions of multicultural competence and relationship conditions increased as a result of participating in this particular training intervention. Possible implications and future research are discussed.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. L. Swan, A. A. Schottelkorb and S. Lancaster";"Relationship conditions and multicultural competence for counselors of children and adolescents";"Journal of Counseling & Development";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3329;"The purpose of this qualitative study was to establish the central core and the peripheral system of the social representation of intelligence in the context of the Chilean student movement which emerged as a critique of the educational system. Using non-probabilistic judgment sampling, 3 focus groups made up by high school students were formed: 2 composed of mobilized students (11 and 12 students) and one comprising 15 students without participation in the demonstrations. Through a constructivist approach, content analysis was performed, defining shared and non-shared thematic areas. According to the results, the central core in students consists of the following shared thematic areas: multiple intelligence, innate intelligence and its development, social and emotional intelligence, and differences in opportunities for the development of intelligence. In the peripheral system divergences are present in 3 thematic areas: the ideology of 'meritocracy', holistic intelligence, and the hegemonic ideology of intelligence. These results are discussed in terms of a structural approach to social representations of intelligence.";"Journal Article";2015;"K. Marambio, L. G. de Montes and J. F. Valencia";"Representaciones Sociales, Inteligencia y Conflicto de la Educación en Chile. = Social representations, intelligence and the conflict of education in Chile";"Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología";"Spain";"Act";"Teens"
3335;"The purpose of this critical ethnographic study is to provide an account from within a public school of some of the ways that heterosexist discourses and silences are reproduced and challenged. As a classroom teacher and critical ethnographer, I conducted this research with straight-identified high school students as they came to understand, problematize, and interrupt heterosexism and straight privilege. Unlike many of the students, teachers, and administrators in the school who colluded in the maintenance of heterosexism, through a critical inquiry and student-initiated activism, these students identified as allies and 'rocked the boat' to challenge the discourses, silences, and invisibility that supported a heterosexist school culture.";"Journal Article";2010;"S. L.-B. Young";"'Rocking the boat': Developing a shared discourse of resistance";"Equity & Excellence in Education";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3336;"The author provides a layered account of her relationship with her activist sister, from their childhood to the present. Throughout the essay, the sister intertwines scenes from her life with the life of her sister, an outspoken activist for gay rights and other causes.";"Book Section";2005;"K. Boesser";"Sara and I";"Side by side: On having a gay or lesbian sibling.";;"Act";"Teens"
3338;"Sex Wars examines the bitter cultural and political battles over sexuality that have roiled the nation over the last quarter of a century. Chronicling how sex has increasingly shaken up the sociopolitical landscape since 1980, this incisive collection of essays connects the gaps between feminism, activism, politics, and the law. Updated to reflect the growing impact of sex on politics and culture over the last decade, the tenth-anniversary edition of Sex Wars includes new essays on the landmark Supreme Court case of Lawrence v. Texas, the complex forces surrounding the brutal rape and murder of Brandon Teena, and the prominent role the politics of marriage played at the polls in the 2004 election.";"Book";2006;"L. Duggan and N. D. Hunter";"Sex wars: Sexual dissent and political culture., 10th anniversary ed";;"US";"Act";"Teens"
3339;"In the first part of this paper I present original survey data which suggests that the transition from further to higher education, or more specifically the process of becoming a university student, has a politicising effect upon some students. In particular, university students are more likely that their 6th form counter-parts to have engaged in some of the forms of protest activity associated with social movements. This holds even during periods when levels of social movement mobilisation are low both on and off campus. In the second part of the paper I review several of the key theoretical explanations of student politicisation to be found in the social movements literature. Having criticised these theories and noted that they are challenged by my survey findings, I outline an alternative which focuses upon campus-based social networks. University campuses, I suggest, facilitate the formation of a critical and connected mass of previously politicised actors who then use their further networks to recruit political novices into activism. It is this recruitment activity, which is greatly enhanced by the network structure of campus life, which explains the politicising effect of campus life. Moreover, insofar as new recruits go on to become recruiters this forms part of a self-perpetuating dynamic of politicisation.";"Journal Article";2008;"N. Crossley";"Social networks and student activism: On the politicising effect of campus connections";"The Sociological Review";"UK";"Act";"Teens"
3341;"Two 1986 studies examined reactions to the threat of nuclear war and the psychological impact of nuclear war education on 6th-, 7th-, and 8th-grade students. In Study 1, with 731 middle school students (aged 11–24 yrs), an inventory was developed that measured 3 typical reactions to the threat of nuclear war: fear, powerlessness, and futurelessness. Older Ss had lower levels of fear, but higher levels of powerlessness and futurelessness. In Study 2, the inventory and 6 questionnaire items were administered before and after an educational unit on conflict and nuclear war. The unit was presented by 42 teachers to 1,518 students. The unit decreased Ss' fear and worry about nuclear war and increased their optimism about the possibility of preventing nuclear war. The level of teachers' self-reported political activism was higher after having presented the unit.";"Journal Article";1994;"D. J. Christie and C. P. Hanley";"Some psychological effects of nuclear war education on adolescents during Cold War II";"Political Psychology";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3343;"The author discusses the effect of his sister's lesbianism on his life and the lives of his other siblings. The author notes that knowledge of his sister's sexual orientation has made him more compassionate and more politically active, recognizing that many people endure prejudice and discrimination because they are labeled different or deviant.";"Book Section";2005;"B. Randall";"Speak No Evil";"Side by side: On having a gay or lesbian sibling.";;"Act";"Teens"
3344;"Examines general patterns of stratification in protest participation, using longitudinal data from a national sample of young adults from 1973. Weber's macrolevel conception of status is tied to a microlevel social psychological explanation of participation that includes E. Goffman's (1974) work on framing. The result of the macro-micro link is a comprehensive explanation of protest participation. Logistic regression analyses demonstrate the utility of the comprehensive model as a general explanation of status and action. Overall, findings show that higher socioeconomic levels, being Black, being Jewish, or having a family member who is in a union increased the propensity for protest participation among young adults in the early 1970s. Gender differences in protest participation were not significant. Discussion of how a general model must be altered to explain participation in specific movements is included.";"Journal Article";1994;"R. Paulsen";"Status and action: How stratification affects the protest participation of young adults";"Sociological Perspectives";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3348;"How does one evolve and find ways to buttress and interweave activism with an academic life? This chapter describes the clash of educational institutions and my personal realities, to my eventually finding and creating bodies of knowledge, collaborators and validation. Experiencing first-hand the underside of sexual politics of education and the professoriate, in order to live with my realities and survive, I had to challenge the dominant discourse. A bit of initial illustration: First, as pregnant teenager in the 1960s, I was kicked out of 11th grade. Later, as a teacher engaged in the women's movement, I was frustrated with educators' lack of attention to gender equity; as a graduate student I squirmed within the gendered hierarchy of educational administration. Then, as a junior faculty member, and the only woman in an educational leadership department, I faced the sickening realization that I was seen not as a serious scholar but as a sex object when I was sexually harassed by my dean. Breakthroughs and support came, though, from interdisciplinary literatures, from international collaborations, and from persisting in scholarship that pushes the margins of educational administration and politics to include feminist scholarship and the perspectives of women and girls into educational policy discussions.";"Book Section";2010;"C. Marshall";"Surviving while dismantling one's professional culture: The honor/struggle for the feminist academic";"Bridge leadership: Connecting educational leadership and social justice to improve schools.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3350;"Asserts that intergenerational community service programs, when developed along sound program planning principles, invoke powerful communication and social support dynamics that not only have a significant impact on the lives of the participants but also generate community improvements and help establish a sense of cultural identity and continuity. This assertion is supported by case study data from an intergenerational community service program implemented in seven US neighborhoods over a 7-yr period. In addition, the authors review some other intergenerational community service program approaches and indicate how they influence individuals and communities and have cultural implications.";"Journal Article";1997;"M. Kaplan";"The benefits of intergenerational community service projects: Implications for promoting intergenerational unity, community activism, and cultural continuity";"Journal of Gerontological Social Work";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3353;"Three explanations have been advanced to account for the generalized action potential of contemporary protest movements: the rise of the new class, a set of general social trends that cumulatively lead to liberalized social values and loosened social restraints against protest, and the mobilization of excluded groups. Analyzing three dimensions of generalized action potential—protest potential, political action repertoires, and protest movement support—we find support for all three explanations. Educated salaried professionals, especially sociocultural and public sector professionals, display greater protest potential, especially for civil disobedience, and are supportive of emerging 'middle class' movements. A set of general social trends centering on increased education, life-cycle and generational change, secularism, and increased women's autonomy also create greater action potential. Reflecting mobilization against political exclusion, African Americans display a consistently strong generalized action potential. These protests reflect the rise of new political repertoires, particularly 'protest activism,' which combines protest with high levels of conventional participation and is centered among the more educated.";"Journal Article";1996;"J. C. Jenkins and M. Wallace";"The generalized action potential of protest movements: The new class, social trends, and political exclusion explanations";"Sociological Forum";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3354;"Examines the psychological consequences of the nuclear arms race. Issues addressed include concerns and fears of children, adolescents, and adults, healthy responses and identity, denial, and the periodicity of concern and activism. The author suggests that the responses of adults to the threat of nuclear war are for the majority codependent around the national leaders and nuclearist experts who are addicted to a progressively death-oriented process ensconced in secrecy, fabrications, and deceit. (French & Spanish abstracts)";"Journal Article";1992;"T. W. Keefe";"The human family and its children under the nuclear addiction";"International Social Work";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3355;"Describes the different forms of students' (14–15 yrs old) moral discourse at a Mexican secondary school, paying special attention to their judgments about teachers' arbitrary use of authority, pedagogical formality, and favoritism. The article then analyzes the historical and cultural roots of this discourse. Taking issue with situationist and organizational explanations of pupil resistance, the author argues that to fully understand students moral discourse at this school, one must examine the historical changes in local social relations and recently emergent cultural conceptions of 'rights' that inform this discourse.";"Journal Article";1998;"B. A. Levinson";"The moral construction of student rights: Discourse and judgment among Mexican secondary school students";"Journal of Contemporary Ethnography";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3356;"Used a qualitative research approach to investigate psychological aspects of involvement in the animal rights movement. Interviews were conducted with 23 rank-and-file activists, focusing on cognitive and emotional aspects of involvement with the movement, concomitant lifestyle changes, effects on interpersonal relations, and the happiness and well-being of the participants. Three main themes emerged from these interviews: a surprising degree of diversity in attitudes and behavior of the activists; major changes in lifestyle (most strove to achieve consistency between their ideals and their actions); and parallels between involvement with the animal rights movement and religious conversion.";"Journal Article";1993;"H. A. Herzog";"'The movement is my life': The psychology of animal rights activism";"Journal of Social Issues";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3357;"Investigated levels of stress and burnout related to the Palestinian intifada among 5 groups of Israelis: 32 left wingers, 35 right wingers, 32 Orthodox Jews, 30 high-ranking officers, and 30 Arabs. Ss, who were 16–74 yrs old, completed a questionnaire presented in personal interviews. Findings suggest that people are most stressed by problems related to spheres of life, but people do not burn out if they find existential significance in what they do, even if the situation is stressful. Significant differences were found in levels of burnout in the following rank order: Left, Arabs, Right, Officers, and Orthodox Jews. Differences in burnout are explained by the differences in existential significance that the intifada holds for each. The interpretation is supported by different interviews and a burnout workshop conducted with representatives of 14 peace organizations in Israel.";"Journal Article";1994;"A. M. Pines";"The Palestinian intifada and Israelis' burnout";"Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3358;"This article presents the news of assassination of Malala Yousafzai, a 15 year old girl, who was brutally attacked on her way home from school-shot in the head at point-blank range by the Taliban on 9th October 2013. Before the Taliban attempted to kill her, Yousafzai had been reaching out to people and spreading her message by using a pseudonym to write a blog for the BBC about women's rights and life under the Taliban. One year later, the shot heard round the world has given birth to a movement of change-a movement to educate girls, and the little girl from Swat Valley in Pakistan has become an international symbol of courage and hope. Since surviving the deadly attack, she has doubled her efforts and pushed awareness for education in countries where access to schools has been denied.";"Journal Article";2014;"G. Bailey";"The power of Malala";"International Social Work";;"Act";"Teens"
3359;"Assessed surveys of 75 current peace activists (aged 14–80 yrs) in terms of their most frequent rewarding and stressful experiences. The community of fellow activists was cited as both the most rewarding and most stressful aspect of being a peace activist. The meaningfulness of peace work emerged as the 2nd most common reward, and success in achieving goals was third. Failure to achieve goals was the 2nd most frequent stressful experience. Results are discussed in terms of (1) interpersonal conflict resolution among peace activists and its implications for their peace work, (2) the ability of peace activists to endure a great deal of stress in the context of their work being meaningful, and (3) the assumptions of previous research that success and failure are the most salient features of activists' experience.";"Journal Article";1992;"M. E. Gomes";"The rewards and stresses of social change: A qualitative study of peace activists";"Journal of Humanistic Psychology";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3361;"The concept of therapeutic impact was implemented and tested in 2 short-term group therapy studies, the 1st of smoking in undergraduates and the 2nd of test-anxiety in 10th and 11th graders. Impact refers to the characteristics of a therapeutic intervention or message that make it memorable for the client and easily retrievable in times of need. Two impact factors previously defined, special states (a combination of emotional arousal and surprise factors) and activism (a combination of effort, commitment, and contact factors), were employed in the creation of impact-enhanced treatment conditions, which were then compared to a basic treatment in each study. The 3 treatment conditions, taken together, were superior to the wait-list condition. In the smoking study, the impact-enhanced conditions were significantly superior to the basic treatment condition. In the anxiety study, the impact-enhanced conditions did not demonstrate statistically significant superiority over the basic treatment. The overall results were interpreted as supporting the impact model and as indicating that the impact variables may be of importance in structuring more effective treatments.";"Journal Article";1998;"H. Omer, G. Winch and R. Dar";"Therapeutic impact in treatments for smoking and test-anxiety";"Psychotherapy Research";"Israel";"Act";"Teens"
3362;"The recent school reform movement of the 1980s and 1990s has been characterized by school-based management initiatives and participatory decision-making arrangements. While much has been written about the need for teacher, parental and community involvement in school decision-making, the role of the student in these experiments has remained largely unexplored. This article considers the experiences of Chicago's Student Local School Council (LSC) representatives who share decision-making responsibilities with adults in their schools. 48 sophomore, junior, and senior high school students were surveyed and interviewed to secure their perceptions of and feelings about their participation on these decision making bodies. Results suggest that while participation fosters a sense of equality and ownership among LSC student reps, they are not given a corresponding opportunity to substantively affect policy and other changes in their schools. LSC student reps experience their participation on two levels: 1) subjective considerations; and 2) objective conditions. There appears to be a disconnect between what LSC student reps say that they feel and what they say that they actually do.";"Journal Article";2000;"M. Kaba";"'They listen to me...but they don't act on it': Contradictory consciousness and student participation in decision-making";"The High School Journal";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3363;"This paper studies the conversations and activities of an online support group for breast cancer sufferers and survivors and their supporters. Using communications medium theory and social capital theory, it examines the mundane and profound exchanges, the poignant self-disclosures, the creative expressions of solidarity, and the minor but not-insignificant political actions of people--initially strangers--who come together as a 'virtuous circle,' not only to assist with medical issues but also to meet emotional and even material needs. Sponsored by the Canadian nonprofit organization Breast Cancer Action Nova Scotia (BCANS), this virtual community has logged over a half million messages since 1996. Not every BCANS participant is an activist--many are just trying to grapple with their disease--but some find ways to shatter the professional 'information monopoly,' and to press for healthcare improvements. The study illustrates the scope, passion, and complexity of peer-to-peer medical communication in a virtual environment that promotes 'thick trust'. BCANS participants discuss with candor, warmth and even humor such painful topics as death and dying and the crises in intimate relationships brought about by a terminal illness. The sharing of confidences and fears enables participants to pool their 'collective intelligence' about many things, from how to cope with swelling, to how to think about end-of-life issues, to how to improve social policy.";"Journal Article";2006;"P. Radin and K. Landzelius";"'To me, it's my life': Medical communication, trust, and activism in cyberspace";"Social Science & Medicine";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3364;"The goals of this study were first to operationalize the notion of activism by using self-reported behaviors and second to propose and test a model of environmental activism. 733 14–92 yr olds participated in the study. The results show that the Activism Scale is an acceptable measure of environmental activism. Furthermore, the proposed motivational model of environmental activism was supported by a path analysis of the data. Within the model, individuals' levels of autonomous motivation predicted the perceived responsibility of different organizations to prevent health risks, the amount of information people obtain from various sources, and the perceived importance of problems in the environment. In turn, those latter variables predicted the perception of environmental health risks. Finally, the perception of environmental health risks predicted environmental activism. The model demonstrates the importance of autonomous motivation in the prediction of environmental activists' behaviors and the central role perceived ecological risks play in the determination of environmental activism.";"Journal Article";1998;"C. Séguin, L. G. Pelletier and J. Hunsley";"Toward a model of environmental activism";"Environment and Behavior";"Canada";"Act";"Teens"
3366;"Reviews the origins of the victims rights movement, what it has accomplished, where it may lead in the future.the past [victim compensation, victimology, the women's movement, crime and dissatisfaction, victim activism] / adolescence: growth and acceptance [public policy, program implementation, public awareness] / the present [theory and research, program and professional development, public policy] / the future [demographics, economics, technology, communication, health and health care, environment, ethics, religion, crime and violence, trauma, transnationalism, justice]";"Book Section";1997;"M. A. Young";"Victim rights and services: A modern saga";"Victims of crime, 2nd ed.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3367;"This chapter is a study of three New York City gangs and evolving intervention strategies used by three community organizations with the gangs studied. The intervention strategies are built on a premise that street organizations are integral parts of their local community and have developed skills, termed cultural capital, that can be used as an asset by their local communities to foster community development. This premise is discussed through an analysis of J. Coleman's (1987) 'functional community and social capital theory,' which suggests that functional communities are built through intergenerational relations. A discussion of Coleman's theory helps in understanding the philosophical foundations of intervention strategies. Community organizations seek to incorporate the organizational skills of New York City street organizations studied into leaders of community organizations through involvement in community activism and networking with community members. The focus of this chapter is to steer current intervention strategies away from focusing on gangs as isolated communities toward a broader perception of gangs as integral parts of the community.";"Book Section";1999;"R. Gonzalez";"Welcome home boyz: Building communities through cultural capital";"Adolescent gangs: Old issues, new approaches.";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3368;"The article focuses on the impact of culture on psychiatric/mental health nursing practice, research, and education. In the history of psychiatric treatment, deinstitutionalization, or the movement of psychiatrically ill patients from long-term psychiatric institutions into the community, occurred in die early 1960s. Communities were not prepared to provide the necessary services or support for these individuals, and multiple problems ensued. To begin, we must educate our legislative bodies about the need for carefully planned treatment programs within all communities. If at all possible, out-of-community placement should really be a last resort. I think we can put 'community' back into our community treatment efforts if we believe in the principle of community and are willing to engage in political activism on behalf of children and families with whom we work.";"Journal Article";2004;"E. L. Yearwood";"Where is the 'Community' in Community Treatment?";"Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatric Nursing";"US";"Act";"Teens"
3369;"After years of activism, risk awareness, and AIDS prevention, increasing numbers of gay men are not using condoms, and new infections of HIV are on the rise. Using case studies and exhaustive survey research, this timely, groundbreaking book allows men who have unprotected sex, a practice now known as 'barebacking,' to speak for themselves on their willingness to risk it all. Without Condoms takes a balanced look at the profound needs that are met by this seemingly reckless behavior, while at the same time exposing the role that both the Internet and club drugs like crystal methamphetamine play in facilitating high-risk sexual encounters. Michael Shernoff forces us to see that the AIDS epidemic is not over. Stakes are high, and we can't afford to ignore the voices Shernoff presents to us.";"Book";2006;"M. Shernoff";"Without condoms: Unprotected sex, gay men and barebacking";;"US";"Act";"Teens"